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Negotiating Julio-Claudian Memory: the Vespasianic Building Program and the Representation of Imperial Power in Ancient Rome Joseph V
Macalester College DigitalCommons@Macalester College Classics Honors Projects Classics Department Spring 5-2-2014 Negotiating Julio-Claudian Memory: The Vespasianic Building Program and the Representation of Imperial Power in Ancient Rome Joseph V. Frankl Macalester College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/classics_honors Part of the Ancient, Medieval, Renaissance and Baroque Art and Architecture Commons, and the Classics Commons Recommended Citation Frankl, Joseph V., "Negotiating Julio-Claudian Memory: The eV spasianic Building Program and the Representation of Imperial Power in Ancient Rome" (2014). Classics Honors Projects. Paper 19. http://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/classics_honors/19 This Honors Project is brought to you for free and open access by the Classics Department at DigitalCommons@Macalester College. It has been accepted for inclusion in Classics Honors Projects by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Macalester College. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Negotiating Julio-Claudian Memory: The Vespasianic Building Program and the Representation of Imperial Power in Ancient Rome By Joseph Frankl Advised by Professor Beth Severy-Hoven Macalester College Classics Department Submitted May 2, 2014 INTRODUCTION In 68 C.E., the Roman Emperor Nero died, marking the end of the Julio-Claudian imperial dynasty established by Augustus in 27 B.C.E (Suetonius, Nero 57.1). A year-long civil war ensued, concluding with the general Titus Flavius Vespasianus seizing power. Upon his succession, Vespasian faced several challenges to his legitimacy as emperor. Most importantly, Vespasian was not a member of the Julio-Claudian family, nor any noble Roman gens (Suetonius, Vespasian 1.1). -
The Great Fire of Rome: Life and Death in the Ancient City
Joseph J. Walsh. The Great Fire of Rome: Life and Death in the Ancient City. Witness to Ancient History Series. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2019. Illustrations. 192 pp. $19.95, paper, ISBN 978-1-4214-3371-4. Reviewed by Linda R. Gosner (Texas Tech University) Published on H-Environment (January, 2021) Commissioned by Daniella McCahey (Texas Tech University) Fires in ancient Rome were common, but the Chapter 1 is a colorful introduction to the di‐ Great Fire was the longest and largest incendiary verse hazards of everyday life in ancient Rome. disaster in the city’s history. It sprang up on July 18, Walsh vividly describes the sights, smells, sounds, 64 CE, and raged for nine days, devastating the city and tastes of the ancient city, an excellent counter and displacing thousands of residents. The event to the usual whitewashed depictions of Rome that also brought us the infamous story of the emperor focus on public monuments and urban layout Nero fiddling from his palace as the fire burned. without much of a nod to the sensory experiences Joseph J. Walsh’s new book is a lively account of of the city. He outlines the evidence for flooding, the catastrophe and its aftermath. This book is building collapse, crime, pollution, disease, and part of John Hopkins University Press’s Witness to fire. He draws primarily from poetry and prose of Ancient History series, which publishes short-form, the late republic and early empire, in which au‐ engaging monographs on events, places, and thors—including Cicero, Martial, Seneca, Plutarch, people in classical antiquity. -
Date of Revelation – AD 62
Date of Revelation – AD 62 Ed Stevens – Blue Point Conference – March 2017 INTRODUCTION: There are a significant number of traditions and opinions from the patristic writers, which have been used on both sides of this debate about the date of the book of Revelation. But very little of that uninspired patristic testimony carries any weight, simply because most of it can not be confirmed at the mouth of two or more reliable first century eyewitnesses. Most of it is merely external hearsay evidence and opinion, and some of it even tends to contradict scripture. Over 130 authors, most of whom are futurists, have advocated a pre-AD 70 date for the book of Revelation. And almost all of them place it during the reign of Nero (AD 54-68). But such a long list of writers is not a strong argument for the early date. Truth is never determined by majority vote or a popularity contest. It does not matter how many names we can stack up on either side of this debate. What does matter, however, are the reasons that these writers give to support the early date, and especially the evidence inside the book of Revelation which points most clearly and forcefully to a pre-70 date. The only kind of evidence that can decide this issue is biblical evidence, and especially that evidence which comes from inside the book of Revelation itself. So we will be focusing a lot of our attention on the internal evidence for a pre-70 date of the book of Revelation. As we all know, the interpretation of most Biblical books is not significantly affected by differences of opinion about its date of composition. -
VESPASIAN. AD 68, Though Not a Particularly Constructive Year For
138 VESPASIAN. AD 68, though not a particularly constructive year for Nero, was to prove fertile ground for senators lion the make". Not that they were to have the time to build anything much other than to carve out a niche for themselves in the annals of history. It was not until the dust finally settled, leaving Vespasian as the last contender standing, that any major building projects were to be initiated under Imperial auspices. However, that does not mean that there is nothing in this period that is of interest to this study. Though Galba, Otho and Vitellius may have had little opportunity to indulge in any significant building activity, and probably given the length and nature of their reigns even less opportunity to consider the possibility of building for their future glory, they did however at the very least use the existing imperial buildings to their own ends, in their own ways continuing what were by now the deeply rooted traditions of the principate. Galba installed himself in what Suetonius terms the palatium (Suet. Galba. 18), which may not necessarily have been the Golden House of Nero, but was part at least of the by now agglomerated sprawl of Imperial residences in Rome that stretched from the summit of the Palatine hill across the valley where now stands the Colosseum to the slopes of the Oppian, and included the Golden House. Vitellius too is said to have used the palatium as his base in Rome (Suet. Vito 16), 139 and is shown by Suetonius to have actively allied himself with Nero's obviously still popular memory (Suet. -
"Pre-Severan Diplomata and the Problem of 'Special Grants."' In
DuSaniC, Slobodan. "Pre-Severan Diplomata and the Problem of 'Special Grants."' In Heer und Integrationspolitik: Die Romischen Militardiplome als historische Quelle, edited by Werner Eck and Hartmut Wolff, 190-240. Koln: Bohlau, 1986. HEER UND INTEGRATIONSPOLITIK Die romischen Militardiplome als historische Quelle herausgegeben von WERNER ECK und HARTMUT WOLFF 1986 BOHLAU VERLAG KOLNWIEN The Problem of 'Special Grants' 191 ly (the exclusion of candidates from the provincial forces) and statisti- cally, and certainly appears more difficult to assess from the stand- point of the radical conception5. The following argumentation is Pre-Severan Diplomata and the Problem centred around the salient points of the radical theory susceptible of of 'Special Grants' modification or improvement when one considers how they have been treated in recent scholarship. Many remaining details will be Von dealt with subsequently, in other places. Slobodan DuSaniC (1) The fundamental difficulty with the (so-called) traditional thesis6,which takes the 'normal' diploma as an automatic reward for every man having spent, in major non-legionary troops, the pre- This paper has been written' in the conviction that the (so-called) scribed term of service (XXV plurave stipendia for the auxiliaries, radical theory, which "postulates that virtually all the constitutions/ XXVI [XXVIIAplurave stipendia for the sailors), arises from the indi- diplomata name only those units/soldiers possessing extraordinary cations that the material known so far (CIL XVI + RMD I + RMD 11) meritu2(mainly participants in expeditiones belli but also in certain markedly deviates from the numbers to be expected in view of the peacetime efforts3 matching, in importance, such expeditions), pro- effectives of certain units, classes of soldiers and provincial armies vides the most economical basis for interpreting the extremely com- plex features of the diplomata militaria as a documentary genre. -
Domitian's Arae Incendii Neroniani in New Flavian Rome
Rising from the Ashes: Domitian’s Arae Incendii Neroniani in New Flavian Rome Lea K. Cline In the August 1888 edition of the Notizie degli Scavi, profes- on a base of two steps; it is a long, solid rectangle, 6.25 m sors Guliermo Gatti and Rodolfo Lanciani announced the deep, 3.25 m wide, and 1.26 m high (lacking its crown). rediscovery of a Domitianic altar on the Quirinal hill during These dimensions make it the second largest public altar to the construction of the Casa Reale (Figures 1 and 2).1 This survive in the ancient capital. Built of travertine and revet- altar, found in situ on the southeast side of the Alta Semita ted in marble, this altar lacks sculptural decoration. Only its (an important northern thoroughfare) adjacent to the church inscription identifies it as an Ara Incendii Neroniani, an altar of San Andrea al Quirinale, was not unknown to scholars.2 erected in fulfillment of a vow made after the great fire of The site was discovered, but not excavated, in 1644 when Nero (A.D. 64).7 Pope Urban VIII (Maffeo Barberini) and Gianlorenzo Bernini Archaeological evidence attests to two other altars, laid the foundations of San Andrea al Quirinale; at that time, bearing identical inscriptions, excavated in the sixteenth the inscription was removed to the Vatican, and then the and seventeenth centuries; the Ara Incendii Neroniani found altar was essentially forgotten.3 Lanciani’s notes from May on the Quirinal was the last of the three to be discovered.8 22, 1889, describe a fairly intact structure—a travertine block Little is known of the two other altars; one, presumably altar with remnants of a marble base molding on two sides.4 found on the Vatican plain, was reportedly used as building Although the altar’s inscription was not in situ, Lanciani refers material for the basilica of St. -
The Burial of the Urban Poor in Italy in the Late Republic and Early Empire
Death, disposal and the destitute: The burial of the urban poor in Italy in the late Republic and early Empire Emma-Jayne Graham Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Archaeology University of Sheffield December 2004 IMAGING SERVICES NORTH Boston Spa, Wetherby West Yorkshire, LS23 7BQ www.bl.uk The following have been excluded from this digital copy at the request of the university: Fig 12 on page 24 Fig 16 on page 61 Fig 24 on page 162 Fig 25 on page 163 Fig 26 on page 164 Fig 28 on page 168 Fig 30on page 170 Fig 31 on page 173 Abstract Recent studies of Roman funerary practices have demonstrated that these activities were a vital component of urban social and religious processes. These investigations have, however, largely privileged the importance of these activities to the upper levels of society. Attempts to examine the responses of the lower classes to death, and its consequent demands for disposal and commemoration, have focused on the activities of freedmen and slaves anxious to establish or maintain their social position. The free poor, living on the edge of subsistence, are often disregarded and believed to have been unceremoniously discarded within anonymous mass graves (puticuli) such as those discovered at Rome by Lanciani in the late nineteenth century. This thesis re-examines the archaeological and historical evidence for the funerary practices of the urban poor in Italy within their appropriate social, legal and religious context. The thesis attempts to demonstrate that the desire for commemoration and the need to provide legitimate burial were strong at all social levels and linked to several factors common to all social strata. -
Ancient Narrative Volume 5
The Ancient Novels and the New Testament: Possible Contacts1 ILARIA RAMELLI Catholic University of Milan Late in the reign of Nero, in Rome, Petronius, a member of the so-called ‘Neronian Circle’ and Nero’s arbiter in matters of taste or arbiter elegantia- rum, wrote his novel, Satyricon. It was during the time of, or soon after, the first Christian persecution,2 which was initiated by Nero himself against the members of a religion that a decision of the Senate in A.D. 35 had labelled as an ‘illicit superstition.’ According to Tertullian, Tiberius in the Senate proposed to recognize the Christians’ religion, but the senators refused, and proclaimed Christianity a superstitio illicita, so that every Christian could be put to death. But Tiberius, thanks to his tribunicia potestas, vetoed the Chris- tians’ condemnations, and there was no Roman persecution until the time of Nero.3 According to Tacitus (Ann. 15, 44), in A.D. 64, at the time of the ————— 1 This article is the revised version of the paper presented at the SBL Annual Meeting, Atlanta, Nov. 22–25 2003, Ancient Fiction and Early Christian and Jewish Narrative Group. 2 See e.g. Rowell 1958, 14–24, who identifies Petraites, mentioned in Sat. 52, 3 and 71, 6 with the famous gladiator of the Neronian age; Schnur 1959, and Moreno 1962/4, accord- ing to whom the economic background of the Satyricon points to the Neronian age; Rose 1962, who dates the novel between the end of A.D. 64 and the summer of 65; Id. 1971, esp. -
Great Cloud of Witnesses.Indd
A Great Cloud of Witnesses i ii A Great Cloud of Witnesses A Calendar of Commemorations iii Copyright © 2016 by The Domestic and Foreign Missionary Society of The Protestant Episcopal Church in the United States of America Portions of this book may be reproduced by a congregation for its own use. Commercial or large-scale reproduction for sale of any portion of this book or of the book as a whole, without the written permission of Church Publishing Incorporated, is prohibited. Cover design and typesetting by Linda Brooks ISBN-13: 978-0-89869-962-3 (binder) ISBN-13: 978-0-89869-966-1 (pbk.) ISBN-13: 978-0-89869-963-0 (ebook) Church Publishing, Incorporated. 19 East 34th Street New York, New York 10016 www.churchpublishing.org iv Contents Introduction vii On Commemorations and the Book of Common Prayer viii On the Making of Saints x How to Use These Materials xiii Commemorations Calendar of Commemorations Commemorations Appendix a1 Commons of Saints and Propers for Various Occasions a5 Commons of Saints a7 Various Occasions from the Book of Common Prayer a37 New Propers for Various Occasions a63 Guidelines for Continuing Alteration of the Calendar a71 Criteria for Additions to A Great Cloud of Witnesses a73 Procedures for Local Calendars and Memorials a75 Procedures for Churchwide Recognition a76 Procedures to Remove Commemorations a77 v vi Introduction This volume, A Great Cloud of Witnesses, is a further step in the development of liturgical commemorations within the life of The Episcopal Church. These developments fall under three categories. First, this volume presents a wide array of possible commemorations for individuals and congregations to observe. -
Vigiles (The Fire Brigade)
insulae: how the masses lived Life in the city & the emperor Romans Romans in f cus With fires, riots, hunger, disease and poor sanitation being the order of the day for the poor of the city of Rome, the emperor often played a personal role in safeguarding the people who lived in the city. Source 1: vigiles (the fire brigade) In 6 AD the emperor Augustus set up a new tax and used the proceeds to start a new force: the fire brigade, the vigiles urbani (literally: watchmen of the city). They were known commonly by their nickname of spartoli; little bucket-carriers. Bronze water Their duties were varied: they fought fires, pump, used by enforced fire prevention methods, acted as vigiles, called a police force, and even had medical a sipho. doctors in each cohort. British Museum. Source 2: Pliny writes to the emperor for help In this letter Pliny, the governor of Bithynia (modern northern Turkey) writes to the emperor Trajan describing the outbreak of a fire and asking for the emperor’s assistance. Pliny Letters 10.33 est autem latius sparsum, primum violentia It spread more widely at first because of the venti, deinde inertia hominum quos satis force of the wind, then because of the constat otiosos et immobilestanti mali sluggishness of the people who, it is clear, stood around as lazy and immobile spectatores perstitisse; et alioqui nullus spectators of such a great calamity. usquam in publico sipo, nulla hama, nullum Furthermore there was no fire-engine or denique instrumentumad incendia water-bucket anywhere for public use, or in compescenda. -
Naval Training Device Center Index of Technical Reports
DOCUMENT RESUME ED 066 013 EM 010 085 AUTHOR Walker, Lemuel E. TITLE Naval Training DeviceCenter Index of Technical Reports. INSTITUTION' Naval Training Device.Center, Orlando, Fla. REPORT NO NAVTRADEV-P-3695 PUB DATE 1 Apr 72 NOTE 65p. EDRS PRICE MF-$0.65 HC-$3.29 DESCRIPTORS Bibliographies; *Government Publications; *Indexes (Locaters); *Military Training; Simulators; *Training Techniques IDENTIFIERS *Naval Training Device Center ABSTRACT Published Naval Training Device Center technical reports and some technical notes (those available through the Defense Documentation Center-DDC) which have resulted from basic research, exploratory development, and advanced development type projects are listed. The reports are indexed by technical note nuhtber, by title, and by contractor code. The index is revised once a year. (Author/JY) ,....,X...?;.;N,..,4,4,40:.W.., e:e ( 0.7 'ta....;.:.: 1 \ 1.4..0.... t,, ti W 1.1 l'.n.,:1;;;,.>,.,:,,,,: ' (- t 4,.,.y.....,..1f... ...1<:<. .,..: ;:x. ,s..:^ '<.,..i.y,W...,,z, :.i -.., .:,..< A ,1 Ke. <,, ;:, P7<<,,".:..:..7. NAVTRADEV P-3695 re I APRIL 1972 ..r;) CD C:) NAVAL TRAINING DEVICE CENTER INDEX OF TECHNICAL REPORTS Basic Research Exploratory Development Advanced Development All titles in this publication are unclassified DoD Distribution Statement U.S. DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH. EDUCATION & WELFARE OFFICE OF EDUCATION Distribution limited to U.S. Government agencies THIS DOCUMENT HAS BEEN REPRO. DUCED EXACTLY AS RECEIVED FROM only; Test and Evaluation; 1 April 1972. Other THE PERSON OR ORGANIZATION ORIG requests for this document must be referred to INATING IT POINTS OF VIEW OR OPIN- IONS STATED DO NOT NECESSARILY Ar;§ the Commanding Officer, Naval Training Device REPRESENT OFFICIAL OFFICE OF EDU CATION POSITION OR POLICY Center (Code 423) Orlando, Florida 32813. -
Vespasian's Apotheosis
VESPASIAN’S APOTHEOSIS Andrew B. Gallia* In the study of the divinization of Roman emperors, a great deal depends upon the sequence of events. According to the model of consecratio proposed by Bickermann, apotheosis was supposed to be accomplished during the deceased emperor’s public funeral, after which the senate acknowledged what had transpired by decreeing appropriate honours for the new divus.1 Contradictory evidence has turned up in the Fasti Ostienses, however, which seem to indicate that both Marciana and Faustina were declared divae before their funerals took place.2 This suggests a shift * Published in The Classical Quarterly 69.1 (2019). 1 E. Bickermann, ‘Die römische Kaiserapotheosie’, in A. Wlosok (ed.), Römischer Kaiserkult (Darmstadt, 1978), 82-121, at 100-106 (= Archiv für ReligionswissenschaftW 27 [1929], 1-31, at 15-19); id., ‘Consecratio’, in W. den Boer (ed.), Le culte des souverains dans l’empire romain. Entretiens Hardt 19 (Geneva, 1973), 1-37, at 13-25. 2 L. Vidman, Fasti Ostienses (Prague, 19822), 48 J 39-43: IIII k. Septembr. | [Marciana Aug]usta excessit divaq(ue) cognominata. | [Eodem die Mati]dia Augusta cognominata. III | [non. Sept. Marc]iana Augusta funere censorio | [elata est.], 49 O 11-14: X[— k. Nov. Fausti]na Aug[usta excessit eodemq(ue) die a] | senatu diva app[ellata et s(enatus) c(onsultum) fact]um fun[ere censorio eam efferendam.] | Ludi et circenses [delati sunt. — i]dus N[ov. Faustina Augusta funere] | censorio elata e[st]. Against this interpretation of the Marciana fragment (as published by A. Degrassi, Inscr. It. 13.1 [1947], 201) see E.