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Perceptions of Dialect Standardness in Puerto Rican Spanish
Perceptions of Dialect Standardness in Puerto Rican Spanish Jonathan Roig Advisor: Jason Shaw Submitted to the faculty of the Department of Linguistics in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Arts Yale University May 2018 Abstract Dialect perception studies have revealed that speakers tend to have false biases about their own dialect. I tested that claim with Puerto Rican Spanish speakers: do they perceive their dialect as a standard or non-standard one? To test this question, based on the dialect perception work of Niedzielski (1999), I created a survey in which speakers of Puerto Rican Spanish listen to sentences with a phonological phenomenon specific to their dialect, in this case a syllable- final substitution of [R] with [l]. They then must match the sounds they hear in each sentence to one on a six-point continuum spanning from [R] to [l]. One-third of participants are told that they are listening to a Puerto Rican Spanish speaker, one-third that they are listening to a speaker of Standard Spanish, and one-third are told nothing about the speaker. When asked to identify the sounds they hear, will participants choose sounds that are more similar to Puerto Rican Spanish or more similar to the standard variant? I predicted that Puerto Rican Spanish speakers would identify sounds as less standard when told the speaker was Puerto Rican, and more standard when told that the speaker is a Standard Spanish speaker, despite the fact that the speaker is the same Puerto Rican Spanish speaker in all scenarios. Some effect can be found when looking at differences by age and household income, but the results of the main effect were insignificant (p = 0.680) and were therefore inconclusive. -
Language in the USA
This page intentionally left blank Language in the USA This textbook provides a comprehensive survey of current language issues in the USA. Through a series of specially commissioned chapters by lead- ing scholars, it explores the nature of language variation in the United States and its social, historical, and political significance. Part 1, “American English,” explores the history and distinctiveness of American English, as well as looking at regional and social varieties, African American Vernacular English, and the Dictionary of American Regional English. Part 2, “Other language varieties,” looks at Creole and Native American languages, Spanish, American Sign Language, Asian American varieties, multilingualism, linguistic diversity, and English acquisition. Part 3, “The sociolinguistic situation,” includes chapters on attitudes to language, ideology and prejudice, language and education, adolescent language, slang, Hip Hop Nation Language, the language of cyberspace, doctor–patient communication, language and identity in liter- ature, and how language relates to gender and sexuality. It also explores recent issues such as the Ebonics controversy, the Bilingual Education debate, and the English-Only movement. Clear, accessible, and broad in its coverage, Language in the USA will be welcomed by students across the disciplines of English, Linguistics, Communication Studies, American Studies and Popular Culture, as well as anyone interested more generally in language and related issues. edward finegan is Professor of Linguistics and Law at the Uni- versity of Southern California. He has published articles in a variety of journals, and his previous books include Attitudes toward English Usage (1980), Sociolinguistic Perspectives on Register (co-edited with Douglas Biber, 1994), and Language: Its Structure and Use, 4th edn. -
Language and Dialect Contact in Spanish in New York: Toward the Formation of a Speech Community
LANGUAGE AND DIALECT CONTACT IN SPANISH IN NEW YORK: TOWARD THE FORMATION OF A SPEECH COMMUNITY RICARDO OTHEGUY ANA CELIA ZENTELLA DAVID LIVERT Graduate Center, University of California, Pennsylvania State CUNY San Diego University, Lehigh Valley Subject personal pronouns are highly variable in Spanish but nearly obligatory in many contexts in English, and regions of Latin America differ significantly in rates and constraints on use. We investigate language and dialect contact by analyzing these pronouns in a corpus of 63,500 verbs extracted from sociolinguistic interviews of a stratified sample of 142 members of the six largest Spanish-speaking communities in New York City. A variationist approach to rates of overt pro- nouns and variable and constraint hierarchies, comparing speakers from different dialect regions (Caribbeans vs. Mainlanders) and different generations (those recently arrived vs. those born and/ or raised in New York), reveals the influence of English on speakers from both regions. In addition, generational changesin constrainthierarchiesdemonstratethat Caribbeansand Mainlandersare accommodating to one another. Both dialect and language contact are shaping Spanish in New York City and promoting, in the second generation, the formation of a New York Spanish speech community.* 1. INTRODUCTION. The Spanish-speaking population of New York City (NYC), which constitutesmorethan twenty-five percent of the City’stotal, tracesitsorigins to what are linguistically very different parts of Latin America. For example, Puerto Rico and Mexico, the sources of one of the oldest and one of the newest Spanish- speaking groups in NYC respectively, have been regarded as belonging to different areasfrom the earliesteffortsat dividing Latin America into dialect zones(Henrı ´quez Uren˜a 1921, Rona 1964). -
Coarticulation Between Aspirated-S and Voiceless Stops in Spanish: an Interdialectal Comparison
Coarticulation between Aspirated-s and Voiceless Stops in Spanish: An Interdialectal Comparison Francisco Torreira University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign 1. Introduction In a large number of Spanish dialects, representing many of the world’s Spanish speakers, /s/ is reduced to or deleted entirely in word-internal preconsonantal position (e.g. /este/ → [ehte], este ‘this’), in word-final preconsonantal position (e.g. /las#toman/ → [lahtoman], las toman ‘they take them’), and/or in prepausal position (e.g. /komemos/ → [komemo(h)], comemos ‘we eat’). In those dialects considered the most phonologically innovative (such as the Spanish of Andalusia, Extremadura, Canary Islands, Hispanic Caribbean, Pacific coast of South America), /s/ debuccalization is also found in prevocalic environments word-finally (e.g. /las#alas/ → [lahala], las alas ‘the wings’) and even word-internally, this phenomenon being less common (e.g. /asi/ → [ahi], así ‘this way’). When considered in detail, the manifestations of aspirated-s can be very different depending on dialectal, phonetic and even sociolinguistic factors. Only in preconsonantal position, for example, different s-apirating dialects behave differently; and, even within each dialect and in preconsonantal position, different manifestations arise as a result of the consonant type following aspirated-s. In this study, I show that aspirated-s before voiceless stops has different phonetic characteristics in Western Andalusian, on one part, and Puerto Rican and Porteño Spanish on the other. While Western Andalusian exhibits consistent postaspiration and shorter or inexistent preaspiration, Puerto Rican and Porteño display consistent preaspiration but no postaspiration. Moreover, Andalusian Spanish voiceless stops in /hC/ clusters show a longer closure than voiceless stops in other conditions, a contrast that does not apply for Porteño and Puerto Rican Spanish. -
Variation and Change in Latin American Spanish and Portuguese
Variation and change in Latin American Spanish and Portuguese Gregory R. Guy New York University Fieldworker:¿Que Ud. considera ‘buen español? New York Puerto Rican Informant: Tiene que pronunciar la ‘s’. Western hemisphere varieties of Spanish and Portuguese show substantial similarity in the patterning of sociolinguistic variation and change. Caribbean and coastal dialects of Latin American Spanish share several variables with Brazilian Portuguese (e.g., deletion of coda –s, –r). These variables also show similar social distribution in Hispanic and Lusophone communities: formal styles and high status speakers are consonantally conservative, while higher deletion is associated with working class speakers and informal styles. The regions that show these sociolinguistic parallels also share common historical demographic characteristics, notably a significant population of African ancestry and the associated history of extensive contact with African languages into the 19th C. But contemporary changes in progress are also active, further differentiating Latin American language varieties. Keywords: Brazilian Portuguese, Latin American Spanish, coda deletion, variation and change. 1. Introduction The Spanish and Portuguese languages have long been the objects of separate tradi- tions of scholarship that treat each of them in isolation. But this traditional separation is more indicative of political distinctions – Spain and Portugal have been separate nation-states for almost a millennium – than of any marked linguistic differences. In fact, these two Iberian siblings exhibit extensive linguistic resemblance, as well as no- tably parallel and intertwined social histories in the Americas. As this volume attests, these languages may very fruitfully be examined together, and such a joint and com- parative approach permits broader generalizations and deeper insights than may be obtained by considering each of them separately. -
Understanding the Tonada Cordobesa from an Acoustic
UNDERSTANDING THE TONADA CORDOBESA FROM AN ACOUSTIC, PERCEPTUAL AND SOCIOLINGUISTIC PERSPECTIVE by María Laura Lenardón B.A., TESOL, Universidad Nacional de Río Cuarto, 2000 M.A., Spanish Translation, Kent State University, 2003 M.A., Hispanic Linguistics, University of Pittsburgh, 2009 Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Dietrich School of Arts and Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Pittsburgh 2017 UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH DIETRICH SCHOOL OF ARTS AND SCIENCES This dissertation was presented by María Laura Lenardón It was defended on April 21, 2017 and approved by Dr. Shelome Gooden, Associate Professor of Linguistics, University of Pittsburgh Dr. Susana de los Heros, Professor of Hispanic Studies, University of Rhode Island Dr. Matthew Kanwit, Assistant Professor of Linguistics, University of Pittsburgh Dissertation Advisor: Dr. Scott F. Kiesling, Professor of Linguistics, University of Pittsburgh ii Copyright © by María Laura Lenardón 2017 iii UNDERSTANDING THE TONADA CORDOBESA FROM AN ACOUSTIC, PERCEPTUAL AND SOCIOLINGUISTIC PERSPECTIVE María Laura Lenardón, PhD University of Pittsburgh, 2017 The goal of this dissertation is to gain a better understanding of a non-standard form of pretonic vowel lengthening or the tonada cordobesa, in Cordobese Spanish, an understudied dialect in Argentina. This phenomenon is analyzed in two different but complementary studies and perspectives, each of which contributes to a better understanding of the sociolinguistic factors that constrain its variation, as well as the social meanings of this feature in Argentina. Study 1 investigates whether position in the intonational phrase (IP), vowel concordance, and social class and gender condition pretonic vowel lengthening from informal conversations with native speakers (n=20). -
Subject-Verb Word-Order in Spanish Interrogatives: a Quantitative Analysis of Puerto Rican Spanish1
Near-final version (February 2011): under copyright and that the publisher should be contacted for permission to re-use or reprint the material in any form Brown, Esther L. & Javier Rivas. 2011. Subject ~ Verb word-order in Spanish interrogatives: a quantitative analysis of Puerto Rican Spanish. Spanish in Context 8.1, 23–49. Subject-verb word-order in Spanish interrogatives: A quantitative analysis of Puerto Rican Spanish1 Esther L. Brown and Javier Rivas We conduct a quantitative analysis of conversational speech from native speakers of Puerto Rican Spanish to test whether optional non-inversion of subjects in wh-questions (¿qué tú piensas?) is indicative of a movement in Spanish from flexible to rigid word order (Morales 1989; Toribio 2000). We find high rates of subject expression (51%) and a strong preference for SV word order (47%) over VS (4%) in all sentence types, inline with assertions of fixed SVO word order. The usage-based examination of 882 wh-questions shows non-inversion occurs in 14% of the cases (25% of wh- questions containing an overt subject). Variable rule analysis reveals subject, verb and question type significantly constrain interrogative word order, but we find no evidence that word order is predicted by perseveration. SV word order is highest in rhetorical and quotative questions, revealing a pathway of change through which word order is becoming fixed in this variety. Keywords: word order, language change, Caribbean Spanish, interrogative constructions 1. Introduction In typological terms, Spanish is characterized as a flexible SVO language. As has been shown by López Meirama (1997: 72), SVO is the basic word order in Spanish, with the subject preceding the verb in pragmatically unmarked independent declarative clauses with two full NPs (Mallinson & Blake 1981: 125; Siewierska 1988: 8; Comrie 1989). -
How Gibraltar Got Its Name Bond Was Here
Travel Bond was here From the Rock, we also had great views of many yachts moored in the marinas. Gibraltar Harbour may look familiar to 007 aficionados. In You Only Live Twice, Sean Connery was supposedly buried at sea in Hong Kong Harbour, but the ruse burial was actually filmed from the HMS Tenby in Gibraltar Harbour. The Upper Rock was the 1987 film location for The Living Daylights. The opening NATO exercise scene starred Timothy Dalton, with some mischievous macaques as extras. Sean Connery liked Gibraltar so much that he married his first and second wives here. Gibraltar Harbour where Sean Connery starred in You Only Live Twice Another James Bond, Roger Moore and his new wife honeymooned in Gibraltar. Sean Connery and Diane Cilento stayed Until we travelled here, we didn’t know that at The Rock Hotel after their wedding. Gibraltar is an excellent place for viewing In 1969, John Lennon and Yoko Ono signed Completely different is the Sunborn Gibraltar, dolphins year-round. Our Dolphin Adventure their marriage papers at the Registry Office. a floating hotel inside a 142-metre yacht. It’s ticket pictured the most common species that Charles and Diana boarded the royal yacht located in Ocean Village Marina, from where frolic in the Bay of Gibraltar – bottlenose, Britannia in Gibraltar for their 11-day dolphin-watching cruises depart. common and striped. Mediterranean cruise honeymoon. Pedestrians walk through one of the arched gates by the Southport Wall How Gibraltar got its name Much of the town centre is protected by the the rock above the town. -
Mexican Slang Ese “Dude, Buddy” and Its Iberian Caló-Romani Antecedents
Studia Linguistica Universitatis Iagellonicae Cracoviensis 138 (2021): 135–143 doi:10.4467/20834624SL.21.012.13706 www.ejournals.eu/Studia-Linguistica WILLIAM SAYERS Cornell University, Ithaca [email protected] ORCID: 0000-0001-9406-6649 MEXICAN SLANG ESE “DUDE, BUDDY” AND ITS IBERIAN CALÓ-ROMANI ANTECEDENTS Keywords: Caló, Romani, slang, pronouns Abstract Use of the demonstrative pronoun ese “that, that man” in familiar North American Span- ish speech is traced to Andalusian Spanish and the influence of Caló, the cryptolect of the Iberian Roma. In early para-Romani, the inherited four-term deictic system (situational/ contextual, general/specific) yields to the very differently organized Romance three-part paradigm (este, ese, aquel), as, concurrently, Caló locative adverbs often replace personal pronouns. Yet, even after the wholesale replacement of Caló demonstratives by Spanish forms, the function of an earlier deictic vocative phrasing is maintained in ese, to be understood as you, right there, my conversational partner. Substitution among pronouns and pronominal adjectives is infrequent in the dy- namic interplay between languages but, as the introduction of Old Norse þeim into the Old English paradigm of personal pronouns as them illustrates, is not without precedent. This note on the speculative history, semantics, and register of the Span- ish masculine demonstrative adjective and pronoun ese “that, that one”, as used in Mexico and the south-western United States, begins with another analogy, this too drawn from English. TheOxford English dictionary defines the now dated term cove as a “fellow, chap, customer; sometimes = boss” and states that it originated in slang and thieves’ cant (OED s.v. -
Spanish-Based Creoles in the Caribbean
Spanish-based creoles in the Caribbean John M. Lipski The Pennsylvania State University Introduction The Caribbean Basin is home to many creole languages, lexically related to French, English, and—now only vestigially—Dutch. Surrounded by Spanish-speaking nations, and with Portuguese-speaking Brazil not far to the south, the Caribbean contains only a single creole language derived from a (highly debated) combination of Spanish and Portuguese, namely Papiamentu, spoken on the Netherlands Antilles islands of Curaçao and Aruba. If the geographical confines of the designation `Caribbean’ are pushed a bit, the creole language Palenquero, spoken in the Afro-Colombian village Palenque de San Basilio, near the port of Cartagena de Indias, also qualifies as a Spanish-related creole, again with a hotly contested Portuguese component. There are also a number of small Afro-Hispanic enclaves scattered throughout the Caribbean where ritual language, songs, and oral traditions suggest at least some partial restructuring of Spanish in small areas. Finally, there exists a controversial but compelling research paradigm which asserts that Spanish as spoken by African slaves and their immediate descendents may have creolized in the 19th century Spanish Caribbean—particularly in Cuba—and that this putative creole language may have subsequently merged with local varieties of Spanish, leaving a faint but detectable imprint on general Caribbean Spanish. A key component of the inquiry into Spanish-related contact varieties is the recurring claim that all such languages derive from earlier Portuguese-based pidgins and creoles, formed somewhere in West Africa1 and carried to the Americas by slaves transshipped from African holding stations, and by ships’ crews and slave traders. -
Stony Brook University
SSStttooonnnyyy BBBrrrooooookkk UUUnnniiivvveeerrrsssiiitttyyy The official electronic file of this thesis or dissertation is maintained by the University Libraries on behalf of The Graduate School at Stony Brook University. ©©© AAAllllll RRRiiiggghhhtttsss RRReeessseeerrrvvveeeddd bbbyyy AAAuuuttthhhooorrr... The Peculiarities and Distinctions of (Puerto Rican) Spanish in New York A Thesis Presented by Nicholas James Figueroa to The Graduate School in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in Hispanic Languages and Literatures (Hispanic Linguistics) Stony Brook University August 2013 Copyright by Nicholas James Figueroa 2013 Stony Brook University The Graduate School Nicholas James Figueroa We, the thesis committee for the above candidate for the Master of Arts degree, hereby recommend acceptance of this thesis. Elena Davidiak – Thesis Advisor Professor at the Department of Hispanic Languages and Literatures Francisco Ordóñez – Second Reader Professor at the Department of Linguistics This thesis is accepted by the Graduate School Charles Taber Interim Dean of the Graduate School ii Abstract The Peculiarities and Distinctions of (Puerto Rican) Spanish in New York by Nicholas James Figueroa Master of Arts in Hispanic Languages and Literatures (Hispanic Linguistics) Stony Brook University 2013 The purpose of this study is to investigate and compile a better understanding of the peculiarities and distinctions of the current Puerto Rican dialect of the Spanish Language, spoken particularly in selective neighborhoods within the boroughs of New York State. The main focus of this research thesis will be a historical overview of the characteristics of the Puerto Rican dialect from how it began to form to its transpiration to its current level, elaborating on a better understanding of the context. -
Lorain Puerto Rican Spanish and 'R' in Three Generations
Lorain Puerto Rican Spanish and ‘r’ in Three Generations Michelle F. Ramos-Pellicia George Mason University 1. Problem Retroflex ‘r’ in coda position, has been documented in the Spanish of the Yucatan Peninsula, central areas of Costa Rica, Belize, other parts of Central America, as well as in the US Southwest (Alonso 1930; Cassano 1973, 1977; Figueroa and Hislope 1998; Hagerty 1996; Lastra de Suárez 1975; Lipski 1994; Orenstein 1974; Sánchez 1972). In these dialects, the retroflex pronunciation generally has been assumed to result from American English (AE) influence, but the cause has not been directly studied. The analysis of retroflex /r/ in Puerto Rican Spanish in Lorain, Ohio --where contact with English is ongoing and variable-- presents counterevidence to the hypothesized AE source of retroflex /r/. In this article, I discuss the frequency patterns of use for ‘r’ among three generations of Puerto Ricans in Lorain, Ohio. The retroflex ‘r’ is most common in the third generation, a fact which is consistent with AE influence. However, if AE were the source, we would expect the lowest frequency of the retroflex in the first generation Puerto Ricans, as they are presumed to have the least contact with English. In fact, however, first generation speakers use a retroflex ‘r’ in their readings in Spanish more frequently than the second generation. The AE influence explanation is, then, problematic, and despite the evidence from the second and third generations, the occurrence of ‘r’ in the first generation cannot be attributed solely to AE influence. In addition to offering possible explanations of the data, I discuss methodological issues in the operationalization and measurement of 'language contact'.