COMPARATIVE URBAN STUDIES PROJECT URBAN UPDATE

September 2007 NO. 12 Cities and Fundamentalisms

WRITTEN BY:

Nezar AlSayyad, Professor of Architecture, Planning, and Urban History & Chair of the Center for Middle Eastern Studies, University of California at Berkeley;

Mejgan Massoumi, Program Assistant, Comparative Urban Studies Project (2005-2007);

Mrinalini Rajagopalan, Assistant Professor, Draper Faculty Fellow (The City), New York University.

With the unanticipated resur- gence of religious and ethnic loy- alties across the world, commu- nities are returning to, reinvigo- rating, and giving new meaning to religions and their common practices. Islam, Christianity, Judaism, and Hinduism, among others, are experiencing new in- fl uxes of commitments and tra- ditions. These changes have been coupled with the breakdown of order and of state power under the neo-liberal economic para- Top Row, Left to Right: Salwa Ismail, Mrinalini Rajagopalan, Raka Ray, Blair Ruble, Renu Desai, Nezar AlSayyad. Bottom Row, Left to Right: digm of civil society which have Omri Elisha, Emily Gottreich, Mona Harb, Mejgan Massoumi. created vacuums in the provi- sion of social services. Religious groups in many countries around the world are increasingly providing those services left unattended to by state bureaucracies. The once sacred divide between church and COMPARATIVE URBAN STUDIES PROJECT

state or the confi nement of religion to the pri- fundamentalisms in several parts of the world. The vate sphere is now being vigorously challenged systematic transformation of the urban landscape as radical religious groups not only gain ground through various strategies of religious funda- within sovereign nation-states but in fact forge mentalism has led to the redefi nition of minority enduring and powerful transnational connections space in many cities. In turn, urban environments by expanding their memberships with blind or have been seized as the new scale at which con- obedient recruits. Meanwhile, the spread of global temporary radical religious movements mobilize. terrorism (and the equally brutal measures to con- Keeping this general context in mind, the “Cities tain it) have been inadequately explained either as and Fundamentalisms,” workshop was arranged a “clash of civilizations” or as an irreconcilable rift around the following key questions: When do between Third World traditions and First World certain religious rituals/customs turn into exclu- modernities. It would, of course, be a grave sim- sionary practices that ultimately lead to funda- plifi cation to view religious orthodoxies or doc- mentalist positions? What are the contemporary trines as the cause of terrorist violence or to deal expressions of these new forms of radical religios- with fundamentalisms as isolated phenomena, di- ity in the space of the city? In a global landscape vorced from the various economic, political, and increasingly fragmented by religious ideologies social vectors that shape the contemporary mo- and frictions, who claims the right to the city? ment of globalization. In his book, The Right to the City: Social Justice In partnership with the Center for Middle and the Fight for Public Space, Don Mitchell has ar- Eastern Studies (CMES) at the University of gued that that exclusive cities erode our collective California at Berkeley, the Comparative Urban social repertoires and allow the rise of brittle, fear- Studies Project hosted a two-day introductory ful, and unimaginative spaces, citizens, and soci- workshop from June 15-16, 2007 titled “Cities eties. This project seeks to better understand the dynamics of inclusion and exclusion within cities that are dominated by “The systematic transformation of the urban righteous groups. How are they al- tering the face of the urban landscape landscape through various strategies of through their claims to the city? What religious fundamentalism has led to the follows are a few defi ning key points and questions raised throughout the redefi nition of minority space in many cities. introductory sessions. In turn, urban environments have been seized The workshop started with an important discussion of the varying as the new scale at which contemporary defi nitions of fundamentalism, and a revisiting of the popular uses of radical religious movements mobilize.” the term and dictionary defi nitions from sources such as the Oxford and Fundamentalisms.” This workshop juxta- English Dictionary and the American Heritage posed and analyzed the cross-relations between Dictionary. Although neither of these is con- two of important phenomena of our contem- temporary and also quite different from one an- porary world: the fi rst is the historic transition other, they are in consensus that fundamentalism of the majority of the world’s population from may simply be defi ned as the strict maintenance a rural to urban existence and the second is the of orthodox traditional religious beliefs or doc- robust, albeit unexpected, emergence of religious trines. In terms of scholarly investigation, Martin

2 WOODROW WILSON INTERNATIONAL CENTER FOR SCHOLARS Although fundamentalism is a categorization that “This project is very has principally been based on religion and religious affi liation, the members of this workshop agreed specifi cally called ‘Cities that the term is very problematic. For instance, the and Fundamentalisms’ and complex nature of various forms of religious ex- pression which often get labeled as ‘fundamen- addresses both the urban talist,’ even when active affi liates of the religious group reject the terms themselves. The term itself component and radical religious does not capture the array of meanings associated movements in the plural in with it and moreover its usage in popular parlance tends to obfuscate its particular historical origins order to stress, that cities in nineteenth century Protestant movements in and fundamentalisms are not the United States. In sum, the participants found it diffi cult to ground a single defi nition of the term; monolithic, and that they range however, there were a few agreements. The group in a wide spectrum.” referred to ideologies and movements being clas- sifi ed as fundamentalist not only because they are orthodox, but because they involve the active E. Marty and Scott Appleby were among the fi rst demonstration of resistance against modernity, to recognize the growing interest in fundamental- secularism, the nation, or the state via the rhetoric ism in the early 1990s. The American Academy of of religious recovery. Members also agreed that as Arts and Sciences supported their “Fundamentalism opposed to ultra-traditionalist movements which Project” which lasted from 1993 to 1998 and in- are prefaced on a retreat or disengagement from volved many scholars and experts. The fi ve-volume the public sphere (for example, as espoused by the publication that resulted from this project argues Amish communities of North America); funda- that there is a family resemblance within fundamen- mentalism is accompanied by activist strategies, talisms and to a certain extent unites movements where the public sphere is used to showcase the within the religious traditions of Christianity, Islam, engagement of that struggle. Second, fundamen- Judaism, Hinduism, Sikhism, and Buddhism. Marty talism has negative political connotations that are and Appleby also argue that even as fundamentalists not always accurate to the frame of reference, and react to certain tenets of modernity, they frequently the traditional defi nition of the term does not ac- employ modern tools in the technology and devices count for the interplay of different forms of reli- they use to achieve their goals and attract adher- gious expression that are connected to issues of ence. In other words, while fundamentalists reject class, gender, historical trajectories, etc. The par- the values that are grounded in modernization, they ticipants fi nally agreed that, fundamentalism is do so without rejecting the means of modernity it- the hegemony of the majority and only when the self. Indeed, it might be argued that the essential majority recognizes that the rights of the minor- relation between fundamentalism and modernity is ity must be equally attended to and claimed can less antagonistic and more transactional. Critics of democracy prevail. What then, does this have to the Martin and Appleby project have also pressed do with cities? the possibility that radical religious movements are The city has been very important to the formu- further motivated by social, ethnic, or nationalistic lation of fundamentalism as an ideological frame- grievances—elements that need careful study in any work. Whether fundamentalism is essentially rural investigation of fundamentalisms. or urban does in fact change from place to place.

3 CITIES AND FUNDAMENTALISMS

This project is very specifi cally called “Cities and radical religious movements are seeking aggres- Fundamentalisms” and addresses both the urban sively to redefi ne the terms of citizenship in the component and radical religious movements in city and problematize its moral and cultural fac- the plural in order to stress, that cities and fun- ets. In essence, fundamentalist religiosity seeks damentalisms are not monolithic, and that they to recalibrate the individual’s relationship to the range in a wide spectrum. The group agreed that nation, the state, or the city. An underlying con- there are increasingly different types of cities and cern within the discussions was the variety of different types of fundamentalisms which can help ways in which dominant religious groups use identify urban trends around fundamentalism and exclusionary mechanisms through their claims vice versa. For example, one modality of investiga- to righteousness to guard their right to the city tion that was suggested was the association of each and in the process, shape the current landscape type of fundamentalism with an iconic city based of cities. In the process of trying to distinguish on historical, cultural, or religious importance. A themselves, they engage in the practice of in- closer examination of the history of fundamental- cluding and excluding large portions of the ist movements reveals that events in small towns population and controlling access and mobility and sometimes even villages found their most within urban space. violent repercussions in major cities. For instance, Other issues that the group discussed had to the Gujarat riots that started in 2002 in India, do with the growing fear of demographically may have originated in the towns of Ayodhya and small numbers within societies that have a large Godhra, but quickly found their way to larger cit- religious constituency—a theoretical framework ies such as Bombay and Ahmedabad. In the case of Kabul, the Taliban and Al Qaeda found their most violent “A closer examination of the history of repercussions by strategically target- ing cities across the world. A closer fundamentalist movements reveals that examination of these cities as nodes events in small towns and sometimes of violent spectacle might help identify particular types of urbanity even villages found their most violent or an urban imaginary that under- lies contemporary fundamentalisms. repercussions in major cities.” Furthermore, fundamentalism has always been linked to authority, whether em- that has been advanced by Arjun Appadurai in his bodied in a single person or manifested in a par- book, Fear of Small Numbers. For example, in India ticular text. Religious texts are often appropri- majority Hindu religious groups view Muslim ated as historical sources by those who subscribe minorities as a threat to society. Similarly, Shi’a to the fundamentalism and these documents be- majority groups in Iraq perceive the minority come the basis of their claims. There is a crucial Sunni’s as a hazard to peace and security. In societ- component of space (urban as well as national), ies where the majority is increasingly popular, how because often times the imposition of funda- can the fear of the minority be explained? Indeed, mentalism on the landscape requires creative ar- fundamentalist actions are often justifi ed as a re- ticulations that the religious text cannot justify sponse to a real, perceived, or imagined threat. At as these are often ambiguous about essentially some point, all fundamentalisms become defi ned modern constructions such as the nation-state against one another and are often in response to or the city. Furthermore, the group agreed that each other. In the effort to homogenize society

URBAN UPDATE 4 CITIES AND FUNDAMENTALISMS under one radical religious umbrella, resistance, no analysis and this project hopes to expand the dis- matter how small, is a threat and difference is unac- cussion to illuminate the disjunctures within the ceptable. The idea that individuals should be uni- larger urban condition. formly subjugated to one overarching community Our second gathering will take shape as an in- leaves little room for choice and a lot of room for terdisciplinary public symposium at the University the surrendering of urban citizenship rights. of California, Berkeley in November of 2007, The workshop ended with an understanding with local faculty to engage in discussions and en- that fundamentalism is a concept that is much rich our debates. Our third gathering to be held contested and the remaining challenge of this in Europe or the Middle East in 2008 will en- project will be to articulate the precise connec- gage select core group members to present their tions and interface between fundamentalisms and fi nal research fi ndings and participate as keynote the urban condition. The group and organizers of speakers as part of a larger conference supported this project also aim to extend this discussion to by a future affi liate. Finally, a concluding publi- the historical intricacies of religious fundamen- cation will distill the research fi ndings, drawing talism that has been complicated by the current conclusions as policy recommendations. In addi- moment. Globalization, religious and ethnic rac- tion to its uniquely urban perspective, the project ism, and the “war on terror,” have highlighted an will take an interdisciplinary and comparative ap- interest into the study of radical religious groups proach to highlight various case studies. The goal but are often pursued under tainted assumptions, is to make empirical evidence and the latest in misconceptions, and one-dimensional views scholarship accessible to a broad audience of aca- about them. These complexities demand a richer demics, policymakers, and practitioners. •

URBAN UPDATE 5 WOODROW WILSON INTERNATIONAL CENTER FOR SCHOLARS Lee H. Hamilton, President and Director

BOARD OF TRUSTEES Joseph B. Gildenhorn, Chair David A. Metzner, Vice Chair PUBLIC MEMBERS: James H. Billington, Librarian of Congress; Bruce Cole, Chair, National Endowment for the Humanities; Michael O. Leavitt, Secretary, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services; Tamala L. Longaberger, designated appointee within the Federal Government; Condoleezza Rice, Secretary, U.S. Department of State; Cristián Samper, Acting Secretary, Smithsonian Institution; Margaret Spellings, Secretary, U.S. Department of Education; Allen Weinstein, Archivist of the United States; PRIVATE CITIZEN MEMBERS: Robert B. Cook, Donald E. Garcia, Bruce S. Gelb, Sander Gerber, Charles L. Glazer, Susan Hutchison, Ignacio E. Sanchez

The COMPARATIVE URBAN STUDIES PROJECT (CUSP) of the Woodrow Wilson Center was established in 1991 in an effort to bring together U.S. policymakers and urban researchers in a substantive discussion about how to build the viable urban governance structures and strong democratic civic culture that are essential for sustaining cities. Research priorities for CUSP include urban health, poverty alleviation, youth populations and confl ict, and immigrant communities in cities. This publication is made possible through support provided by the Urban Programs Team of the Offi ce of Poverty Reduction in the Bureau of Economic Growth, Agriculture and Trade, U.S. Agency for International Development under the terms of the Cooperative Agreement No. GEW-A-00-02-00023-00. The opinions expressed herein are those of the authors and do not necessarily refl ect the views of the U.S. Agency for International Development or the Woodrow Wilson Center.

Project Chair: Blair A. Ruble Project Associate: Allison Garland Project Assistant: Mejgan Massoumi Graphic Design: Lianne Hepler

For more information about the Comparative Urban Studies Project, please go to the CUSP website: www.wilsoncenter.org/cusp.

COVER IMAGES COURTESY OF PHOTOSHARE 304-10 Eldoret, Kenya © 2003 RUINET, Members of the Rural Information Network (RUINET) carry out a street cleaning activity in the slums of Eldoret, Kenya. 292-56 Nairobi, Kenya © 2005 Felix Masi, A woman in Kibera, Africa’s largest slum in Nairobi, Kenya. 998-67 Dhaka, Bangladesh © 2001 Jean Sack/ICDDRB, Old Dhaka on a Friday holiday after mosque prayers.

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