Heteropatriarchy and the Three Pillars of White
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Systemic Classism, Systemic Racism: Are Social and Racial Justice Achievable in the United States?
Systemic Classism, Systemic Racism: Are Social and Racial Justice Achievable in the United States? THOMAS KLEVEN† I. INTRODUCTION The thesis of this article is that the United States is systemically a highly classist and racist society, that classism and racism are interrelated and overlapping phenomena, and that the achievement of a non- classist/non-racist society requires a mass movement of working-class people of all ethnicities for social and racial justice for all. By systemic classism/racism I mean that the political and economic institutions of the society are structured and operate to systematically disadvantage working-class people in general, and ethnic minorities in particular, and to systematically advantage a relatively small and largely white upper elite class, and a rather substantial and predominantly white upper middle class. By systemic advantage/disadvantage I mean that the opportunities to succeed in life are unequally distributed along class and racial lines, and that society’s institutions produce and perpetuate this class/race hierarchy. The discussion of race focuses primarily on African Americans and Hispanics, both of whom have been systematically disadvantaged on account of ethnicity.1 As the society’s largest disadvantaged minorities, † Professor of Law, Thurgood Marshall School of Law, Texas Southern University. I would like to thank my colleagues who attended and made helpful comments on an earlier draft of the article presented at a Faculty Quodlibet at the law school in November, 2007. I would especially like to thank Asmara Tekle-Johnson for suggestions on how better to organize the article, and Jon Levy for pointing out errors in and suggesting sources for the historical parts of the article. -
Racial Critiques of Mass Incarceration: Beyond the New Jim Crow
RACIAL CRITIQUES OF MASS INCARCERATION: BEYOND THE NEW JIM CROW JAMES FORMAN, JR.* In the last decade, a number of scholars have called the American criminal justice system a new form of Jim Crow. These writers have effectively drawn attention to the injustices created by a facially race-neutral system that severely ostracizes offenders and stigmatizes young, poor black men as criminals. I argue that despite these important contributions, the Jim Crow analogy leads to a distorted view of mass incarceration. The analogy presents an incomplete account of mass incarceration’s historical origins, fails to consider black attitudes toward crime and punishment, ignores violent crimes while focusing almost exclusively on drug crimes, obscures class distinctions within the African American community, and overlooks the effects of mass incarceration on other racial groups. Finally, the Jim Crow analogy diminishes our collective memory of the Old Jim Crow’s particular harms. INTRODUCTION In the five decades since African Americans won their civil rights, hundreds of thousands have lost their liberty. Blacks now make up a larger portion of the prison population than they did at the time of Brown v. Board of Education, and their lifetime risk of incarceration has doubled. As the United States has become the world’s largest jailerand its prison population has exploded, black men have been particularly affected. Today, black men are imprisoned at 6.5 times the rate of white men. While scholars have long analyzed the connection between race and America’s criminal justice system, an emerging group of scholars and advocates has highlighted the issue with a provocative claim: They argue that our growing penal system, with its black tinge, constitutes nothing less than a new form of Jim Crow. -
ABSTRACT Arab American Racialization and Its Effect
ABSTRACT Arab American Racialization and its Effect oniAmerican Islamophobiaa in the United States Catherine Haseman Director: Dr. Lisa Lacy, Ph.D. Over the past few years, anti-Muslim and anti-Arab rhetoric and discrimination has surged. Prejudice against Arabs and Muslims has moved from the fringes of American society to the mainstream. The American Islamophobic discourse is so deeply rooted in U.S. history, culture, and society that we often misunderstand its origins as well as its manifestations. This paper proposes a critical dialogue about how to understand one contested concept (Islamophobia) by using another contested one (racialization). This paper seeks to understand if--and if so, to what extent--racialization is central to understanding America’s pernicious brand of Islamophobia. In addition to reviewing the historical connection between racialization and Islamophobia, this paper analyzes the results of a survey of Texans’ views of Islam and Muslims. The survey results are used to understand how racialized conceptions of Arab Muslims correspond with Islamophobic tropes. APPROVED BY DIRECTOR OF HONORS THESIS: ____________________________________________ Dr. Lisa Lacy, Department of History APPROVED BY THE HONORS PROGRAM: __________________________________________________ Dr. Elizabeth Corey, Director DATE: _________________________________ ARAB AMERICAN RACIALIZATION AND ITS EFFECTS ON AMERICAN ISLAMOPHOBIA A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of Baylor University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Honors Program -
Psychological Study of Sex & Gender
Updated last on October 9, 2020 Psychological Study of Sex & Gender PSY 2240 [4-credits] Fall 2020 Özge Savaş (she/her) || [email protected] || Barn 214A Class meets online Every Monday and Thursday, 2-4:30pm Student (office) hours online Every Wednesday, 1:30-3:30pm (and by appointment) COURSE DESCRIPTION & OBJECTIVES Why is the first thing people want to know about a baby is their gender/sex? How are children socialized into gender/sex binaries? How do dominant social and cultural formations actually produce men and women? How is gender/sex related to sexuality? What is it that we are attracted to in another person? Body frames? Masculinity/femininity? Having a penis or a vagina/vulva? How does gender/sex depend on other categories such as race/ethnicity, nationality, class, religion, and ability? How do interlocking systems of oppression (e.g. sexism, racism, classism, xenophobia, ableism) influence people’s lives? In this class, we will learn to make evidence-based arguments about gender and sex while situating lived experiences of women and sexual minorities in context, gain media literacy in examining examples from pop culture, understand the role of heteropatriarchal and racist ideologies and institutions in social inequity, and learn to think and write critically about gender in its social, cultural, historical and political context. LEARNING GOALS § Explain how dominant social and cultural formations of gender actually produce women and men, girls and boys. § Identify interlocking systems of oppression (i.e. heteropatriarchy, transphobia, racism, classism, xenophobia, ableism) and analyze the relationship of gender other categories (i.e. race, ethnicity, nationality, ability, class, sexuality). -
Heteropatriarchy and the Three Pillars of White Supremacy Rethinking Women of Color Organizing
Heteropatriarchy and the Three Pillars of White Supremacy Rethinking Women of Color Organizing Andrea Smith Scenario #1 A group of women of color come together to organize. An argu- ment ensues about whether or not Arab women should be included. Some argue that Arab women are "white" since they have been classified as such in the US census. Another argument erupts over whether or not Latinas qualify as "women of color," since some may be classified as "white" in their Latin American countries of origin and/or "pass" as white in the United States. Scenario #2 In a discussion on racism, some people argue that Native peoples suffer from less racism than other people of color because they gen- erally do not reside in segregated neighborhoods within the United States. In addition, some argue that since tribes now have gaming, Native peoples are no longer "oppressed." Scenario #3 A multiracial campaign develops involving diverse conpunities of color in which some participants charge that we must stop the blacklwhite binary, and end Black hegemony over people of color politics to develop a more "multicultural" framework. However, this campaign continues to rely on strategies and cultural motifs developed by the Black Civil Rights struggle in the United States. These incidents, which happen quite frequently in "women of color" or "pee;' of color" political organizing struggles, are often explained as a consequenii. "oppression olympics." That is to say, one problem we have is that we are too b::- fighting over who is more oppressed. In this essay, I want to argue that thescir- dents are not so much the result of "oppression olympics" but are more abour t-, we have inadequately framed "women of color" or "people of color" politics. -
Straight Identity Power Jake Beardsley, College of William and Mary
1 Straight Identity Power Jake Beardsley, College of William and Mary Abstract: By adapting Miranda Fricker’s concept of identity power, I develop the concept of Straight Identity Power, which is available to persons who are perceived as heterosexual and cisgender. Although it is possible for queer and feminist activists to use Straight Identity Power to further some political ends, doing so is ultimately detrimental, as it necessarily reinforces heterosexist and patriarchal mores. Queer feminists should instead challenge core heterosexist ideals holistically, by employing Queer Identity Power. __________________________________________________________________ In her book, Epistemic Injustice, Miranda Fricker defines identity power as a “form of social power” which requires “imaginative social co-ordination” relating to social identity.1 Using a modified version of this concept, I will propose the concept of Straight Identity Power (SIP), or identity power which is available to certain people because of the perception that they are heterosexual and cisgender. I will demonstrate that access to SIP2 is contingent not on a stable sexual or gender identity, but on a person’s ability to perform cisheterosexuality in a given context. Although cautiously relying on SIP may aid some queer or feminist activists in achieving their most immediate political goals, doing so is necessarily detrimental to the advancement of gender equality. To oppose heteropatriarchy successfully, activists must target heteropatriarchal mores without relying on SIP. Part I. Terms SIP is social power which is available to a person because of the perception that they are heterosexual and cisgender. Rather than conferring any particular goods onto those who possess it, SIP grants a limited range of power to enforce cisheterosexual mores, and also to improve one’s own standing within a heterosexist framework. -
Literary Modernism, Queer Theory, and the Trans Feminine Allegory
UC Irvine FlashPoints Title The New Woman: Literary Modernism, Queer Theory, and the Trans Feminine Allegory Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/11z5g0mz ISBN 978081013 5550 Author Heaney, Emma Publication Date 2017-08-01 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California The New Woman The FlashPoints series is devoted to books that consider literature beyond strictly national and disciplinary frameworks, and that are distinguished both by their historical grounding and by their theoretical and conceptual strength. Our books engage theory without losing touch with history and work historically without falling into uncritical positivism. FlashPoints aims for a broad audience within the humanities and the social sciences concerned with moments of cultural emergence and transformation. In a Benjaminian mode, FlashPoints is interested in how liter- ature contributes to forming new constellations of culture and history and in how such formations function critically and politically in the present. Series titles are available online at http://escholarship.org/uc/fl ashpoints. series editors: Ali Behdad (Comparative Literature and English, UCLA), Edi- tor Emeritus; Judith Butler (Rhetoric and Comparative Literature, UC Berkeley), Editor Emerita; Michelle Clayton (Hispanic Studies and Comparative Literature, Brown University); Edward Dimendberg (Film and Media Studies, Visual Studies, and European Languages and Studies, UC Irvine), Founding Editor; Catherine Gallagher (English, UC Berkeley), Editor Emerita; Nouri Gana (Comparative Lit- erature and Near Eastern Languages and Cultures, UCLA); Susan Gillman (Lit- erature, UC Santa Cruz), Coordinator; Jody Greene (Literature, UC Santa Cruz); Richard Terdiman (Literature, UC Santa Cruz), Founding Editor A complete list of titles begins on p. -
LGBT Rights, Homonationalisms, Europeanization and Post
Old Ties and New Binds: LGBT Rights, Homonationalisms, Europeanization and Post- War Legacies in Serbia Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Sonnet D’Amour Gabbard, B.A., M.A. Graduate Program in Women’s, Gender, and Sexuality Studies The Ohio State University 2017 Dissertation Committee: Jennifer Anne Suchland, Advisor Christine Keating Shannon Winnubst Copyrighted by Sonnet D’Amour Gabbard 2017 Abstract My dissertation examines the historic links between the anti-war activists in Serbia with the current efforts and work for LGBT justice and rights. As an interdisciplinary scholar, my work integrates a variety of epistemologies across disciplines by putting anti-war and LGBT activists experience in Serbia into conversation with one another to address unique vulnerabilities. Drawing from transnational feminist and queer critiques of governance, (homo)nationalism, and transnational sexuality studies, I consider how new non- heterosexual identity politics—with roots in anti-war activism—have surfaced in Serbia since the Kosovo War. I argue that it is at the intersection of anti-war and LGBT organizing that new and conflicting identity politics have emerged, in part as a reaction to a pro-war hyper-nationalism and neoliberal globalization. ii Dedication I write this in memory of Jill Benderly, who taught me to be unapologetically me and to fight until my last breath for justice and peace. I love you. I miss you. iii Acknowledgments When I think about the scores of people, creatures, and plant life that have helped me arrive at this journey I am overwhelmed with emotion and humility. -
Heteropatriarchy Kills: Challenging Gender Violence in a Prison Nation
Washington University Journal of Law & Policy Volume 37 Access to Justice: Mass Incarceration and Masculinity Through a Black Feminist Lens January 2011 Heteropatriarchy Kills: Challenging Gender Violence in a Prison Nation Angela P. Harris University of California, Davis Follow this and additional works at: https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/law_journal_law_policy Part of the Civil Rights and Discrimination Commons, Law and Society Commons, and the Law Enforcement and Corrections Commons Recommended Citation Angela P. Harris, Heteropatriarchy Kills: Challenging Gender Violence in a Prison Nation, 37 WASH. U. J. L. & POL’Y 13 (2011), https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/law_journal_law_policy/vol37/iss1/3 This Essay is brought to you for free and open access by the Law School at Washington University Open Scholarship. It has been accepted for inclusion in Washington University Journal of Law & Policy by an authorized administrator of Washington University Open Scholarship. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Heteropatriarchy Kills: Challenging Gender Violence in a Prison Nation Angela P. Harris ABSTRACT We need an analysis that furthers neither the conservative project of sequestering millions of men of color in accordance with the contemporary dictates of globalized capital and its prison industrial complex, nor the equally conservative project of abandoning poor women of color to a continuum of violence that extends from the sweatshops through the prisons, to shelters, and into bedrooms at home. How do we develop analyses and organizing strategies against violence against women that acknowledge the race of gender and the gender of race?1 Professor of Law, University of California-Davis School of Law (King Hall). -
Jim Crow Laws. in the Streets, Resistance Turned Violent
TEACHING TEACHING The New Jim Crow TOLERANCE LESSON 4 A PROJECT OF THE SOUTHERN POVERTY LAW CENTER TOLERANCE.ORG Jim Crow as a Form of Racialized Social Control THE NEW JIM CROW by Michelle Alexander CHAPTER 1 The Rebirth of Caste The Birth of Jim Crow The backlash against the gains of African Americans in the Reconstruction Era was swift and severe. As African Americans obtained political power and began the long march to- ward greater social and economic equality, whites reacted with panic and outrage. South- ern conservatives vowed to reverse Reconstruction …. Their campaign to “re- deem” the South was reinforced by a resurgent Ku Klux Klan, which fought a BOOK terrorist campaign against Reconstruction governments and local leaders, EXCERPT complete with bombings, lynchings, and mob violence. The terrorist campaign proved highly successful. “Redemption” resulted in the withdrawal of federal troops from the South and the effective aban- donment of African Americans and all those who had fought for or supported an egalitarian racial order. The federal government no longer made any effort to enforce federal civil rights legislation … . Once again, vagrancy laws and other laws defining activities such as “mischief ” and “insult- ing gestures” as crimes were enforced vigorously against blacks. The aggressive enforce- ment of these criminal offenses opened up an enormous market for convict leasing, in Abridged excerpt which prisoners were contracted out as laborers to the highest private bidder. from The New Jim Crow: Mass Incar- Convicts had no meaningful legal rights at this time and no effective redress. They were ceration in the Age understood, quite literally, to be slaves of the state. -
Some Women's Work: Domestic Work, Class, Race, Heteropatriarchy, and the Limits of Legal Reform
Michigan Journal of Race and Law Volume 16 2011 Some Women's Work: Domestic Work, Class, Race, Heteropatriarchy, and the Limits of Legal Reform Terri Nilliasca City University of New York School of Law Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjrl Part of the Civil Rights and Discrimination Commons, Labor and Employment Law Commons, Law and Race Commons, and the Legislation Commons Recommended Citation Terri Nilliasca, Some Women's Work: Domestic Work, Class, Race, Heteropatriarchy, and the Limits of Legal Reform, 16 MICH. J. RACE & L. 377 (2011). Available at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjrl/vol16/iss2/1 This Note is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Michigan Journal of Race and Law by an authorized editor of University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. SOME WOMEN'S WORK: DOMESTIC WORK, CLASS, RACE, HETEROPATRIARCHY, AND THE LIMITS OF LEGAL REFORM Terri Nilliasca* This Note employs Critical Race, feminist, Marxist, and queer theory to analyze the underlying reasons for the exclusion of domes- tic workers from legal and regulatory systems. The Note begins with a discussion of the role of legal and regulatory systems in upholding and replicating White supremacy within the employer and domestic worker relationship.The Note then goes on to argue that the 1hite, feminist movement's emphasis on access to wage laborfurther subju- gated Black and immigrant domestic workers. Finally, I end with an in-depth legal analysis of New York's Domestic Worker Bill of Rights, the nation's first state law to specifically extend legal protec- tions to domestic workers. -
Slavery As a Form of Racialized Social Control
TEACHING TEACHING The New Jim Crow TOLERANCE LESSON 3 A PROJECT OF THE SOUTHERN POVERTY LAW CENTER TOLERANCE.ORG Slavery as a Form of Racialized Social Control THE NEW JIM CROW by Michelle Alexander CHAPTER 1 The Rebirth of Caste The Birth of Slavery The concept of race is a relatively recent development. Only in the past few centuries, ow- ing largely to European imperialism, have the world’s people been classified along racial lines.1 Here, in America, the idea of race emerged as a means of reconciling chattel slavery— as well as the extermination of American Indians—with the ideals of freedom preached by whites in the new colonies. BOOK In the early colonial period, when settlements remained relatively small, EXCERPT indentured servitude was the dominant means of securing cheap labor. Under this system, whites and blacks struggled to survive against a com- mon enemy, what historian Lerone Bennett Jr. describes as “the big planter apparatus and a social system that legalized terror against black and white bonds-men.”2 Initially, blacks brought to this country were not all enslaved; many were treated as indentured servants. As plantation farming expanded, particularly tobacco and cotton farming, demand increased greatly for both labor and land. The demand for land was met by invading and conquering larger and larger swaths of terri- tory [held by American Indians]. Abridged excerpt from The New Jim The growing demand for labor on plantations was met through slavery. American Indians Crow: Mass Incar- were considered unsuitable as slaves, largely because native tribes were clearly in a posi- ceration in the Age tion to fight back.