The Expanded National Security Doctrine of the Brazilian Military Its Implications for the Restoration of Democracy in Brazil 1964 - 1970

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The Expanded National Security Doctrine of the Brazilian Military Its Implications for the Restoration of Democracy in Brazil 1964 - 1970 University of Montana ScholarWorks at University of Montana Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers Graduate School 1974 The expanded national security doctrine of the Brazilian military its implications for the restoration of democracy in Brazil 1964 - 1970 David Ellerton Wanzenried The University of Montana Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Wanzenried, David Ellerton, "The expanded national security doctrine of the Brazilian military its implications for the restoration of democracy in Brazil 1964 - 1970" (1974). Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers. 8821. https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd/8821 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at ScholarWorks at University of Montana. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at University of Montana. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE EXPANDED NATIONAL SECURITY DOCTRINE OF THE BRAZILIAN MILITARY: ITS IMPLICATIONS FOR THE RESTORATION OF DEMOCRACY IN BRAZIL, 1964-197U By David Ellerton Wanzenried B.A., University o£ Montana, 1971 Presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts UNIVERSITY OF MONTANA 1974 Approved by: Chairman, Board of Examiners GradKafe School Date 7 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. UMI Number: EP39622 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. UMT Di»*«rt*tion Publ«h«^ UMI EP39622 Published by ProQuest LLC (2013). Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS A task once completed represents the product of coopera­ tion, guidance, and inspiration. Of the many individuals who assisted in this enterprise, several deserve special recogni­ tion. I would like to convey my heartfelt thanks to Dr. Chris Field, Dr. Louis D. Hayes, and especially Dr. Leo B. Lott for serving as members of my Committee. Their suggestions and un­ tiring cooperation, both in the conceptual and final stages of this thesis, repeatedly provided fresh insights and renewed determination. A special note of thanks is extended to Sue Rabold, for diligently transforming a confusing rough draft into clean and clear typescript, and to Mike and Murray for their time­ less diversions. Finally, I would like to dedicate this personal achieve­ ment to my late mother, whose teachings inspired me to under­ take this task, and to my wife, Linda, whose patience and encouragement helped me to complete it. For those in the future who might feel mine was a genera­ tion of wasteful consumers, let it be known that the entire rough draft of this work was written on the reverse side of o]d examinations, namely on recycled paper. 11 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgments ..................................... ii Chapter INTRODUCTION Introductory Comment Scope and Objectives of the Study Aspects of Civil-Military Relations in Brazil Brazil’s "Democratic Experience" The "Revolution of 1964" Definitions and Methods II PHASE ONE OF THE "REVOLUTION": THE ARMED FORCES ASSUME GOVERNMENTAL POWER .................. 44 Factors Leading to the Assumption of Power An Interim Military Regime is Assured Gastello Branco: The First President of the "Revolution" Acts of Political Reform: Signs of Tension The Elections of October, 1965: Pursuit of Electoral "Normalcy" The "Revolution" Solves the Problem of Succession Institutional Act. #4 : Institutionalizing the "Revolution" The First Phase of the "Revolution": An Assessment III PHASE TWO OF THE "REVOLUTION": DISILLUSIONMENT AND POLARIZATION............................. 110 Gastello Branco’s "Revolutionary" Legacy Costa e Silva: Humanizing the "Revolution" Problems with the Opposition 1963: Confrontation and Reaction Institutional Act #5: Another Military Crisis Resolved The Second Phase of the "Revolution": An Overview 111 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. IV REVOLUTIONARY PRINCIPLES WITHSTAND A '’REVOLUTION WITHIN THE REVOLUTION"............................. 152 Implanting a Military Dictatorship Reforms within the "Revolution within the Revolution" A "Revolutionary" Development: A Military Junta Takes Over Congress "Elects" Medici : Recreating the Facade of Democracy Medici: Hope, Wait, and See V THE NEW FRAMEWORK OF POLITICAL EXPECTATIONS . 198 Deviation from the poder moderador Isolation of the Military Regime from Civilian Influences Prospects for the Restoration of Democracy APPENDIX................................................. 216 SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY ................................... 217 IV Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Introductory Comment ’’Covenants, without the sword, are but words . wrote Thomas Hobbes.^ Indeed, at the root of all but the most primitive of social organizations there must lie the sanction of force: force to assure order, to prevent rebellion at home, and to subdue enemies abroad. The manner in which that force is organized and controlled will significantly influence the interaction of political actors, both at home and abroad. In Latin America the armed forces have always held a mo­ nopoly over the control of force, the ultimate argument in 2 their nation's politics. It is not so strange, then, that militarism, or "the domination of the military man over the civilian, the undue emphasis on military demands, or any transcendence of ’true military purposes’,!’^ is extremely ■^Thomas Hobbes, The Leviathan, ed. by Michael Oakeshott (London: H. R. Mowbray and Co., 1946), p. 109. 2 Robert J. Alexander, Latin American Politics and Gov­ ernment (New York: Harper and Ross, 1965], p. 85. 3 John J. Johnson, "The Latin American Military as a Politically Competing Group in Transitional Society," in The Role of the Military in Underdeveloped Countries, ed. by John J. Johnson'(Princeton: Princeton University Press, Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. common in Latin America. Imparting some perspective to the political relationship between the armed forces and the civilian groups in Latin America, Elizabeth H. Hyman has commented: Realistically, the military has to be seen as a force within the Latin American political uni­ verse which is highly interrelated with civilian political forces. While the Latin American mili­ tary is clearly "outside" the political party structure as such, still political parties are not by any means the exclusive centers of activity in Latin American politics, and many disparate nonparty forces belong within the political world. Among a miscellaneous collection of nonparty "ir­ regular" forces--including unions, student orga­ nizations, radical churchmen, economic pressure groups and foreign governments--which contend in political contests and confrontations, the mili­ tary is merely one, albeit often the most effective, non-party force in the political process.4 The effectiveness of the armed forces, as a nonparty force, is related to the unique potential it possesses in competing with other nonparty forces in attempting to influence the political process. The military is more than a pressure group for it periodically assumes governing authority, and, therefore, "the center of power upon which it is supposedly exerting pressure 1962), p. 91. For a corresponding definition and an indispens­ able discussion of militarism, see Alfred Vagts, A History of Militarism (New York: W. W. Norton and Company,. 1937) , pp. 12- 15. For a discussion of the various levels of militarism, see Martin Needier, Latin American Politics in Perspective (Prince ton: D. Van NostiFand and Company, Inc., 1963), pp. 65-69. "^Elizabeth H. Hyman, "Soldiers in Politics: New Insights on Latin American Armed Forces," Political Science Quarterly, LXXXVII (September, 1972), 409. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. becomes occupied by the pressure group itself. Charles D. Corbett has suggested some causes and charac­ teristics of extramilitary activity in Latin America in recent years : Once the officer’s professional or military- oriented education is rounded out by graduation from the general staff course, and he finds him­ self involved in larger issues, he becomes con­ cerned about the anomalies of his profession in a region that has had a minimum of international conflict. In the absence of a serious short- range external threat, he frequently universal­ izes the communist threat to the "Western, Christian" world and posits a role
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