Testimony of a Stateless Child in Detention in Egypt
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Of the United Nations Mission in the DRC / MONUC – MONUSCO
Assessing the of the United Nations Mission in the DRC / MONUC – MONUSCO REPORT 3/2019 Publisher: Norwegian Institute of International Affairs Copyright: © Norwegian Institute of International Affairs 2019 ISBN: 978-82-7002-346-2 Any views expressed in this publication are those of the author. Tey should not be interpreted as reflecting the views of the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs. Te text may not be re-published in part or in full without the permission of NUPI and the authors. Visiting address: C.J. Hambros plass 2d Address: P.O. Box 8159 Dep. NO-0033 Oslo, Norway Internet: effectivepeaceops.net | www.nupi.no E-mail: [email protected] Fax: [+ 47] 22 99 40 50 Tel: [+ 47] 22 99 40 00 Assessing the Efectiveness of the UN Missions in the DRC (MONUC-MONUSCO) Lead Author Dr Alexandra Novosseloff, International Peace Institute (IPI), New York and Norwegian Institute of International Affairs (NUPI), Oslo Co-authors Dr Adriana Erthal Abdenur, Igarapé Institute, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil Prof. Tomas Mandrup, Stellenbosch University, South Africa, and Royal Danish Defence College, Copenhagen Aaron Pangburn, Social Science Research Council (SSRC), New York Data Contributors Ryan Rappa and Paul von Chamier, Center on International Cooperation (CIC), New York University, New York EPON Series Editor Dr Cedric de Coning, NUPI External Reference Group Dr Tatiana Carayannis, SSRC, New York Lisa Sharland, Australian Strategic Policy Institute, Canberra Dr Charles Hunt, Royal Melbourne Institute of Technology (RMIT) University, Australia Adam Day, Centre for Policy Research, UN University, New York Cover photo: UN Photo/Sylvain Liechti UN Photo/ Abel Kavanagh Contents Acknowledgements 5 Acronyms 7 Executive Summary 13 Te effectiveness of the UN Missions in the DRC across eight critical dimensions 14 Strategic and Operational Impact of the UN Missions in the DRC 18 Constraints and Challenges of the UN Missions in the DRC 18 Current Dilemmas 19 Introduction 21 Section 1. -
Banyamulenge, Congolese Tutsis, Kinshasa
Response to Information Request COD103417.FE Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada www.irb-cisr.gc.ca Français Home Contact Us Help Search canada.gc.ca Home > Research > Responses to Information Requests RESPONSES TO INFORMATION REQUESTS (RIRs) New Search | About RIRs | Help The Board 31 March 2010 About the Board COD103417.FE Biographies Organization Chart Democratic Republic of the Congo: The treatment of the Banyamulenge, or Congolese Tutsis, living in Kinshasa and in the provinces of North Kivu and South Employment Kivu Legal and Policy Research Directorate, Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada, Ottawa References Publications Situation of the Banyamulenge in Kinshasa Tribunal Several sources consulted by the Research Directorate indicated that the Refugee Protection Banyamulenge, or Congolese Tutsis, do not have any particular problems in Division Kinshasa (Journalist 9 Mar. 2010; Le Phare 22 Feb. 2010; VSV 18 Feb. 2010). Immigration Division During a 18 February 2010 telephone interview with the Research Directorate, Immigration Appeal a representative of Voice of the Voiceless for the Defence of Human Rights (La Voix Division des sans voix pour les droits de l'homme, VSV), a human rights non-governmental Decisions organization (NGO) dedicated to defending human rights in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) (VSV n.d.), stated that his organization has never Forms been aware of [translation] “a case in which a person was mistreated by the Statistics authorities or the Kinshasa population in general” solely because that person was Research of Banyamulenge ethnic origin. Moreover, in correspondence sent to the Research Directorate on 22 February 2010, the manager of the Kinshasa newspaper Le Phare Research Program wrote the following: National Documentation [translation] Packages There are no problems where the Banyamulenge-or Tutsis-in Kinshasa are Issue Papers and concerned. -
Kitona Operations: Rwanda's Gamble to Capture Kinshasa and The
Courtesy of Author Courtesy of Author of Courtesy Rwandan Patriotic Army soldiers during 1998 Congo war and insurgency Rwandan Patriotic Army soldiers guard refugees streaming toward collection point near Rwerere during Rwanda insurgency, 1998 The Kitona Operation RWANDA’S GAMBLE TO CAPTURE KINSHASA AND THE MIsrEADING OF An “ALLY” By JAMES STEJSKAL One who is not acquainted with the designs of his neighbors should not enter into alliances with them. —SUN TZU James Stejskal is a Consultant on International Political and Security Affairs and a Military Historian. He was present at the U.S. Embassy in Kigali, Rwanda, from 1997 to 2000, and witnessed the events of the Second Congo War. He is a retired Foreign Service Officer (Political Officer) and retired from the U.S. Army as a Special Forces Warrant Officer in 1996. He is currently working as a Consulting Historian for the Namib Battlefield Heritage Project. ndupress.ndu.edu issue 68, 1 st quarter 2013 / JFQ 99 RECALL | The Kitona Operation n early August 1998, a white Boeing remain hurdles that must be confronted by Uganda, DRC in 1998 remained a safe haven 727 commercial airliner touched down U.S. planners and decisionmakers when for rebels who represented a threat to their unannounced and without warning considering military operations in today’s respective nations. Angola had shared this at the Kitona military airbase in Africa. Rwanda’s foray into DRC in 1998 also concern in 1996, and its dominant security I illustrates the consequences of a failure to imperative remained an ongoing civil war the southwestern Bas Congo region of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). -
1 Democratic Republic of the Congo
Democratic Republic of the Congo – Researched and compiled by the Refugee Documentation Centre of Ireland on 2 March 2015 Is there a risk by reason of ethnicity or political opinion to members of the Bembe ethnic group or persons who oppose the Banyamulenge living in Uvira, South Kivu, Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) from: A. The Banyamulenge? B. The Mai Mai? C. DRC State Forces ? An Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada response to a request for information on the Bembe ethnic group states: “The Wabembe, also called the Bembe or Babembe, live in the province of South Kivu, in the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of Congo (RDC). Like most members of other ethnic groups in the area, the majority of the Babembe strongly oppose the presence of foreign troops in RDC, particularly the Rwandan military, whom they consider [translation] 'invaders.' The Babembe generally support the central government led by Joseph Kabila, and they oppose the Congolese Rally for Democracy (Rassemblement congolais pour la démocratie, RCD), a rebel movement that sided with Rwanda against the government in the early stages of the war in August 1998. Nevertheless, some Babembe, though they are in the minority, support the RCD's fight against Kabila's regime.” (Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada (1 October 2004) Democratic Republic of Congo: The situation of members of the Wabembe ethnic group in South Kivu, including the existence of a group called Emo Imbondo, whose objective is to remove the government, the Banyarwanda (Rwandans) and the rebels, -
The Banyamulenge Tutsi Survivors of the Gatumba Refugee Camp Massacre
© 2007 Center for Applied Linguistics The contents of this publication were developed under an agreement nanced by the Bureau of Population, Refugees, and Migration, United States Department of State, but do not necessarily represent the policy of that agency and should not assume endorsement by the Federal Government. The U.S. Department of State reserves a royalty-free, nonexclusive, and irrevocable right to reproduce, publish, or otherwise use, and to authorize others to use, this work for Government purposes. The Banyamulenge Tutsi Survivors of the Gatumba Refugee Camp Massacre Lubumbashi, and other Congolese cities were attacked, killed, and later imprisoned (in some cases for their own The Need for Resettlement safety). From 1999 to 2000, the United States accepted for in the United States resettlement some of these imprisoned families, who had The resettlement of the Gatumba massacre survivors is, in been referred to U.S. refugee officials by the United Nations essence, a humanitarian rescue mission of a group of people High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). These individuals for whom there are no other good options. became the core of the current Banyamulenge community in There are three internationally accepted solutions to a refu- America. gee situation. The first and best solution is for the refugees to After the peace agreement in 2003 between the various return to their own homes, safely and voluntarily. The second- rebel movements and the Congolese government, Congolese best solution is for them to integrate into the communities Tutsi hoped that they would no longer be discriminated where they have fled; these are often places that are familiar against and subject to violence. -
The Banyamulenge Tutsi Survivors of the Gatumba Refugee Camp Massacre
COR Center Refugee Backgrounder No.1 February 2007 The Banyamulenge Tutsi Survivors of the Gatumba Refugee Camp Massacre In February 2007, the United States, through the Bureau of Population, Refugees, and Migration at the U.S. Department of State, will begin resettling about 600 Banyamulenge Tutsi from the Democratic Republic insiDE: of the Congo. The refugees are survivors of a brutal attack in 2004 by 2 The Need for Resettlement Hutu extremists on unarmed Banyamulenge residents of the Gatumba in the United States Refugee Camp in Burundi, near the Congolese border. The massacre was the latest episode in a 10-year history of violent persecution against 2 Cultural Attributes the Banyamulenge Tutsi in the Congo. of the Banyamulenge The Gatumba survivors will be joining a small community of 4 The Gatumba Survivors: Banyamulenge Tutsi refugees who first began arriving in the United States in 2000. To help U.S. resettlement agency staff better understand Resettlement Considerations and thus better assist the refugee newcomers, this Backgrounder pro- 6 Banyamulenge at a Glance vides basic information about the Banyamulenge Tutsi in general and the Gatumba massacre survivors in particular. Who Are the Banyamulenge? Before their displacement, the Banyamulenge Tutsi were pastoralists living in COR Center Backgrounders provide key information about the High Plateaux region of South Kivu province, in the eastern Congo. They new refugee groups for U.S. resettlement workers. are devout Christians and speak Kinyamulenge, a language closely related to Kinyarwanda and Kirundi, the national languages of Rwanda and The contents of this Backgrounder were developed Burundi respectively. with funding from the Bureau of Population, Refugees, and Migration, United States Department of State. -
Writenet Democratic Republic of The
writenet is a network of researchers and writers on human rights, forced migration, ethnic and political conflict WRITENET writenet is the resource base of practical management (uk) e-mail: [email protected] independent analysis DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO: PROSPECTS FOR PEACE AND NORMALITY A Writenet Report by François Misser commissioned by United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, Emergency and Security Services March 2006 Caveat: Writenet papers are prepared mainly on the basis of publicly available information, analysis and comment. The papers are not, and do not purport to be, either exhaustive with regard to conditions in the country surveyed, or conclusive as to the merits of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. The views expressed in the paper are those of the author and are not necessarily those of Writenet or Practical Management. TABLE OF CONTENTS Acronyms ................................................................................................... i Executive Summary ................................................................................. ii 1 Introduction........................................................................................1 2 Recent Developments.........................................................................1 2.1 Political Developments.................................................................................1 2.2 Humanitarian and Security Developments ...............................................2 3 Overview of Political and Security Risk Factors -
In Search of Peace: an Autopsy of the Political Dimensions of Violence in the Democratic Republic of Congo
IN SEARCH OF PEACE: AN AUTOPSY OF THE POLITICAL DIMENSIONS OF VIOLENCE IN THE DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO By AARON ZACHARIAH HALE A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2009 1 © 2009 Aaron Zachariah Hale 2 To all the Congolese who helped me understand life’s difficult challenges, and to Fredline M’Cormack-Hale for your support and patience during this endeavor 3 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I was initially skeptical about attending The University of Florida (UF) in 2002 for a number of reasons, but attending UF has been one of the most memorable times of my life. I have been so fortunate to be given the opportunity to study African Politics in the Department of Political Science in a cozy little town like Gainesville. For students interested in Africa, UF’s Center for African Studies (CAS) has been such a fantastic resource and meeting place for all things African. Dr. Leonardo Villalón took over the management of CAS the same year and has led and expanded the CAS to reach beyond its traditional suit of Eastern and Southern African studies to now encompass much of the sub-region of West Africa. The CAS has grown leaps and bounds in recent years with recent faculty hires from many African and European countries to right here in the United States. In addition to a strong and committed body of faculty, I have seen in my stay of seven years the population of graduate and undergraduate students with an interest in Africa only swell, which bodes well for the upcoming generation of new Africanists. -
Securing Legitimate Stability in the Drc: External Assumptions and Local Perspectives
SECURING LEGITIMATE STABILITY IN THE DRC: EXTERNAL ASSUMPTIONS AND LOCAL PERSPECTIVES Policy Study hans hoebeke, jair van der lijn, tim glawion and nikki de zwaan STOCKHOLM INTERNATIONAL PEACE RESEARCH INSTITUTE SIPRI is an independent international institute dedicated to research into conflict, armaments, arms control and disarmament. Established in 1966, SIPRI provides data, analysis and recommendations, based on open sources, to policymakers, researchers, media and the interested public. The Governing Board is not responsible for the views expressed in the publications of the Institute. GOVERNING BOARD Ambassador Jan Eliasson, Chair (Sweden) Dr Dewi Fortuna Anwar (Indonesia) Dr Vladimir Baranovsky (Russia) Espen Barth Eide (Norway) Jean-Marie Guéhenno (France) Dr Radha Kumar (India) Dr Patricia Lewis (Ireland/United Kingdom) Dr Jessica Tuchman Mathews (United States) DIRECTOR Dan Smith (United Kingdom) Signalistgatan 9 SE-169 70 Solna, Sweden Telephone: +46 8 655 97 00 Email: [email protected] Internet: www.sipri.org SECURING LEGITIMATE STABILITY IN THE DRC: EXTERNAL ASSUMPTIONS AND LOCAL PERSPECTIVES Policy Study hans hoebeke, jair van der lijn, tim glawion and nikki de zwaan September 2019 Authors’ note This paper is one of three in a collection comprising two policy studies and a policy report that synthesizes the two studies. In addition to this paper, the other two in this collection are the policy study Securing Legitimate Stability in CAR: External Assumptions and Local Perspectives and the policy report Towards Legitimate Stability in CAR and the DRC: External Assumptions and Local Perspectives. The research for this work was done in cooperation with Cordaid, a development and humanitarian organization, working to end poverty and exclusion. -
Rwanda's Hutu Extremist Insurgency: an Eyewitness Perspective
Rwanda’s Hutu Extremist Insurgency: An Eyewitness Perspective Richard Orth1 Former US Defense Attaché in Kigali Prior to the signing of the Arusha Accords in August 1993, which ended Rwanda’s three year civil war, Rwandan Hutu extremists had already begun preparations for a genocidal insurgency against the soon-to-be implemented, broad-based transitional government.2 They intended to eliminate all Tutsis and Hutu political moderates, thus ensuring the political control and dominance of Rwanda by the Hutu extremists. In April 1994, civil war reignited in Rwanda and genocide soon followed with the slaughter of 800,000 to 1 million people, primarily Tutsis, but including Hutu political moderates.3 In July 1994 the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) defeated the rump government,4 forcing the flight of approximately 40,000 Forces Armees Rwandaises (FAR) and INTERAHAMWE militia into neighboring Zaire and Tanzania. The majority of Hutu soldiers and militia fled to Zaire. In August 1994, the EX- FAR/INTERAHAMWE began an insurgency from refugee camps in eastern Zaire against the newly established, RPF-dominated, broad-based government. The new government desired to foster national unity. This action signified a juxtaposition of roles: the counterinsurgent Hutu-dominated government and its military, the FAR, becoming insurgents; and the guerrilla RPF leading a broad-based government of national unity and its military, the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA), becoming the counterinsurgents. The current war in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DROC), called by some notable diplomats “Africa’s First World War,” involving the armies of seven countries as well as at least three different Central African insurgent groups, can trace its root cause to the 1994 Rwanda genocide. -
Democratic Republic of Congo
APRIL 2016 Democratic Republic of Congo: A Review of 20 years of war Jordi Calvo Rufanges and Josep Maria Royo Aspa Escola de Cultura de Pau / Centre Delàs d’Estudis per la Pau DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO: A REVIEW OF 20 YEARS OF WAR April 2016 D.L.: B-16799-2010 ISSN: 2013-8032 Authors: Jordi Calvo Rufanges and Josep Maria Royo Aspa Support researchers: Elena Fernández Sandiumenge, Laura Marco Gamundi, Eira Massip Planas, María Villellas Ariño Project funded by the Agència Catalana de Cooperació al Desenvolupament INDEX 04 Executive summary 05 1. Introduction 06 2. Roots of the DRC conflict 09 3. Armed actors in the east of the DRC 15 4. Impacts of armamentism 19 5. Military spending 20 6. The political economy of the war 23 7. Current political and social situation 25 8. Gender dimension of the conflict 27 9. Conclusions 29 BIBLIOGRAPHY 34 ANNEX 34 Table 1: Exports of defense equipment from the EU to DRC (2001-2012) 35 Table 2: Arms sales identified in RDC (1995-2013) 36 Table 3: Transfer of small arms and light weapons from the EU to RDC (1995-2013) 37 Table 4: Transfers of small arms and light weapons to DRC (rest of the world) (2004-2013) 38 Table 5: Transfers of significant weapons in RDC and neighboring countries 39 Table 6: Internal arms deviations in the DRC conflict 40 Table 7. Identification of arms sources found in the conflict in DRC 41 Table 8: Exports of small arms and light weapons to Burundi (1995-2013) 42 Table 9: Exports of small arms and light weapons to Rwanda (1995 - 2013) LIST OF TABLES, GRAPHS AND MAPS 06 Map 2.1. -
Major General Kagame Behind the Shooting Down of the Late Habyarimana's Plane:An Eye Witness Testmony
MAJOR GENERAL PAUL KAGAME BEHIND THE SHOOTING DOWN OF LATE HABYARIMANA’S PLANE: AN EYE WITNESS TESTIMONY 1. I have been keenly following talks on allegations of crimes committed by Paul Kagame, leader of Rwanda, and his attempts, against all odds, to deny them. I deem it necessary to inform Rwandans and the international community at large of the crimes I witnessed in the hope that he would stop deceiving people. It took quite a long time before I decided to make public this statement because I was in Uganda, where Kagame has a lot of covert agents who would have eliminated me. I know him very well because I worked with him in the Rwandese Patriotic Army since its creation. More so, I served in his escort for nearly 10 years, until I fled the country. My background 2. My name is Aloys Ruyenzi, I was born on 1st March 1971 in Mbarara, Uganda of Rwandan refugee parents. I grew up in Uganda and I joined the National Resistance Army of Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni in 1987. I had a six- month course in Basic Military Training, after which I attended a six-month course in military intelligence. After the training, I was posted in the 23rd battalion based in northern Uganda, as intelligence staff. A year later, I was called back to Kampala and posted at the Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI), where Kagame was a senior officer. While in DMI, I was selected for another course called “the Intelligence and Self-Defence”. When I fled the country, I was working in the Republican Guard, an RPA (Rwanda Patriotic Army) special unit that provides elements for the Presidential Protection Unit.