This dissertation has been G3—6 5 microfilmed exactly as received
LEWIS, Ruth Bartlett, 1933- ' ANGELINA GRIMKE WELD. REFORMER.
The Ohio State University, Ph.D., 1962 Speech—Theater
University Microfilms,inc., Ann .Arbor, Mich, . Copyright by
Ruth Bartlett Lewi ANGELINA GRIMK^ WELD, REFORMER
DISSERTATION sented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University
By
Ruth Bartlett Lewis, B.S., M.A.
******
The Ohio State University 1962
Approved by Mrs. Carrie Bartlett Dr. Paul R. Brees Professor Karl G. Lind ii PREFACE This dissertation presented several interesting challenges in research. It was necessary to find all of the available published and unpublished materials which pertained to the subject, Angelina Grimke Weld. I wanted to located as much original material as possible. I discussed this matter with my adviser, Dr. Paul A. Carmack. He sug gested that I contact the Curator of the William L. Clements Library at the University of Michigan in Ann Arbor. It was learned that this library had original source material con cerning the Grimke sisters. Special arrangements were made to survey the material. Plans were then made to make clear reproductions of the manuscripts'. A Wollensack Tape Recorder was used to record those materials which could not be photographed or * microfilmed. A Rolliflex camera, with adaptable portrait lenses was used to photograph materials that could be more accurately read after being enlarged from four to six times - the original size. The remaining materials were microfilmed by the University of Michigan Microfilming Service. Research was continued with the cooperation of the Ohio State University Inter-Library Loan Service. The Director of Historical Research at the Boston Public Library ill in Boston, Massachusetts was contacted by telephone and correspondence. He suggested that I also contact the Director of Special Materials at the State House Library in Boston. I followed his suggestion with a letter to the State House Library. I wish to acknowledge the help given to me by all of those who contributed to the content of-this study. Especially, I wish to thank my adviser, Dr. Paul A. Carmack and the other members of my committee who gave unselfishly of their time and knowledge to the preparation of this dissertation: Dr. Franklin H. Knower, Dr. Keith Brooks, Dr. William E. Utterback and Dr. Erika E. Bourguignon. iv CONTENTS Page INTRODUCTION ...... 1 Chapter I. SLAVERY IN THE UNITED STATES ...... 5 The American Colonization Society Growth of Abolitionism The American Antislavery Society Slavery Becomes a Political Issue II. THE LIFE OF ANGELINA AND SARAH GRIMKfi . . . . . 21 Life in Charleston Meeting with Quakers III. THE GRI'MKfi SISTERS ENTER THE FIGHT FOR ABOLITION :...... Mj The Political Influence of Angelina Grimke Contributions to Women's Rights Death and Eulogy ...... IV. A RHETORICAL ANALYSIS ...... 78 invention Arrangement Delivery Style Correctness Appropria tene s s Rhetorical Question Metaphor Results V. CONCLUSIONS ...... 112 APPENDIX ’ The Speech of Angelina Grimke before the Massachusetts Legislature January, 1038 . . 116 BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 121 AUTOBIOGRAPHY ...... 128 v INTRODUCTION It is the purpose of this dissertation to analyze the rhetorical contributions of Angelina Grimke Weld to the abolition movement in the United States from 1835 to 1838. To accomplish this purpose it is necessary to take several preliminary steps: (l) To briefly trace the history of slavery in the United States through colonization, abolition, and the development of abolition into a political question, (2) To evaluate the influences in the life of Angelina Grimke Weld, which led to the ultimate position which she championed. This shall be done by tracing the early life of both Angelina and Sarah Grimke, following the sisters through their entrance into the abolition movement, by show ing the political influence of Angelina within the anti- slavery society and by appraising her contributions to the women’s rights movement. By following a historical analysis of this type, the period in which Angelina spoke will, be clearly indicated; thus the issues which dictated the content of her speeches will be made more meaningful, and will thus contribute to the clarity of the rhetorical analysis. The rhetorical analysis will follow the divisions of rhetoric set forth by Aristotle. These will be developed 1 in the following sequence: (l) invention, (2) organization, (3) delivery, and (4) style. The final portion of the study will be devoted to an analysis of the results of the speaking of Angelina Grimke Weld. This topic will be divided into a discussion of both immediate and long-range results. The final chapter will be devoted to the conclusions which are drawn from the analysis of this speaker. It is felt that this rhetorical study is necessary to (1) show the important part played by rhetoric in this great period of American history, (2) to indicate the role which Angelina Grimke Weld occupied in the antislavery movement in the United States, and (3) to show the important contribution which she made to the campaigns for women’s rights. The period of active speaking for Angelina was a short one indeed, only covering three years. However, in that time it is estimated that she,gave more than 600 lectures on slavery, organized active Female Antislavery societies, was responsible for the collection of more than twenty thousand names on antislavery petitions sent to government bodies, and became the first woman to speak effectively in a public meet ing outside of the Quaker church. She- was the first woman in the United States to speak before a state legislature, and was the first woman to vote in a public election. It is felt by this writer that the character and courage exhibited by Angelina Grimke Weld is of vital importance to the history of women’s fight for equality and freedom of speech. She was a pioneer speaker of the reform platform, opening the door of free speech for the female orators who followed. And "To date historians and sociolo gists have failed to emphasize the importance of the public platform in the history of women’s rights and emancipation.”^- In claiming the public platform for their use, the pioneer women orators set the precedent for and helped to establish the propriety of women as participants in and not merely spectators of public life. For in 1828 speaking in public by women was an unheard of practice in America, and in i860 it was a common occurrence. . . .2 Through her intellectual accomplishments and rhetorical ability, Angelina Grimke earned the respect of the men with whom she worked as well as the men she opposed. Such accomplishments, it would seem, justify a study of this pioneer orator. V Before the study is begun it is necessary to recognize certain limitations which confront the author of a histori cal-rhetorical analysis. (1) The study must be based on the available evidence and (2) there will be gaps in this evidence. The writer will probably never be able to collect •^•William Norwood Brigance, A History and Criticism of American Public Address, Vol. I (New York: Russell and Russell, 1$6'0), p. 187. (Hereafter referred to as Brigance.) 2Ibid., p. 187. all of the facts pertaining to a specific speaking situation. However/ as Thonssen and Baird have stated: The critic of oratory probably will never be able to secure all relevant historical facts con cerning a particular speech. This should not neces sarily invalidate his judgment. The facts of an event are "as innumerable as the grains of sand on a stretch of beach." But by connecting known facts, a critic can reconstruct an occasion or Incident with sufficient completeness to make valid judgment possible. That some gaps in the information will be present is almost inevitable.3 The historical gaps in this study exist largely as a result of requests made by the important personages con nected with the study. They requested that some of their diaries, letters and manuscripts be destroyed. Enough remains, however, to proceed with the study. -^Lester Thonssen and A. Craig Baird, Speech Criticism (New York: The Ronald Press Co., 19^8). (Hereafter referred to as Thonssen and Baird.) \ CHAPTER I SLAVERY IN THE UNITED STATES Slavery was started in the English speaking colonies sixteen years before the founding of Jamestown in 1619* However, it failed to emerge as a political or moral prob lem until the advent of the movements against it. It is not the purpose here to trace slavery in the United States from its beginning to the emancipation act, but to show the development of those essential movements against the insti tution. These shall be divided into three areas: (l) col onization, (2) antislavery, and (3) political action for abolition. In 1783* Massachusetts had become the first state in the United States to abolish slavery. This had been done with relative ease and with little comment. It is interest ing to note, however, that this state was to become one, of the most important battlegrounds against slavery in later years. The following year, 1784, Rhode Island and Connecti cut enacted legislation which provided for the gradual emancipation of its slaves. Maryland, Virginia, and'North* Carolina had put an end to their slave trade and under her ■^•William Bimey, -James G . Birney and His Times (New York: D. Appleton and Co., l8$0), p. V. (Hereafter re- ferred to as W. Birney.) 5 law of manumission, Virginia set 10,000 slaves free between 1782 and 1790.^ It might seem that the United States was, at this time, well on its way to solving the slavery issue, but just the converse was true. For each slave that was free, there had to be a job, a place to live, a school where he could learn to write, and to study a trade. However, few of these necessities existed. Hie freeing of the slave in the early part of the l800's became a serious social problem. The freedmen had neither a place to live nor a place to work. Consequently they became a burden to the state, and the attitude of each state was usually "we don’t mind freeing you but, move out as soon as we do." Indeed, "Most Southern states prohibited manumission unless provision was made for tbeir (slaves) removal. Some of the slaves migrated to the North but "Northern states met the challenge with oppressive legislation to discourage settlement. These then became but a few of the 2 Michael Kraus, The United States to 1865 (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1959J~ p. 244. (Hereafter referred to as Kraus.) 3 - D. L. Dumond, Antislavery Origins of the Civil War in the United States (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1959)* P« 9• (Hereafter referred to as Dumond, Origins.) D. L. Dumond, Antislavery (Ann -Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1961), pp. 126-27. (Hereafter referred to as Dumond, Antislavery.) 7 problems that the American Society for Colonization of the Free People of Color in the United States attempted to overcome. The members of the society subscribed to the gen eral theory that the Negro was naturally inferior due to biological inequality, therefore he could not be educated to meet the general challenges of integrating into a complex society. For this reason it was thought best for all con cerned if the Negro was moved out of society into a society of his own.^ Some of the colonizationists subscribed to the idea of settling, the free Negroes in a, state of their own here in the United States, while others felt it would be better for the Negro to go back to Africa and to settle in Liberia. However, it is pertinent at this point to indicate that the Negroes who were to be sent back to Africa had been born and raised in the United States and knew nothing of African cul ture. The idea of colonization in this manner was opposed by the antislavery organizations. They felt that it was as cruel, just as inhuman, just as much an invasion of man's natural rights as the rape of Africa had been in the first place. It was rooting people out of their homeland, tearing them away from their families and friends, transporting^.them across the sea to a strange, new environment. The Colonization Society had presented its program in such a manner that many joined it and worked dilligently but C : D. L. Dumond, Antislavery, pp. 126-27* 6Ibid., p. 128. 8 later abandoned it In favor of the antislavery society. Two who believed in colonization were James G. Birney and Theodore D. Weld, both of whom later became'great leaders in the Antislavery Society. Colonization, as it was proposed, was designed to accomplish many worth-while ideas, ideas which would appeal to such men as Birney and Weld. These were: ■The Colonizationists presented their program to the country as a benevolent enterprise, designed to accomplish four primacy objectives: to remove the free Negro population from an atmosphere of prejudice and oppression to one of wholesome free dom, equality, and opportunity; to pave the way for thousands of slaveholders voluntarily to free their slaves, which state laws presently forbade; to provide in Africa the nucleus of an intelligent, Christian civilization for redemption of the con tinent; and to remove from society an element which was, in the free states, vile and vicious, and in the slave states a corrupting influence upon the slaves.7 Though the proposals of the society seemed to alleviate part of the problem in theory, it soon became evident that the working out of the theory was quite impractical. By 1830, there were some two million■slaves in the United States and this number was increasing by about.five hundred thous and every ten years; of this total there were over three hundred thousand free Negroes and this number was increasing by about fifty thousand every ten years. However, the records indicate that in the first twenty years of its 7 Ibid., pp. 129-30. activity, the Colonization Society was only able to send some four thousand emigrants to Liberia. It was financially impossible to carry out the plans of the society. The slave owners were against supplying the money to send their labor force.out of the country. The states themselves could not take on the responsibility and yet did not want government intervention. The result of this financial dilemma was that in 1832, the peak year and the date of greatest significance to our present study, the parent society and its two hundred and twenty-eight auxiliaries, with receipts of $43,000, succeeded in sending out only seven hundred and ninety-six emigrants, of which number Virginia alone sup plied two hundred and. thirty.8 The number of Negroes settled in colonies in relation to those who were free, but with no place to go, was small indeed. And if the society was to be judged or evaluated on the accomplishment of its stated purposes then it could not be called successful. Many of the a'qolitlonists who, for a time, embraced the principles of Colonization, later rose to champion the antislavery movement and for this reason alone the Coloni zation Society was a stepping, stone to the abolition of slavery in the United States. * The growth of the abolitionist into a large and effective antislavery society can most effectively.be ^Dumond, Origins, p. 11. 10 traced through the actions of two men who took part in the whole gamut of the action against slavery, Theodore D. Weld and James G. Birney. As stated previously, the Colonization Society had reached its peak in 1832, but the results were meager. One of the society’s strongest advocates, James G. Birney, was beginning to question the method as an answer to the slavery issue. And so in the summer of 1834 Birney went to visit Theodore D. Weld who was then at Lane Seminary in Cincinnati, Ohio. Weld had already come to the conclusion that coloni zation was not the answer. During the meeting with Birney hevas able to convince this leader in colonization of that fact. Elizur Wright wrote of this meeting and stated "it seems that our Dear Br. Weld has had a long confab with Birney, & (sic) by the blessing of God, he has renounced his colonization."9 In September of 1834, Weld and Birney met again at a farmhouse near Georgetown, Kentucky. This time they met to plan a course of action which might bring about a more meaningful direction for the abolitionist to take. This was a day of confirmation. Both men had passed from hope to skepticism and then to outright disbelief in the efficacy of colonization. They had published their, conviction; had pledged anew ^Benjamin P. Thomas, Theodore Weld (New Brunswick, New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 1950), p. 80. (Hereafter referred to as Thomas.) 11 their faith in abolition; and had met again to plan future action. 0 It should be pointed out that there is a difference between antislavery and abolition and at the time of their first meeting neither Weld nor Birney were abolitionists. To be an abolitionists it was necessary to adhere to several beliefs: (1) willingness by those who owned no slaves to bring about a state of emancipation by compulsion; (2) refusal to countenance expatriation; and (3) Insistence upon according to the emancipated slaves all the privileges and civil liberties of free men.1-*- Weld and Birney did not come to this point until each had spent the time between 1832 and 1834 in study of the doctrine and principles of abolition. Even though both had believed in antislavery they had not known which course to take after their realization that colonization could not accomplish the necessary steps to freedom for the slave. Weld had spent the time between 1832 and 183*1' in Cincinnati, Ohio at Lane Seminary. Lane had become the gathering place for all young men who believed in an anti slavery cause and who later were led to abolition through Weld. These men were determined to teach the free Negro, to educate him in Christianity as well as for a trade. Cincinnati was the perfect place for them, because the city contained about one-third of the Negro population in Ohio. 10Dumond, Origins, p. 21. 11Ibld., p. 24. 12 Many of these were free Negroes working to pay for friends still enslaved in the South.I2 * The Lane students under the direction of Weld wished to disprove the idea that Negroes were incapable of advance ment- and were therefore destined to a life of inferiority. Concerning their labors in this direction Weld* wrote to Arthur Tappan in April of 1834. We have formed a large and efficient organization for elevating the colored people in Cincinnati; have established a Lyceum among them, and lecture three or four evenings a week on Grammar, Geography, Arithmetic, Natural Philosophy, etc. Besides this, an evening free school, for teaching them to read, is in operation every week-day evening, and we are about establishing one or two more. . . .13 The students' work became of concern to the people of the community as well as to the trustees of the school, however, the situation did not explode into a national incident' until the question of "abolition of Slavery" was set for a debate topic. The topic which was to shake, the school to its foundations, nearly causing its failure, and the topic which was to cause national and international reverberations was that of abolition of slavery.14 12Ibid., p. 38. ^Charles Beecher (ed.), Autobiography, Correspond ence, Etc. of Lyman Beecher, (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1863), Vol. II, p. 325« (Hereafter referred to as Beecher.) l^P. A. Carmack, "Theodore Dwight Weld, Reformer" (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Syracuse University, 1948), p. 232. (Hereafter referred to as Carmack.) 13 The school and its trustees were not against free discussion and they were not against abolition nor the edu cation of the Negro; on the contrary the first class at Lane had as one of its members a freed slave named James 115 Bradley. However, when it came to the point of allowing its students to publicly debate the issue, this seemed dangerous. The trustees suggested postponement in the hope that the students would lose some of their enthusiasm for the topic, but the earnest young men would not be swayed, from their course, thus the two sets of the now famous Lane debates took place.^ The public discussion of slavery— known to history as the Lane Debates— continued for eighteen nights. Despite the inflammatory nature of the subject, good temper ruled throughout. The spirit of the meetings was prayerful and inquisitive, with no invective or denunciation, even though eighteen of the participants came of slaveholding families and one owned slaves himself. The first nine nights were' devoted to the question whether it was the duty of the slave holding states to abolish slavery immediately. Weld opened the inquiry and held forth for two whole evenings. During the debates the freed Negro, James Bradley, ■spoke of his experience of being brought as^a child to the United States from Africa, on a slave ship. Students from Louisiana, Mississippi and Kentucky spoke of the issue from first-hand experience and by the end of the debates all of the students were abolitionists. 15Ibid., p. 236. l6Ibld., PP» 241-42. 17 ‘Thomas, op. clt., p. 7 1 . 14 The remaining nights of the debate were spent on the topic of colonization, and points directed to show that such a plan would not be in the best interest of the Negro in the United States. A few months after the Lane debates the Western Monthly Magazine, a Cincinnati publication, came out with an article of criticism of the Lane students. This article seemed to have acted as a catalyst for the community. Soon thereafter the citizens were quick to circulate gossip concerning the 'real1 relationship between the Negro and the Lane students. Weld answered the charges in an article published in the Cincinnati Journal and the students formed a committee to present the facts to the faculty. However, before the issue became too involved, the twelve-week summer vacation arrived and nothing was done about the situation in the ho^e that the talk would die down and be forgotten before the fall session of school. During those weeks of summer vacation Birney and Weld kept up a strong correspondence; they were putting the finishing touches on their plans: (1) Birney was to start an antislavery society in Kentucky, and (2) start an antislav ery publication. WeId's plans were (l) to blaze a trail for abolitionism across Ohio and Pennsylvania, (2) to finish his tour at the general assembly in Pittsburgh, and (3) to secure subscriptions to Birney1s paper. These plans were confirmed by meeting outside of Georgetown in September of 1834. 15 The plans were put into immediate effect and by March 18, 1835* Birney had organized the Kentucky Antislavery Society at Danville and was setting up the format for the publication which became known as the Philanthropist. Birney*s plan for an antislavery publication in Kentucky was not taken lightly by the citizens of Danville. Soon after the publishing of a prospectus for the proposed Philanthropist, a committee of thirty-three leading citizens sent a letter to Birney condemning the idea. This letter, along with Birney*s reply, was published in the Olive Branch, the Danville paper, whose printing office Birney intended to use for his publication.1® On July 25, 1835*. a public citizens meeting was called to discuss the necessary steps which the citizens would take to ban the publication. At this meeting resolutions were passed denouncing the Philanthropist, "as a scheme 'wild, visionary, impracticable, unpolitical, and contrary to the spirit of our laws, and at war with the spirit of our 9 Constitution. Several days after the meeting a mob gathered outside the printing office of the Olive Branch, intent on destroying 1®Dumond, Origins, p. 32. 19Ibid., p. 33- 16 the press. This action was made unnecessary when a former owner of the property reclaimed the building. This act concluded the organized antislavery movement in the state of Kentucky. But much good came from the move, because the members of the society left Kentucky, and went on to other states organizing antislavery societies, which later played important roles in the total movement. It should be recognized that the growth of the anti slavery movement in the United States, prior to 1833, was almost negligible. The New York City Manumission Society had been organized in 1785, by John Jay and Alexander Hamilton, this had been followed in 1789 by the Pennsylvania Abolition Society founded by Benjamin Franklin. There had been isolated organizations in several other states, but no real order or common direction was taken, thus the societies working independently of one another had-little effect. ' In January, 1833/William Lloyd Garrison, then corresponding Secretary of the New England Antislavery Society of Boston, wrote to T. D. Weld asking that he parti cipate in a.celebration for the New England Society.20 Though Weld refused the invitation the evidence is clear that his reputation as a proponent of antislavery was grow ing and second it is evidence of the growth of communication between the societies and agents. An interesting sidelight 20Carmack, op. clt., pp. 240-42. ■ 1 7 to this communication. is'found in.. the fact that Garrison had been given credit for the conversion of Weld and "he claimed Weld as one of his converts."2-*- But in his reply to Garrison, We 3-d made it quite clear that he had never- heard of Garrison and was totally unfamiliar with the New England Society.22 Weld continued to work for antislavery along with the Lane students. They worked ‘digilently on publications against slavery, but all of this activity, plus the Lane debates, had brought too much criticism to the school for the trustees to ignore. By September, 1834, the situation had reached its peak and the faculty under direction of the trustees acted against free discussion. Beecher tried to reach a compromise which would save the situation, but the students were firm in their convictions for free speech. Thus in October, 1834, thirty-nine students requested honor able dismissal from the school. Many of these students then went with Weld and served as agents of the American Antislavery Society. They helped form many Abolition Societies in Ohio by. 1836.23‘ At this time the American Antislavery Society was under the direction of a strong executive committee located in New York City. 21Ibid., p7~239. 22Ibid., pp. 240-41. 23Dumond, Origins, p. 3^- ' • 18 It was this committee that had offered a position in its organization to Angelina and Sarah Grimke. After 1839 there were two national societies. Garri son took over the American Antislavery Society and moved its headquarters to Boston, and in New York, Lewis Tappan became the leader of the- American and Foreign Antislavery Society. By 1840, the national societies had lost much of their cen tralized control and the state societies became the real force of the abolition movement in the United Sta tes..24 The Lane Debates had clarified the position which the clergy should take on the issue, and from that time forward slavery "as a sin" was incorporated into the doctrine of all antislavery literature. Perhaps the most outstanding publi cations of the early period were these: Birney's Letter to the Ministers and Elders, published in 1834, and The Bible Against Slavery, published by Weld in 1835* As the Bible . arguments grew in number the clergy was forced to take a stand and thus the number of antislavery meetings held in churches increased. A second phase of antislavery literature took the form of presenting exposes of the life of slaves and the indignities suffered by them. Diamond writes concerning this period: Weld and his wife, Angelina Grinke Weld, did more than anyone else to create the highly 241bId., pp. 44-47. 19 centralized picture of slavery as a barbaric insti tution. Their American Slavery as it is was a com plete anthology of horrors, ar.d its sale probably equaled the combined sales -of all other books of the sort before the publication of Uricle Tom's Cabin.25 " By 1840, the antislavery societies had stirred up so much attention on the question of slavery that the nation was beginning to realize that the issue was no longer a local problem, but demanded political action. Thus the floor of Congress became a new arena of conquest for the agents of the society and their opponents. Candidates for political office recognized the importance of the issues in their campaigns, and each tried in some way to satisfy both sides. After 1840 the antislavery movement was political; the husting were the forums; every candidate for office in an antislavery community was an anti slavery lecturer; and the halls of Congress were the battleground. . . . The forties were the trans ition period, culminating in-a Northern sectional party, but the central themes of the movement after 1840 were the withering influence of slavery upon the welfare and progress of the nation and the necessity of purging all branches of the federal government of its influence. * Thus we iaave seen the growth of (l) colonization in the United States, followed by (2) a strong antislavery movement and (3) the development of antislavery issues in the political arena. After the issue of slavery became a political question there was no turning back for either 25ibld., p. 49- 26Ibid., p. 30. 20 side. Men were forced to take a stand, the results of this stand has been recorded in the history of the American Civil War. The history of abolition in the United States reveals a peak of violence in the l830's which continued through the horrors of the Civil War. It was this violence that brought the importance of the issue clearly into focus for Angelina and Sarah Grimke, and in particular the mobbing of William Lloyd Garrison in Boston in l83i>* Ange-line Grimke wrote a letter to Mr. Garrison con cerning the Boston incident. This letter.was later published in the Liberator and marks the entrance of Angelina Grinke into the abolition movement in the United States. It.is this period specifically, 1835 to 1838, that played such an important part in the building of a strong antislavery move^ ment in this country. Particularly because it was during this period that the women of the nation, under the direc tion of Angelina Grimke, joined the forces of abolition and brought hundreds of petitions to the houses of national and state government. In order to fully understand and appreciate the role of the Grimke sisters In this period of history it is first neqessary to understand the character and personality of these two dedicated women, and to trace their growth and development up to 1835• CHAPTER II THE LIFE OF ANGELINA AND SARAH GRIMKtf Sarah and Angelina Grimke were born in Charleston, South Carolina. Sarah on November 26, 1792, and Angelina w on February 20, 1805*'1' Their father was the Hon. John Faucheraud Grimke, judge of the South Carolina Supreme Court. Judge Grimke was a strong proponent of moral discipline and strict adherence to the "letter of the law." These qualities were evident, not only in his duties as judge but also in his role as head of the family. He was a strict disciplinarian, both of his children and of his slaves. His family had been wealthy and influential, thus he had re ceived many advantages, one of these was an education abroad. He was sent to England where he studied the law at Oxford. His stay in England was interrupted, however, by the onset of the Revolutionary War. He participated in this war, attaining the rank of Colonel. When the war was over, Col. Grimke began the practice of law in Charleston, and rose in a few years to the front rank at the bar. He held ^Catherine H. Bimey, The Grimke Sisters (Boston: Lee and Shephard Publishers, 1885)7 p* !• (Hereafter referred to as C. Birney.) 22 various honorable offices before he was appointed judge of the Supreme Court of the State.2 Mary Smith Grimke, mother of Sarah and Angelina, was of Irish and English-Puritan stock. She seems to have embraced the same philosophy of moral discipline and adher ence to the law that governed John Grimke. Fourteen children were born to this couple, all of whom were more or less remarkable for the traits which would naturally be expected from such ances try, while in several of them the old Huguenot- Puritan infusion colored every mental and moral quality. This was especially notable in Sarah Moore Grimke, the sixth child, who even in her childhood continually surprised her family by her independence, her sturdy love of truth, and her clear sense of justice.3 Because of the tremendous influence which Sarah Grimke was to have over her younger sister, Angelina, it is necessary to carefully evaluate her early years and to understand the intellectual and psychological growth which took place, during the twelve years before the birth of Angelina. Sarah Moore Grimke developed a strong desire for knowledge at a very early age and studied by the hour with her older brother Thomas. Until she was twelve years old, a -great deal of her time was passed in study with this brother, her bright, active mind eagerly reaching after the kind of knowledge which in those days was con- ^ sidered food too strong for the intellect of a girl. 2Ibid., p. 6 . ■^Ibid., pp. 6-7 . ^Ibid., p. 7* Sarah -wanted to study Latin, but her parents and brother Thomas discouraged her from such an undertaking. She did, however, study in private for a while but the opposing view became so strong that she soon gave it up. Judge Grimke‘s duties kept him away from home much of the time but when leisure permitted he took great pleasure in sitting with his children and discussing various topics with them. He seems to have paid particular attention to Sarah and felt that she.had superior mental qualities. He is said to have frequently declared that if she had been of the other sex she would have made the greatest jurist in the land.5 It was during talks of this kind that Sarah began to show a type of thinking that was of great concern to her family. She was not like the others in her attitude toward the system of slavery. . . . she differed from other children in the respect that her sensibilities were so acute, her heart so tender, that she made the trials of the slaves her own, and..grieved that she could neither share nor mitigate them. So deeply did she feel for them that she was frequently found in some retired spot weeping, after one of the slaves had been punished.° So great was her feeling and desire to help the slave that once on witnessing the whipping of a servant woman she 5lbid., p. 7 * 6Catherine H. Birney, The Grimke Sisters (Boston: Lee and Shephard Publishers, 1B85), p. b. 24 broke into tears and begged that the punishment be stopped, she was restrained and rebuked for this action'but, As soon as she could escape from the house, she rushed out sobbing, and half an hour afterwards her nurse found her on the wharf, begging a sea captain to take her away to some place where such things were not done.' Teaching in the Sabbath-school of the Episcopal church offers an illustration of Sarah’s attitude toward slavery and the rebellion which this little girl fought alone. It was the practice of the entire family to attend Sunday services at the High Episcopal church. Nothing but sickness excused any member of the family, servants included, from attending. The children attended Sabbath-school and in the afternoon those who were old enough taught a class in the colored school. It was in the teaching of these classes that little Sarah was to cause trouble. She could never be made to understand the wisdom which included the spelling book, in the hands of slaves, among the dangerous weapons, and she con stantly fretted because she could only give her pupils oral instruction.^ She longed to teach the slave children to read and write. So many of them were eager to learn and yet the laws of the state explicitly prohibited the teaching of slaves. The penalty for breaking the law was strong and called for a fine and imprisonment. Knowing all of this Sarah defied the law. ?Ibld., p. 10. 8Ibid., p. 11. 25 But my great desire in this matter would not be totally supressed, and I took an almost malicious satisfaction in te-aching my little waitlng-maid at night, when she was supposed to be occupied in combing and brushing my long locks. The light was put out, the keyhold screened, and flat on our stomachs before the fire, with the spelling book . under our eyes, we defied the laws of South Carolina. 9- . The two young' girls were not, however, successful in their deception and when they were caught only the pleadings of Sarah averted a whipping for the little slave girl. Sarah bore the wrath of both parents in silence. Soon after this event, Thomas was sent to Yale Col lege leaving little Sarah companionless and inconsolable, but a few weeks-later Angelina Emily, the last of the Grimke children was born. ' Sarah seems to have felt for this new baby not only more than the ordinary affection of a sister, but the yearning tenderness of a mother, a myster ious affinity which forshadowed the heart and soul ■ sympathy which, notwithstanding the twelve years difference in their ages, made them as one through life.10 - Prom the first week of Angelina’s life, Sarah began to take over as many, of the duties necessary for her care as possible, and soon began to plead with her father that she be allowed to become the child's godmother. Both her parents felt that such a desire was merely a childish whim, ^Barnes and Dumond, Weld-Grimke Letters (New York: D. Appleton-Century Co., 1934)> Vol. I, p . 17. (Hereafter referred to as Barnes and Dumond.) ■^Catherine H. Birney, The Grimke Sisters (Boston: Lee and Shephard Publishers, 1885), p. 12. ~ but Sarah became so insistent that firially they consented. And so it was, that she took upon herself the duties of training this baby sister” in the way she should go ."11 Entering in such a spirit the duties she had taken upon herself, we cannot over-estimate her influence in forming the character and training the mind.of the precious Nina, as she so often called her .12 So earnestly did Sarah take on her duties as god mother that soon she had almost entire charge of Angelina. As she continued to exercise her general supervision over the child, Angelina began to look to her for all of her needs. . . . the child learned to look up to her as to a mother,, and frequently when together, and in her correspondence for many years, addressed her as. "Mother. !,13 A second cause for the closeness of the two sisters and the relationship between them might be found in the relationship and attitude of the children toward their mother. As the family grew larger and her responsibilities increased Mrs. Grimke seems to have lost control of both children and servants. Mrs. Grimke appears to have lost all power of controlling either them (children) or her servants. She was impatient with the former, and resorted with the latter to the punishments commonly • i:LIbid., p. 13- 12Ibld., p. 13. 13Ibld., p. 13. 27 inflicted by slaveowners. These severities alieriated»her children still more from her, and they showed.her little respect or affection.^ With such an atmosphere existing in the home Sarah and Angelina grew closer together. Soon Sarah was teaching her reading and writing, building in her a thirst for knowledge. Sarah had.asked to be' given lessons in Latin and Greek and also in philosophy,.but was refused. The only- reason given her for the refusal was that it was unwomanly. This reason did not satisfy her and so she began to borrow some of the books which her brother Thomas had brought home from college. These she took to her room and studied, it was her intention to learn law and stand at the bar with Thomas. When her intentions were made known she was seriously rebuked for her actions and at last gave up her studies. She seems to have felt that perhaps her desire for a . different kind of life other than that being offered to her,. v might be wrong, and so at the age of sixteen she was intro duced to society and set her whole heart to the task of enjoying life in the proper "lady like" manner. In her diary, started in 1821, Sarah writes the fol lowing concerning her new life. I believe for the short space I was exhibited on this theater, few have exceeded me in extravagance of every kind, and in the sinful indulgence of pride 1^Ibid., p. 15- 2 8 and vanity* sentiments which, however, were strongly mingled with a sense of their insufficiency to produce evei earthly happiness, with an eager desire for intellectual pursuits, and a thorough contempt for the trifles I was engaged in. Often during this period have I returned home, sick of the frivolous beings I had been with, mortified at my own folly, and weary of the ball-room and its gilded toys. Night after night, as I glittered now in this gay scene, now in that, my soul has been disturbed by the query. "Where are the talents committed to thy charge?"15 It was during her sixteenth year that Sarah began to show still another attitude that seriously disturbed her family. She began to question the doctrine of the Episcopal church. She^continued to attend church, but felt no stimu lation from the messages that she heard. Her concern over these feelings became a constant source of worry to her, as she. eagerly sought guidance. During this period of her life she had occasion to meet and to hear a sermon.by the Rev. Henry Kolloch, a Presbyterian minister who was celebrated for his eloquence. His message stirred her and once again she felt the strength of God, but soon the new attitude left and once more she questioned her faith. Judge Grimke became seriously ill during the time of Sarah*s inner conflict and she began to spend much of her time caring for him and less time worrying about her faith. When the illness continued for a year or more it was decided' that the Judge, accompanied by Sarah, should go to Philadelphia 15Ibid., p. 18. _ 29 to consult Dr. Phusic.1® Sarah later .referred to this trip - as 'The merciful Interposition of Providence.'^ This trip north was to be one of the most important influences on the life of both Sarah and Angelina. For it was in Philadelphia that Sarah found lodgings for her father and herself in the home of a Quaker Family. The judge's condition did not improve, however, and soon the doctor suggested that Sarah take him to Long Branch. It was here after, only a few weeks that Judge Grimke died. Sarah returned to Philadelphia where she remained two or three months, before returning to Charleston.1® Now that the duties of nursing her father no longer occupied her time, Sarah again began to dwell on the ideas of faith and % religion. She had already tried Presbyterianism and f Methodism, but they furnished no more comfort than Episcopalianism, and she thought herself the vilest of sinners.. Hers seemed to be a misdir ected life; she yearned to be. a useful member of society.1° Perhaps this attitude contributed most to the direc tion which the sisters, would eventually follow. For on the trip from Philadelphia to Charleston, Sarah came in contact with a group of Quakers. During the seven days which the l6Ibid., p. 22 . x7ibid., p. 22. x®Birney, The Grimke Sisters, p. 25* 30 trip took, the relationships which developed between Sarah and the Quakers was to alter her entire life. On the vessel which carried her from Philadel phia to Charleston, after her father's death, was a party of Friends; and in the seven days which it then required to make the voyage, an intimacy sprang up between them and Sarah which influenced her whole after-life. From one of them she accepted a copy of Woolman's works— evidence that there must have been religious discussions between them.20 After some months of study and contemplation, Sarah felt that she needed help in understanding the new ideas which had come to her and so a correspondence ensued with the Friends she had met on the boat. Primarily her letters were sent to Israel Morris. It was through his encourage- 21 ment that some months later.she was converted to Quakerism. This, in itself, broadened the gap between Sarah and her family, for the Quakers were among the first to stand against slavery, though the range of opinions within the church were wide, they were abolitionist in nature. To come under Quaker teachings was to imbibe anti- slavery doctrine, for the Friends were pioneers in antislavery, and all of them opposed slavery in the abstract. Their hostility was of varying degrees, however, and the solutions they recommended ranged from colonization to immedlatism.22 ■^Thomas, Theodore Weld, p. 136. ^Birney, The Grimke Sisters, p. 29* 21Ibld., pp. 30-32. PP Thomas, Theodore Weld, p. 136. 31 As time passed it became more apparent to Sarah that if she were to do those things which her faith directed she must leave Charleston, and in May, 1821, Sarah Grimke left her home and her beloved sister, Angelina, moving to Philadelphia, into the home of Israel Morris and his family.^3 The letters which passed between Sarah and Angelina during the years of their separation were unfortunately destroyed in accordance with Sarah’s wishes. It is very much to be regretted that all of Sarah Grimke’s letters to Angelina, and to other members of her family at this time, were, at her own request, destroyed as received. ^ From 1821 to 1828 Sarah and Angelina saw each other only during the occasional visits which Sarah made to Charleston, however, during these visits and through cor respondence, Sarah must have continually imparted Quaker doctrines and teachings to her younger sister. As a result of Sarah's influence, Angelina changed her religion and became a Quaker. ^ The Quaker church offered the Grimke sisters two major advantages which were to be of great importance not only In their lives, but also in the history of the abolition movement in the United States, (l) The antislavery attitude • 23sirney, Grimke Sisters, p. 3 3 . 2^Ibid., p. 34. ^3Thomas, Weld, p. 136. 32 of the church offered a direction and a release for their 26 restless spirits. (2) The Quaker church was'the only established group which offered freedom of speech to Its female members. It was in Quaker meetings that the sisters availed themselves of this freedom and discovered for the first time that Angelina had an aptitude for this form of expression.2? Recognizing the service that they might render for a cause in which they both strongly believed, they resolved to devote their talent to antislavery lectures. It is Interesting to note, however, that though Sarah and Angelina had since childhood rejected the system of slavery neither had thought of it as a sin. Sarah was the first of the two to reach this conclusion, but it was not until much later that Angelina became as definite in her views, or as active in the expression of those views. An incident which seems to be a motivating factor In Angelina's decision was the mobbing of William L. Garrison in Boston in 1835.28 In November of 1828, after a short visit with Sarah, Angelina returned to Charleston with deeper convictions than ever, that she had found peace in the Quaker church.29 in Ibid.■ pT 137. g7 lbid., p. 137- S8Ibid. 29weld-Grimk£ Letters— Original Manuscripts— Clements Library. 33 her diary she states: "Once more in the bosom of my family. My prayer is that our coming together may be for the better, not for the w o r s e ."30 Angelina’s hope was not realized. Each day seemed to bring new problems, brought about as a result of the con flicting views which existed. Soon Angelina was forced to write in her diary: "My soul is sorrowful, and my heart bleeds. I am ready to exclaim, ’When shall I be released from this land of slavery!»"31 So strong was her belief in the Quaker doctrine, con cerning simple living, that she found the home and the way of life in which she had been reared suddenly distasteful. I am much tried at times at the manner in which I am obliged to live here in so much luxury and ease, and raised so far above the poor, and spend ing so much on my board. I want to live in plain ness and simplicity and economy, for so should every Christian do. I am at a loss how to act, for if I live with mother, which seems the proper place for me, I must live in this way in a great degree. Sarah might have been able to live in this situation without causing too much trouble, largely because of the gentle manner in which she expressed her opinions, but the converse was true of Angelina. . . . Angelina was a born radical, and if a thing was wrong, it was wrong, and she could not see why it should not be righted at once. 3C»Sarah Grimke. Diary— Weld-Grimke Letters— Clements Library, Ann Arbor. 31Bimey, The Grimke Sisters, p. 66. 32Ibid., p. 67. 35 As the opposition to her views became stronger and the criticism of her frankness increased, Angelina seems to have questioned the advisability of remaining in Carolina. As was her practice she turned to God for the answer: "Oh, why am I kept in Carolina? But the answer seems to be: ’I have set thee as a sign to the people.‘"35 The following account taken from Angelina's diary will illustrate the frankness with which she spoke to both family and friends on the subject of slavery. The passage also shows her skillful use of the rhetorical question as a means of persuasion. At times slavery is a heavy burden to my heart. Last night I was led to speak of this subject, of all others the sorest on which to touch a Carolinian. The depravity of slaves was spoken of with contempt, and one said they were fitted to hold no other place than the one they do. I asked what had made them so depraved? Was it not"because of their degraded situation, and was it not white people who had placed them and kept them in this situation, and were they not to blame for it? Was it not a fact that the minds of slaves were totally uncultivated, and their souls no more cared for by their owners than if they had none? Was it not true that, in order to restrain them from vice, coercion was employed instead of the moral restraint which, if proper instruction had been given them, would have guarded them against evil? I wish,”exclaimed one, "that you would never speak on the subject.” "And why.” I asked. "Because you speak in such a serious way," I said, and this is no doubt the reason why no one likes to hear me express my sentiments, but I did feel it my duty to bear a decided testimony against an institution which I believe altogether contrary to the spirit of the Gospel; for it was a system which nourished the worst passions of the human heart, a system which sanctioned 35ibld., March, 1829. 3 6 the daily trampling under foot of the feelings of our^fellow creatures. "But, " said, one, "it is exceedingly imprudent in you to speak as you do." I replied I was not speaking before servants, L was speaking only to owners, whom I wished to know my sentiments; this wrong had long enough been covered up, and I was not afraid or ashamed to have any one know my sentiments— they were drawn from the Bible. . . .3° L ->. While Angelina continued to do her work in Carolina, Sarah kept her informed on the activities in the North and 3 7 also of her preparation for the Quaker ministry. Though Sarah sent antislavery documents to Angelina during this time there is no evidence to indicate that Sarah actively participated in any anti-slavery work outside of the oO church. She continued, however, to encourage Angelina to do all that she could at home. It soon became, apparent to Angelina that all she was doing was expressing her views, causing ill will and tension, and changing nothing. And so in October, 1828, she left Charleston and moved to Phila delphia to make her home with Sarah. During the next four or five years, the sisters worked diligently to prepare themselves for the ministry. Sarah faced her duties with fear and grim determination. She was not prone to speak her mind as was Angelina and so the Quaker meetings were a trial for her. Her timidity and her manner of speech seem to have been great obstacles in the 36ibid., March 29, 1829- 37Blrney, The Grimke Sisters, p. 90. 38Ibid., p. 91-• 37 way of her success as a preacher. Though a clear,, forcible thinker and writer, she lacked the gift of eloquence which so distinguished Angelina, and being, besides, exceedingly self- conscious, it was difficult for her to express her self satisfactorily in words. Her speech was some times so slow and hesitating; at others, when feeling very deeply, or at all embarrassed, rapid and a little confused, as though she was in a hurry to get through.39 This speech pattern resulted in frequent charges brought against Sarah by the elders of the church. They charged that she "prepared and committed her offerings to memory before coming to meeting, an almost unpardonable offence according to the view of those making the accusation."^0 This was not the only disturbing factor which the * Grimke sisters presented to the Quaker elders. . . . the sisters never could bring themselves to use certain ungrammatical forms of speech, such as "thee" for "thou," and would wear bonnets of a . shape and material better adapted to protect them from the cold than those prescribed by Quaker style. It was also discovered that they indulged in vocal prayer in their private devotions, which was directly contrary to established usage. These things were regarded as quiet protests against cus toms which all members of the Society were expected to respect. However, concerning the principles of Quaker philoso phy, the sisters adhered to these as steadfastly as any elder of the church, but their open opposition to some of 39lbid., pp. 95-96. ^°Ibid., p. 96 . ^Ibid., p. 95* 38 the customs compounded by Angelina’s opposition to the efforts of some members to stop face-to-face discussion on the question of slavery were interpreted as deliberate agitation. To Angelina, the efforts of certain Friends to still antislavery discussion were like the attempts of the Jews to close the lips of Jesus. She felt called of God to speak and believed that one should not be swayed by others in matters of conscience. 2 This position of trying to suppress discussion, which many elders of the church occupied, Was of great concern to Angelina, but even of greater concern was her feeling that unfair charges had been made against her beloved sister. For these reasons she questioned the wisdom of taking the final step necessary to join the Society. But in 1830, she did become a Quaker perhaps more out of devotion to her sister than anything else. . . . she did join the Society, impelled thereto, we are forced to believe, more by love and consideration for Sarah than by religious conviction.^3 The training period of a Quaker minister was a slow process in which Angelina found little satisfaction, though she fully expected the ministry to be her ultimate field of labor. She longed to be doing something outside of the ^2Thomas, Theodore Weld, p. 137* ^Birney, The Grimke Sisters-, p. 98. 39 missionary work whleh nefther challenged her ability nor her energy.j She gave her days to charities and the appointed meetings assigned to her by the Society, but in the evenings she set about fulfilling her great desire for education. At age twenty-six she began her serious study of history, arithmetic, algebra, and geometry.^ Soon her search for knowledge and her desire to prepare herself as a teacher lead to inquiries concerning a school in which she could better prepare herself. Catherine Beecher's then famous seminary at Hartford was recommended. Angelina wrote several letters to Catherine Beecher; these were answered and a friendship developed. Several letters passed between Catherine.and her would-be pupil, which so aroused Catherine's inter est that she went on to Philadelphia chiefly to make a personal acquaintance with the very mature young woman who at the age of twenty-seven declared she knew nothing and wanted to go to sohool again.^5 In July, 1832, Angelina set out from Philadelphia, accompan-' led by a friend, to visit the Beecher school. She attended classes for a week and seemed to fit into the academic environment, despite her Quaker dress and speech, both of which were unique at Hartford. After a few days, Catherine administered a test to Angelina with the result that "she could be prepared to teach in six months.Angelina was thrilled with this ^Ibid., p. 99. ^ xbid., p. 106. Z|6Ibid., p. 108. Ho encouragement, but knew that she could do nothing about her education^until after arrangements could be made in Phila- ddphia. Nevertheless, she took advantage of the few days that she had both in class work and in conversation with Catherine and Harriet Beecher. Unfortunately, when Angelina returned to Philadelphia and discussed her desire to return to Hartford for study, with her friends in the Society, she was met with a strong and definite negative reaction. Thus she had'to content herself with the work set out by the Quaker church. Her chief pleasure during this time was the intellectually stimulating correspondence which she and her brother Thomas carried on. Their letters were filled with questions on . various moral reforms, controversial Bible questions and' prison discipline, but little reference was ever made to the question of slavery.^7 However, in one of the letters Angelina shows an interest in the issues presented by dif ferent factions of the antislavery movement. The following proposition was made at a Coloni zation meeting in this city: is it strictly true? "No two nations, brought together under similar circumstances with those under which the Africans have been brought into this country, have amalgamated." Are not the people in the West Indies principally mulatto? And how is it in South America? Did they not amalgamate there? Did not the Helots, a great many of whom were Persians, etc., taken in battle, amalgamate with the Grecians, and rise to equal privileges in the State? I ask for information. Please tell me, 47lbid., P~ 109. 41 also, whether slavery is not an infringement of the Constitution of the United States. You Southerners have no idea of the excitement exist ing at the North on the subjects of abolition and colonization. This letter to Thomas also shows Angelina's interest in learning the political implications of slavery, implica tions which she was to use to great advantage later in het speaking career. ~ In February, 1834, the famous Lane Seminary Debates took place in Cincinnati. These were to have been presided over by Dr. Lyman Beecher; however, because of his relative position with the trustees of that institution, and the con sequences which were threatened if he even appeared at the debates, kept him away from the hall all eighteen nights. ^ Among those students participating in the debates ,were two young men noted for their energy, sincerity and oratorical ability: Henry B. Stanton and Theodore D. Weld. Of Theodore D. Weld it was said, that when he lectured on temperance, so powerfully did he affect his.audiences, that many a liquor dealer .went home and emptied out the contents of his barrels.50 < In later yea‘rs, Theodore Weld was to influence the training of the Grimke sisters for their role in the move ment of - abolition.’ -And he was to become a part of their ^ I b l d ., p. 114. ^Thomas, Theodore Weld, pp. TD-72. ^°Birney, The Grimke Sisters, p. 113* 42 lives after his marriage to Angelina, but all of this was to take place some years after Weld established himself as the leader of the antislavery cause. It is no disparagemerit to the many able and eloquent advocates of the antislavery cause, be tween 1833 and 1836 to say that public opinion placed Weld at the head of them all. In him were combined reason and imagination, wide and accurate knowledge, manly courage, a tender and sympathetic nature, a remarkable faculty of expression, and a fervent enthusiasm which made him the best platform orator of his time.51 In September, 1834, Thomas Grimke who was on his way to Cincinnati to deliver an address on education to the College of Professional Teachers, and then on to Columbus to visit his brother Frederick stopped to see his sisters, Angelina and Sarah.52 Thomas was a unionist during the South Carolina nullification question, and during his visit with his sisters had a chance to explain many of the issues concerning slavery to them. However, Thomas had been in volved in so many other reforms that he felt he knew little about slavery and planned, to spend time in 1835 studying the issues of the question. Sarah writes in 1837* concerning her brother’s visit to Philadelphia. We often conversed on the subject of slavery, and never did I hear from his lips an approval of It. He had never examined the subject; he regarded it as a duty to do it, and intended devoting the powers of his mind to it the next year of his life, and asked us to get ready for him all the abolition works worth studying.53 51lbid., p. 116. 52ibid., p. 118. 53ibid., p. 117. 43 Thomas was never able to study the slavery issue, however, for after his lecture in Cincinnati, he left for Columbus as planned. But just outside of Columbus he con tracted cholera. Frederick then a member of the Supreme Court rushed to him with a doctor, but arrived only in time to see his brother die. Concerning the death of Thomas Smith Grimke, B. P. Thomas writes: A ¥ale graduate and brilliant orator, Thomas Smith Grimke was a unionist durirg the South Carolina nullification excitement. Enlisting in such causes as peace, temperance, education, and betterment of the condition of the Indians, his reform adjurations were stilled by his untimely death from cholera in 1834, but not before he had exerted a lasting influence upon his sisters.54 Knowing that Thomas had felt strongly about the importaice of the slavery question in the United States, Angelina and Sarah set out to learn more about the situation. Sarah for instance found or realized for the first time, that segregation was practiced in the Quaker meetings and so she and Angelina both openly denounced this practice.55 Ange lina's interest seems to have gone beyond the church, for in her diary dated. May 12, 1835* the following expression of her feelings is found. Five months have elapsed since I wrote in this diary, since which time [sic] I have become deeply interested in the subject of abolition". I had long regarded this cause as utterly hopeless, but since 54Thomas, Theodore Weld, p. 134. 55sirney, The Grimke Sisters, p. 122. 2j2j I have examined anti-slavery principles, I find them so full of the power of truth, that I am con fident not many years will roll by before the horrible traffic in human tings will be destroyed in this land of Gospel privileges. My soul has measurably stood in the stead of the poor slave, and my earnest prayers have been poured out that the Lord would be pleased to permit me to be instru mental of good to these degraded, oppressed, and suffering fellow-creatures. Truly I often feel ready to go to prison or to death in this cause of Justice, mercy, and love; and I do fully believe if I am called to return to Carolina, it will not be long before I shall suffer persecution of some kind or other.5° Such increasing enthusiasm led to concern for Angelina from the more cautious Sarah. But as it has been indicated in earlier pages, Angelina was not one for half-hearted con victions. Once her mind was made up concerning an issue she could not be held back by family or church. It was this strong conviction that led to the writing of a letter (excerpted here) to W. L. Garrison after he had been mobbed in Boston. This letter was later printed in the Liberator and was the first public recognition which either of the sisters received on the question of abolition* The letter reads in part: Respected Friend: It seems as if I was compelled at this time to address thee, notwithstanding all my reasonings against intruding on thy valuable time, and the uselessness of so insignificant a person as myself offering thee the sentiments of sympathy at this alarming crisis. I can hardly express to thee the deep and solemn interest with which I have viewed the violent proceedings of the last few weeks. 5bIbid., pT~ 123* 45 Although I expected opposition, I was not prepared for it so soon— it took me by surprise— and I greatly feared abolitionists would be driven back in the first outset, and thrown into confusion. . . . Under these feelings I was urged to read thy Appeal to the citizens of Boston. Judge, then, what were my feel ings on finding that my fears were utterly groundless, and that thou stoodest firm in the midst of the storm, determined to suffer and to die, rather than yield one inch. . . ;. The ground upon which you. stand is holy ground; never, never surrender it. . . . If persecution Is the means which God has ordained for the accomplishment of this great end, Emancipation; then, in dependence upon Him for strength to bear it, I feel as If I could say, Let It Come!-for it is my deep, solemn, deliberate conviction that this is a cause worth dying for. I say so, from what I have seen, heard, and know in a land of slavery, where reststhe darkness of Egypt, and where is found the sin o.f Sodom. Yes! Let It come— let us suffer, rather than insurrections should arise.57 The letter was Theodore'D. Meld's first introduction to the convictions of Angelina Grimke. This was Weld's introduction to the Grimke sisters. The letter made an Impression on him. He read it again and again. He seemed to hold com- union with this unknown Quaker girl. . . .58 - Though Weld and Garris-on had received the letter with great favor, the Friends Society had the opposite reaction to it and strongly reprimanded Angelina for calling attention to herself. It was even suggested that she write to Garrison and have the letter changed "in such a way as to soften her statements."59- Angelina felt, however, that the statements 57ibld., pp. 125-26. 5®Thomas, Theodore Weld, p. 137* 59Birney, The Grimke Sisters, p. 130. 46 were hers and represented her convictions fairly and there- * fore she.felt no need to change any thing that she had said. We approach now the most interesting period in the lives of the two sisters. A new era was about to dawn upon them; their quiet, peaceful routine was to be disturbed; a path was opening for them, * very different from the one which had hitherto been eminently prepared them. Angelina was the first to see it, the first to venture upon it, and for a time she travelled it alone,, unsustained by her beloved sister and feeling herself condemned by all her nearest friends.6u 6 0 Ibid., p. 131. CHAPTER III THE GFIMK£ SISTERS ENTER THE FIGHT FOR ABOLITION The winter of 1835 and a part of 1836 was spent in study by the.sisters. During this time the demonstrations ■* of violence against the friends of the abolition movement continued and as the readings of such incidents increased in the papers, Angelina1s desire to do something about it increased. And out of this desire came her "Appeal to the Christian Women of the South," finished in August of 1836 and sent to New York. Mr. Wright of the New York Antislavery Society wrote after reading the article: I have just finished reading your Appeal, and not with a dry eye. I do not feel the slightest doubt that the committee will publish it. Oh, that it could be rained down into every parlor in our land. I know it will carry the Christian women of the South if it can be read, and my soul blesses that dear and glorious Saviour who has helped you write it.-*- Mr. Wright's evaluation of the "Appeal" was supported by the committee and it was printed in. pamphlet form, which consisted of thirty-six pages. It was distributed through the nation. -^Birney, The Grimke Sisters, pp. 147-M8. 47 48; * The Quarterly Anti-Slavery Magazine for October, 1836, comments on the article in the following manner: This eloquent pamphlet is from the pen of a sister of the late Thomas S. Grimke, of Charleston, S. C. We need hardly say more of it than that it is written with that peculiar felicity and unction which characterized the works of her lamented brother. Among anti-slavery writings there are tvo classes— one especially adapted to make new con verts, the other to strengthen the old. We cannot exclude Miss Grimke1s Appeal from either class.2 A large number of the pamphlets were sent to the South and were received with as much enthuiasm as the black plague. Those reaching South Carolina were burned publicly by the postmasters Soon after this, the authorities of Charles ton, hearing that Angelina planned to visit her mother, went to see Mrs. Grimke. She was instructed to write to her daughter informing her that she was no longer welcome in that city and that the police had been given instructions to arrest and imprison her as soon as she disembarked from the steamer.^ The people of Charleston were so incensed against Angelina that her friends wrote telling her that if she should insist upon coming despite the threat of imprison ment, she would surely meet with personal violence at the hands of a mob. The thought of arrest or personal dangers did not stop Angelina from going to Charleston. She 2Ibid., p. 148. ^Thomas, T. D. Weld, p. 137* 4 , Birney, The Grimke Sisters, p. 150. 49 cancelled the trip because she felt that she could not go there without bringing harm to those she loved and for this reason alone she remained in the North. During the latter part of August, 1836, Sarah Grimke became completely convinced that.the cause of abolition was worth all the hardships that Angelina had suffered. Because her letters during this period have been destroyed it is difficult to follow the chain of events -and the reasoning which led Sarah to her decision. However, the progress toward her complete sympathy with Angelina’s convictions was quite rapid after the Charleston i n cident.5 The New York office of the Anti-Slavery Society urged Angelina to go to New England and to follow her plan which was to convince the Quaker Society that they must take a stand not only against the ownership of slaves, but also against the use of products - produced;by slave labor. Because she was a Quaker, she felt that she should go with the sup port of the Philadelphia Society rather than become a member of the Anti-Slavery society. The church had the first right to her time and labors and if they supported her she would prefer to work within the Society of Friends. She wanted first to consult with her old acquaintances E. and L. Capron, who were cotton manufacturers in Uxbridge, Massachusetts.^ My present feelings lead me to labor with Friends on the manufacture and use of the products of slave- labor. They excuse themselves from doing anything, 5lbid., p. 151. 6Ibid., p. 152. 50 because they say they cannot mingle in the general excitement, and so on. Now, here is a field of labor in whicl> they need have nothing to do with other societies, and yet will be striking a heavy blow at slavery. These topics the Anti-Slavery Society has never acted upon as a body, and there fore no agent of theirs could consistently labor on them. I stated to E. and L. Capron just how I felt, and asked whether I could be of any use among them, whether they were prepared to have the morality of these things discussed on Christian principles. I have no doubt, my Philadelphia friends will oppose my going there, but, Jane, I have realized very sensibly of late that I belong not to them, but to Christ Jesus, and that I must follow the Lamb whithersoever He Leadeth. . . . I feel as if I was about to sacrifice every friend I thought I had, but I still believe with T. D. Weld, that this is "a cause worth dying for."7 The cotton manufacturers to whom she had written told her that if she were to go to New England with the intention of discussing slavery in any way she would find herself with not help at all, in fact "He went so far as to say that he believed there were Friends whd would cfestroy her character if she attempted anything of the kind.8 Catherine Morris long time friend of both Angelina and Sarah and a member of the Friends Society, decidedly objected to the plan and felt that the Friends would not permit Angelina to go. Under such circumstances, Angelina writes: I felt a little like the apostle Paul, who having first offered the Jews the gospel, and finding they ■ would not receive it, believed it right for him to turn «to the Gentiles. Didst thou ever hear anything so absurd as what Catherine says about the certifi cate and a companion? I cannot feel bound by such 7Ibid., p. 152. 8Ibid.,, p. 153* 51 unreasonable restrictions if my Heavenly Father opens a door for me, and I do not mean to submit to them. She knows very well the Arch Street Meet ing would grant me neither, but as the servant of Jesus Christ I have no right to bow down thus to the authority of man, and I do not expect ever again to suffer myself to be trammelled as I have been. It is sinful in any human being to resign his or her conscience and free agency to any society or indi vidual, if such usurpation can be resisted by moral power. The course our Society is now determined upon, of crushing everything which opposed the peculiar views of Friends, seems to me just like the powerful effort of the Jews to close the lips of Jesus. They are afraid that the Society will be completely broken up if they allow any difference of opinion to pass unrebuked, and they are resolved to put down all who question in any way the doctrines of Barclay, the soundness of Fox, or the practices which are built on them. But the time is fast approaching when we shall see who is for Christ, and who for Fox and Barclay, the Paul and Apollos of our Society.9 Angelina knew that the provision of a permission certificate granted by the church would never* be issued to her and she could not resign herself to the Injustice of the situation. 'Sarah discussed with Angelina the. interpretation which the church would place on her leaving without the sanc tion of the "Meeting for Sufferins." [sic] Her actions would be regarded as a violation of the estbalished usages of the Society and it would then be obligated to disown her. But her convictions left her no alternative and Sarah knew this, and so she, using a passage from the book of Ruth in the Bible, said: "if thou indeed feelest thus, and I cannot doubt it, then my mind too is made up. Where thou goest, 9lbid., pp. ',153-54• 52 I will go; they God shall be my God, thy p«ople my people. « What thou doest, I will, to my utmost, aid thee in doing. We have wept and prayed together, we will go and work toother.1'10 Soon after arriving in New York the sisters, found themselves in frequent association with the men who directed the movement of the'American Anti-Slavery Society. Men of varied accomplishments and qualities but with a common pur pose. William Jay and James G. Birney, trained in legal practice and public life; Arthur Tappan, Lewis Tappan, John * Rankin, and Duncan Dunbar, successful merchants; Abraham L. 5 Cox, a physician- with a large practice; Theodore D. Weld, Henry B. Stanton, Alvan Stewart, and Gerrit Smith who were popular orators; Joshua Levitt, Elizur Wright, and William Goodell, able writers and editors; Beriah Green and Amos A. Phelps, both pulpit speakers and authors, and the poet John G. Whittier. The sisters were to soon learn that the Society proposed to organize a National Female Anti-Slavery Society, this was to be started in November of 1836, and it was felt that Angelina and Sarah would be exceedingly well suited to aid this organization. In the first weeks of November, 1836, the sisters attended the antislavery convention as the guests of Dr. Cox 10I b i d ., p. 155. 53 and his wife Abby. It was at this meeting of the convention that Angelina met T. D. Weld for the first time, Angelina writes concerning this meeting: . . . . to-day (llth) we enjoyed a moral and intel lectual feast in a most noble speech from T. D. Weld, of more than two hours, on .the question, "What is slavery?" I never heard so grand and beautiful an exposition of the dignity and nobility of man in my life. After the meeting was over, W. L. Garrison introduced Weld to us. He greeted me with the '• appellation of "my dear sister," and I felt as though he was a brother indeed in the holy cause of suffer ing humanity; a man raised up by God and wonderfully qualified to plead the cause of the oppressed. Per haps now thou wilt want to know how this lion of the tribe of abolition looks. Well, at fiist sight, there was nothing remarkable to me in his appearance, and I wondered whether he was really as great as, I had heard. But as soon as his countenance became animated by speaking, I found it was one which por trayed the noblest qualities of the heart and head beaming With intelligence, benevolence, and frankness.H The convention adjourned in the latter part of Novem- ' ber, after having had, a profound effect on both Grimke sisters. In December cf the same year Sarah published her first article for the society. This article "Epistle to the Clergy of the Southern States" was a strong argument against the stand on the subject of slavery which many of the clergy of the South had taken. By January of 1837> the Grimk^ sisters were well known to the abolitionists and the work which they had done was respected among the members of the society. . . . the sisters and portions of their history, had become so well known to abolitionists, that the n Ibid., p. 159* ' 54 leaders felt they had secured invaluable champions in these two Quaker women, one so logical, brilliant, and persuasive; and other so intelligent, earnest, and conscientious; and both distinguished by their ability to testify as eye-witnesses against the monstrous evils of slavery.12 Angelina and Sarah had been speaking in private parlor meetings to women who were interested in the Female Anti- Slavery Society, but soon the meetings became so well at tended that no parlor would hold all who wished to attend. Learning of this the Rev. Mr. Dunbar, a Baptist clergyman, offered them the use of his Sessinn room and so it was announced that the next meeting would be held in the church. The thought of women meeting and speaking in such a, public place caused a disturbance among the Quakers. However, on the appointed day some three hundred women filled the .church Session room. . . .We went to the meeting at three o'clock and found about three hundred women there. It was opened with prayer by Henry Ludlow; we were warmly welcomed by brother Dunbar, and then these two left us. After a moment, I [Angelina] rose and spoke about forty minutes, feeling, I think, entirely unembarrassed. Then dear sister did her part better than I did. We then read some extracts from papers and letters, and answered a few questions, when at five the meet ing closed.^ This assembly of women in a public place was the first in America outside of the Quaker' churc.h.1^ 12Ibid., p. 161. 13Ibid., p. 163. 1^lbid., p. 164. After many successful meetings in New York the sis ters held similar ones in Newark, Bloomfield,' and other places in- New Jersey. ^ By the time they had completed this tour it was time for the Female Anti-Slavery Convention. Much protest had been brought against the society because many felt that slavery was now a political question -and that women had no right to speak on a political issue. This argument brought forth Angelina's excellent "Appeal to the Women of the Nominally Free States." The main point of this appeal was "The denial of our duty to act in this cause is a denial of our right to act; and if we have no right to act,■then may we well be termed 'the white slaves of the North,' for, like our brethren in bonds, we must seal our lips in silence and despair."1^ Though Sarah and Angelina Grimke felt that woman's rights and Abolition were entirely separate, the Woman's Rights movement in America was greatly helped by these sisters. * The Woman's Rights agitation, while entirely separate from Abolitionism, owes its orfein to the interest this subject excited in the hearts and minds of American women; and to Sarah and Angelina Grimke must be accorded the credit of first making the woman question one of reform.^7 Once again the head of slavery "reared" and Southern representatives in CongressNbegan to interfere with the 15Ibid., p. 170. l6Ibid., p. 172. 17Ibid., p. 174. 56 petitions to Congress, which the women of America had cir culated under the guidance of the Grimke sisters. Again the idea was presented that slavery was a political question and that women should have nothing to do with it. Angelina Grimke once and for all answered this objection in the well- written "Appeal to Northern Women.’1 In the Appeal she States Every citizen should feel an intense interest in the political concerns of the country, because the honor, happiness and well being of every class are bound up in.Its politics, government, and laws. Are we aliens because we are women? Are we bereft of citizenship because we are the mothers, wives, and daughters of a mighty people? Have women ho country— no interests 'staked on the public weal— no partner ship in a nation's guilt and shame? Has woman no home nor household altars, nor endearing ties of kindred, nor sway, with man, nor power at the mercy- seat, nor voice, to cheer, nor hand to raise the drooping, or to bind the broken? . . . The Lord has raised up men whom he has endowed with wisdom and understanding, and knowledge, to lay deep and broad the foundations of the temple of liberty. This is a great moral work in which they are engaged. No war- trumpet summons to the field of battle; but Wisdom crieth without, "Whoseover is of willing heart, let him bring an offering." Shall woman refuse her re sponse to the call? Was she created to be a helpmeet for man— his sorrows to divide, his joys to share, and all his toils to lighten by her willing aid, and shall she refuse to aid him with her prayers, her labours, and her counsels too, at such a time, in such a cause as this?-^ This writing shows once again Angelina's use of the rhetorical question for emphasis and persuasion, a style which she used in many of her speeches. Her definition of emancipation gives an indication of her ability to organize l8Ibid., pp. 175-76. 57 and to state specifically her position. These methods will be seen more clearly'in the Rhetorical -Analysis. Dost thou ask what I mean by emancipation? I will explain myself in a few words. 1st. It is to reject with indignation- the wild and guilty fantasy that man can hold property in man. 2nd. To pay the laborer his hire, for he is worthy of it. 3rd. No longer to deny him the right of marriage, but to let every man have his own wife,’ and let every woman have her own husband, as saith the apostle. 4th. To let parents have their own children, for they are the gift of the Lord to them, and no one else has any right to them. 5th. No longer to withhold the advantages of educa tion, and privilege of reading the Bible. 6th. To put the slave under the protection of equitable law. Now why should not all this be done immediately? Which of these' things is to be done next year, and which the year after? and so on. Our immediate emancipation means doing justice and loving mercy today, and this is what we call upon every slave holder to do. . . ^9 The continuing efforts of the Grimke sisters and the Society brought recognition of the issues at stake to the entire country side as well as to the—larger cities. Opin ions were divided and wherever they spoke they were met by those who supported and opposed them. The meetings grew in size and the interruptions by mob action became more fre quent, however, Angelina and Sarah met the challenge. They spoke above the voices of criticism, and answered theques tions of the rabble with cool logic. In each city and town where they spoke, new societies were formed. The women of ^ibid., p. 198. 58 the anti-slavery society were growing in number and enthusiasm, the petitions which they circulated spread throughout the country and by January, 1838, the fruits of all their labor began to show results. In January, 1838, the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society held its annual meeting which was notable in several respects. (1) On the second day, the great Texas meeting^® as it was called was held in Faneuil Hall. The fact that this Cradle of Liberty was loaned to the abolitionists was regarded as strong evidence of the progress of the cause. (2-) The House of Representatives was loaned to the society P 1 for its remaining meetings and (3 ) The Legislative Com mittee was to hear Angelina Grimke speak. This event was to mark the first time that the halls of the. Massachusetts Legislature were opened to a woman.22 Angelina wrote a graphic account of the Texas meet ing to Jane Smith. She spoke especially about Henry B. Stanton, who made in her opinion the mos,t powerful speech of the meeting. Stanton was so severe on Congress that a representative who was present rose and objected to "the hot thunderbolts and burning lava,"23 that Stanton had 20Ibid., p. 226. 21Ibid., p. 227.' ' 22Ibid., pp. 228. 23Angelina Grimke to Jane Smith, February 7 , 1838. Weld-Grlmke Letters, Clements Library. 59. directed toward "the powers that be, of those whom we were commanded to honor and obey."2^ These remarks states Angelina, were so "ridiculous as to bring laughter,and the manner in which Stanton demolished the speaker by his own arguments called forth such repeated rounds of applause that the great orator was obliged to insist upon silence."25 The House of Representatives was granted to the society for its remaining meetings. They had moved from Faneuil Hall, mainly because the attendance was so great that the Hall would not hold everyone and partly because the opposition threatened to damage the meeting place. It wwas here that Quincy,' Colver, Phelps, and Wendell Phillips spoke.’ The evidence of the effectiveness of these orators is found in the fact that members of the House were so impressed that they appointed a committee to take into con- 26 sideration the petitions of the subject of slavery. Stanton, after hearing about the formation of the committee, asked Angelina if she would like to speak before it, as the names of thousands of.women were before the com mittee as signers of petitions. After thinking about it a day, Angelina sent word to Stanton that if the members of i the society thought well of the idea ^h e would be happy to speak. Stanton then consulted Jackson, Puller, Phelps and 24Ibid. 25lbid. 2%irney, The Grimke Sisters, p. 228. 60 Quincy/ for even though he was sufe of his own fbelings on the question of women's rights, he feared the consequences of such a manifest assertion of equality. The idea was then put before James C. Alvord, who had been selected as chairman of the committee. Alvord was in favor of hearing Angelina speak and so: The plan was carried out, thanks to James C. Alvord, the chairman of the committee; and the halls of the Massachusetts Legislature were opened for the first time to a woman.2? Wendell Philips says of that meeting: It gave Miss Grimke the opportunity to speak to the best culture and character of Massachusetts; and the profound impression then made of a class not often found in our meetings was never wholly lost. It was not only the testimony of one most competent to speak, but it was the profound religious experience of one who had broken out of the charmed circle, and whoseAintense earnestness melted all opposition. . . . ° Angelina was to speak before the committee only once according to the original plan, but since she had not fin ished all she had to say, the committee asked her to continue on another day. She writes to Sarah M. Douglass concerning this second meeting. I shall try to make some amends (for not writing sooner) by giving thee some account Of my second meeting with the Legislative Committee, having written Jane Smith an account of the first, which I doubt not you have seen. I rose in that assembly — my heart had never quailed before, but it almost died within me at the tremendous hour. Neverthe less the Lord was my Helper, the feeble, trembling 27Ibid., p. 228. 28Ibld., p. 228. 61 knees were made strong and I was enabled to lift my voice once more like a trumpet. But that meet ing affords no relief to my over burdened heart, and I rejoiced that another opportunity would soon be afforded me of crying aloud on behalf of the dumb. The hour arrived. On reaching the State House we found numbers of persons coming away not being able to gain admittance; and the hall was jammed to such excess that it was with great diffi culty we were squeezed in, and then (we) were com pelled to walk over'the seats in order to reach the place assigned us. As soon as we entered we were received by clapping. 0! Sarah do you know— can you imagine— how I felt? My heart did not sink in prospect of this meeting as it (had) done before. After the bustle was over I rose to speak and was greeted by hisses from the doorway, tho' profound silence thro1 the crowd within. The noise in that direction increased and I was requested by the Chairman to suspend my remarks until at last one of the Committee came to me and requested I would stand near the Speaker's desk. I crossed the Hall and stood on the platform in front of it, but was imme diately requested to occupy the Secretaries desk on one side. I had just fixed my papers on two gentle men's hats when at last I was invited to stand in the Speaker's desk. This was in the middle, more elevated and far more convenient in every respect. Now my friend, how dost thou think I bore all this? I never was favored with greater self-possession. I was perfectly calm-took up the thread of my dis course and by speaking very loud, soon succeeded in hushing down the noise of the people, and was suf fered to continue for more than 2 [sic] hours with out the least interruption. . . . My subjects were the Dangers of Slavery, the Safety of Emancipation, Gradualism, " and Character of the Free people of Color, the cruel treatment they were subjected to thro' the influence of prejudice-this prejudice always accompanied gradual empancipation. . . . What the effect of these meetings is to be, I know not. . . . This I know, that the chairman was in tears almost the whole time I was speaking. . . .We. abolition women are turning the world upside down, for during the whole meeting there was sister seated up in the Speaker's chair of state. . . .29 ^Angelina Grimk^ to Sarah Douglass, February 25, 1838. 62 The meetings in the Legislature were followed by six evening lectures at the Odeon. Concerning these lectures Angelina writes to T. D. Weld. My Dear Theodore, just to say that the Odeon has been obtained for a course of Lectures and that I expect to begin them on Thursday week, 22d inst.30 The lectures at-the Odeon were to be split up by the sisters in the original plan, however, after the first lecture given by Sarah a change took place and Angelina gave all of the lectures in the remaining five weeks. In her book Catherine Birney attributes this change to Sarah's physical condition and mentions that 'her voice gave out' and that this was the last time that Sarah spoke publicly.31 However, there may have been another quite different reason for Sarah's withdrawal from the public lecture tour. The plan was for one lecture a week to be given with the sisters alternating the speaking duties, Sarah spoke on the 22nd of March and on the 27th of that month the following was written to her by T. D. Weld. - . . . 1 wished to state to you some things that I have learned mainly since I left Brookline, and things which perhaps may excite in you to some extent unpleasant feelings. On board the cars from Brighton to Worcester were a number of abolitionists, some very thoroughgoing, some not, and a number of strong pro-slavery folks. So also in the stage from Worcester on, there was the same variety. Abolition was the great topic through the route. Men, women, 3°Angeline Grimke to T. D. Weld, March 11, 1838. 3lBirney, p. 229* 63 lecturers, Measures, petitions,- legislative commit tees, womens speaking, etc., were discussed and excussed and concussed. I should like if time and room permitted to detail many things, but cannot except a single point. 1st. All agree, pro slavery and antislavery, that Angelina's lectures before the legislature had done more for the abolition cause in Massachusetts than any or all other measures together for the whole season. 2. I found the abolitionists distressed about the first meeting in the Odeon. They said that the crowd went there to hear Angelina, that they waited patiently as they saw her there and presumed she would speak and therefore did not leave, but that they would have done so, the great mass, if they, had supposed she was not to speak. 3* The anti abolitionists were rejoiced that you spoke instead of A. [sic] and hoped you would continue to give the lectures there as they believed that A. [sic] could and would if she spoke do more to build up abolition in Boston than ever had been done before. 3 [sic] I learned also from them that when it was known among abolitionists in all the region that you expected to deliver one of the lectures before the Legislature, they were distressed a’nd utterly at a loss what to do; that thej% refrained from dissuading you for two reasons. 1. They were unwilling to hurt your feelings. 2. They had got strangely the impression that it wold be of no avail, that you had made up your mind to deliver one of. them at all events and that you could _ not be turned from it. 4. [sic] They said also that the same feeling existed now among abolitionists in ' Boston and vicinity as to the Odeon lectures. That they talked the matter over together and knew not what to do but were well assured that the great and sole object of getting the Odeon and of having lectures there would be mainly frustrated if Angelina did not deliver them. 5- Having said thus much, mycfear Sarah, let me add that they all said that the lack of inter est in your lectures was not at all for lack of excellent matter, but for lack of an interesting and happy manner of speaking; that your manner is monotonous and heavy and instead of increasing the power of the truth uttered, weakens it. . . .32 With this message from her good friend T. D. Weld, it may very well be that Sarah's decision was not one made Letter from T. D. Weld to Sarah Grimke, March 27, 1838. 64 because of illness, but because of the realization that she was not helping the cause. At least such a reason deserves consideration. Following the lectures at the Odeon Angelina wrote a description of the audience to Weld; . . . The upper gallery was closed in order to pre vent the boys from coming in, the other parts of the house were full, tho' not crowded to such excess as the week before. I felt that I had an audience who had come to hear, not out of idle curiosity but the want of information. It was a far more quiet meeting than the other, not the least attempt at disturbance within. I sopke about 1 1/2 [sic3 hours’. . . .33 When the work;in Massachusetts was completed, the Grimke sisters left for Philadelphia. Sarah accepted a temporary home with Jane Smith and Angelina went to stay in the home of another sister, Mrs. Frost, where she was to be married to T. D. Weld two weeks later. On the 14th of May, 1838, Angelina Grimke and Theodore Dwight Weld were married. Invitations had been sent to some eighty persons including H. B. Stanton, C. C. Burleigh, William Lloyd Garrison, Amos Dresser, H. C. Wright, Maria and Mary Chapman, Abby Kelly, Samuel Philbrick, Jane Smith, and Sarah Douglass. Sarah Grimke writing to a friend in England commented on the wedding in the following manner . . . of course Angelina will be disowned (by the Quakers) for forming this connection, and I shall be for attending the marriage. We feel no regret at this circumstance. . . . The marriage was ^Letter from Angelina Grimke to T. D. Weld, March 28, 1838. 65 solemnized at the house of our sister, Anna R. Frost, in Philadelphia, on the 14th instant. By -the law of Pennsylvania a marriage is legal if wit nessed by twelve, persons. Neither clergyman nor magistrate is required to be present, Angelina could not conscientiously consent to be married by a clergy man, and Theodore D. Weld cheerfully consented to have the marriage solemnized in such manner as com ported with her views, . . .34 A contempoary historian wrote of the wedding: All these months Angelina had worked closely with Theodore Dwight Weld, a Connecticut abolitionist who had led the rebellion at Lane Seminary in Ohio and established himself as the most dynamic abolitionist in the West. At the height of her career, like Prudence Crandall, Angelina was courted and won. She married Weld in Philadelphia on May 14, 1838, turning even the ceremony into a brilliant propa ganda display. Six former slaves of the Grimke family were among the guests, "our testimony against the horrible prejudice," Sarah noted. Since liberal Pennsylvania lawsmade a marriage legal if witnessed by twelve people, Angelina and Weld dispensed with a minister to bind the nuptials. Garrison read the marriage agreement. Angelina and Weld themselves officiated, Weld reading into the record a biting attack against "the unrighteous power vested in a husband by the laws of thp United States over the person and property of his wife." The only clerical attendants, two Negro and White ministers, were allotted a few minutes topcay for the u n i o n .35 Angelina's wedding day was also the day on which the new Liberty Hall opened in Philadelphia. The occasion'was the Antislavery Convention of American Women, and Angelina and Theodore Weld attended. This new hall had been built because the churches, lecture-rooms and hiring halls had been denied to the friends 34Birney, p. 231. ' 35LaWrence Lader, The Bold Brahmins (New York: E. P. Dutton and Co., Inc., 19.61), p . 67. (Hereafter referred to as Lader.) 66 of free discussion and abdition in Philadelphia, thus the leaders In the -group banded together and built the beauti ful hall at an expense of some forty thousand dollars. The hall was to be used: . . '. . for free speech on any and every subject not of an immoral character. . . . The hall, one of the finest building in the city, was situated between Charry and Sasafras streets.3° The first meetings in Liberty Hall drew some three thousand delegates, both Negro and white. The fact that the Negroes sat with the whites during the convention in flamed the opposition, b'ut the mob did not take action until It was made known that Angelina Weld was to address the convention on the l6th.37 Maria/Chapman spoke before Angelina and as she spoke rocks were hurled through the windows as the mob outside grew in number. Maria Chapman, as we have seen, calmed the audience while rocks hurtled through the windows. Then Angelina rose to her last hour of public glory. "The clamness and impassioned earnestness of Angelina Grimke speaking nearly an hour amid that howling mob," one delegate testified fervently, "was not surpassed In courage or consecration by Paul among the wild beasts at Ephesus."38 Contrary to the information quoted above concerning Marie Chapman's speech before the convention we find the following: William Lloyd Garrison opened the meeting with a short but characteristic speech, during which he 36;Birney, p. 234. 37ibld., p. 234. 38Lader, p. 9 8 . 67 was frequently Interrupted by hisses and groans; and when he ended, some efforts were made to break up the meeting. In the midst of the confusion, Maria W. Chapman arose, calm, dignified, and with a wave of her hand, as though to still the noise-,, began to speak, but, before she had gone far, yells from the outside proclaimed the arrival there of a - disorderly rabble, and at once 1he confusion inside became so great, that, although the brave woman con tinued her speech, she was not heard except by those immediately around her.39 After Maria Chapman finished her remarks Angelina Weld rose and moved forward: • - . . . so great was the effect of her pure, beautifui presence and quiet,' graceful manner, that in a few moments the confusion within the hall had subsided. With deep solemnity, and in words of burning elo- . quence, she gave her testimony against the awful wickedness of an institution which had no secrets from her, she was frequently interrupted by the mob, but their yells and shouts only furnished her with metaphors which she used with unshrinking p o w e r . ^0 During this speaking situation one of the best examples of Angelina’s ability to adjust to the audience situation is found. She stopped in the middle of her speech, just after more rocks had been thrown through the windows to say: What is a mob? What would the breaking of every window be? Any evidence that' we are wrong, or that slavery is a good and wholesome institution? What if that mob should now burst‘in upon us? Break up our meeting, and commit violence upon our persons — would this be anything compared with what the slaves endure? No, No: and we do not remember them "as bound with them," if we shrink In the time of period, or feel unwilling to sacrifice ourselves, if need be, for their sake. I thank the Lord that 39jBirney, p. 238. ^°Ibid., p. 238. 68 there Is yet life enough left to feel'the truths even though it rages at It— that conscience is not so completely seared as to be unmoved by the truth of the living God.41 Angelina was interrupted several times during this speech by breaking windows and screams from the mob outside but remained calm throughout. The only indication that she gave during the remaining time that she was aware of the mob, was by the raising of her voice so that she could be heard above the shouts and hisses. Not once was a tremor or a change of color per ceptible, and though the missiles continued to fly through the broken sashes, and the hooting and yells increased outside, so powerfully did her word and tones hold that vast audience, that imminent as seemed their peril, scarcely a man or woman moved to depart. She'sat dovm amid applause that drowned all the noise outside.42 This was Angelina Weld's final appearance in public as a leading speaker.for the Anti-Slavery Society. The following morning the mob broke into the hall and smashed everything in sight, they pulled the books to gether and set a torch to them. Within minutes the entire building was ablaze and: . . . though the fire companies were early on the scene, not one effort was made to save the struc ture so recently erected, at such great cost, and consecrated to such Christian uses< In a few hours' the smouldering walls alone were left.43 41Ibid.~, p. 238. ^Birney, p. 238. 2|3Ibid., p. 241. 6 9 After the destruction of Pennsylvania Hall,^ Angelina and T. D. Weld, accompanied by Sarah went to visit Weld's-parents near Syracuse, New York, and then settled ' at Port Lee on the Hudson. Soon after setting up house keeping In their new home Angelina and Sarah received a letter telling them that they had been disowned by- the Quaker Society.. The letter was written by Mary Horner and Edith Kite on the 3rd of July 1838 and reads as follows: It has become our duty to mention to you that we have been appointed by the monthly meeting of the Society of: .Friends to treat with you for the respective breaches of discipline made by you. The one is being married contrary to cur established order with a person not professing with us. The ' other in attending that marriage. These acts were deliberately performed and you were fully aware of the consequences as regards your connection with our religious society. We feel regret that you have not more highly prized your right of membership, and earnestly de sire that in calmness of mind you may wait for the illumination of the light of Christ which is un changeable in its nature, whereby you may come to a •right sense of your real state, be strengthened to . take up his cross and become instructed in relation to the path of duty as regards your future steps in life. We shall be glad^to receive from you answer to -this communication. ^ The sisters answer to this letter was quick and to the point; it was sent from Fort Lee, New Jersey on the 7th of July, 1838: Your communication was received yesterday and we embrace an early opportunity of informing you ^Ibid., p. 242. ^^Barnes and Dumond, p. 683. 70 that'we wish the discipline of the Society of Friends to have free course with regard to.us, and shall gjve the Monthly meeting as little trouble as possible. It is our Joy that we have committed no offense for which Jesus Christ will disown .us as members of the household of faith. If you regret that we have valued our right of membership so little, we equally regret that.our Society should have adopted a dis cipline which has no. foundation in the Bible or reason, and earnestly hope the time may come when the simple gospel rule with regard to marriage, "be not unequal ly yoked together with unbelievers," will be as con scientiously enforced, as that sectarian one, which prohibits the union of the Lord’s own people if their shibboleth be not exactly the-same. We are very respectfully in that love which knows no distinction in color, clime or creed. . . Though much of their time was spent in keeping house and in working on the collection of testimonies against slavery for Weld, Sarah had time to publish an article entitled "Equality of the Sexes" in 1839*^ In December of that same year Charles Stewart Weld was born and soon after in 1840 the family moved, to a fifty acre farm at Belleville, 48 New Jersey. It was here that two more children graced the home of Angelina and T. D. Weld. As soon as the first child reached an age when educa tion was necessary, Angelina and Theodore decided to start a home school so that little Charles could learn along with other children his own age. ^6Ibid., p. 685. ^Birney, P* 253. ^Ibid., p. 261. They had felt that they could offer the opportunity of schooling to two or three other children with little difficulty, however, - As educators Mr. and Mrs. Weld very soon developed such rare ability that although they had thought of limiting the number of pupils to two or three,so many ' were pressed upon them, with such good reasons for their acceptance, that the two or three became a k dozen, and were with difficulty kept at that figure. 9 The Belleville school became more of a job than any of the three teachers had anticipated and in 1852 when the •» Raritan Bay Association, requested that the Welds and Sarah Grimke come to their Eagleswood school near Perth Amboy and take over the education department, the three accepted. They accepted in the hope of finding, in the change greater social advantages for themselves and their children, with less responsibility and less labourj for of these last the husband, wife, and sister, in their Belleville school, had had more than they were physically able to endure longer.50 The move to Eagleswood was not made until 185^, but once there the Welds soon found themselves ip a situation more demanding than the one they had left. The school was filled to overflowing and the teaching reputation of the Welds soon brought more students than could be handled by twice the number of teachers. The guest list at the Weld's home during their stay at Eagleswood was a most impressive one. Those who visited them were among the greatest leaders of the time. Some of ^9ibid., P* 267. 50ibid., p. 267- 72 these were James G. Birney, Wm. Cullen Bryant, Wm. H. Channing, Henry W. Bellows, Wm. H. Furness, Horace Greeley, Gerrit Smith, Joshua R. Giddings, and James Freeman Clarke.5^ In 1862, Angelina published "A Declaration of War on Slavery" which was well received by the members of the abolition movement. Soon after this the Weld’family moved to Hyde Park near Boston to teach in the then famous Dr. Dio Lewis school at nearby Lexington. Soon thereafter Sarah published her translation of Joan of Arc, from French to English. ". . . It is in the main a free translation, greatly condensed, of Lamartine’s ’Jeanne d'A r c . '"52 This publication brought to Sarah a degree of recognition which she had not anticipated. February of 1868, brought a test to the Grimke sisters that could have destroyed persons of lesser character, a problem of fact which even the most devout of abolitionists might have rejected .or kept secret. The "fact" was that Sarah and Angelina had three colored nephews by their brother M o n t a g u e . 53 Two of the boys, Archibald and Francis were in the North using the name of Grimke. Both were attending Lincoln University in Pennsylvania. Not only did the Grimke sisters accept the existence of the boys, but Angelina went to the June graduation of Archibald and financially 51Ibid., p. 273. 5^Sarah M. Grimke, Joan of Arc (Boston, Massachusetts: Adams and Co., 1867), p • 3• 53j3irney, pp.. 190-91* 73 assisted Francis in his education.5^ Through the help and » support of the sisters, Archibald finished Harvard law school and set up a practice in Boston. Francis studied for ■the ministry and became pastor of the 15th Street Presbyterian church in Washington City.55 It seemed that Angelina had spent all of her energy in the fight for emancipation of the slave and in August of l869> when she became desperately ill, it seemed that the long career would soon be ended. However, with one crusade' successfully behind her she rallied to champion one final cause, that of women's rights. In February of 1870, Lucy Stone gave an eloquent lecture to the women of Hyde Park' and they decided to try the experiment of voting in the coming town election. Sarah Grimke and Mrs. Weld were asked to support the move, because of their position in the community as' well as in the nation. The following is an account of the'results of the experiment: The 7th cf March, the day of the election, a ter rific snow-storm prevailed, but did not prevent the women from assembling in the hotel near the place of voting, where each one was presented, on the part of their gentlemen friends, with a beautiful bouquet of flowers. At the proper time, a number of these gentlemen came over to the hotel and escorted the ladies to the polls, where a convenient place for them to vote had been arranged. There was a great crowd inside the hall, eager to see the joke of women voting, and many were ready to jeer and hiss. But when, through the door, the women filed, led by 5^ibid., p. 293- 55Ibld^ p> 295> 74 Sarah Grimke and Angelina Weld,the laugh was checked, the Intended jeer unuttered, and deafening applause was given instead. The crowd fell back respectfully, nearly every man removing his hat and remaining un covered while the women passed freely down the hall, deposited their votes, and departed.56 The votes were not counted and there had been no real expectation that they would be, but practical proof of the earnestness of the women had been given. This incident is of particular interest when one realizes that the date of this voting by women precedes that of Susan B. Anthony who is recognized by most as the first woman voter in 1872.5? Following this dramatic evidence of their feelings toward women's rights the sisters began to contribute to the movement in many ways. They were called on for advice and support through testimony. This they gave with the same courage and sincerity that had marked their crusade for abolition. On December the 23, 1873* Sarah Grimke died. The funeral services were conducted by the Rev. Francis Williams, who was pastor of the Unitarian church of Hyde Park. The services were conducted according to Sarah’s wishes. She asked that no money be spent on elaborate preparations, but that money be given to the poor.58 Thossattended the funeral represented the great and the small of American society and 5^Ibid., pp. 296-97. 5?Alma Lutz, Created Equal (New York: The John Day Co., 194o ), p> 231- (Hereafter referred to as Lutz.) 58Birney} pp> 305-306. 75 government. The eloquent remarks of Wm. Lloyd Garrison made at the conclusion of the services sum up the life of Sarah Grimk^ very well. . . . In view of such a life as hers, consecrated to suffering humanity in its manifold needs, embrac ing all goodness, animated by the broadest catholicity of spirit, and adorned with every excellent attribute, any attempt at panegyric here seems as needless as it must be inadequate. Here there is nothirg to depress or deplore, nothing premature or startling, nothing to be supplemented or finished. It is the consum- * mation of a long life, well rounded with charitable deeds, active sympathies, toils, loving ministra tions, grand testimonies, and nobly self-sacrificing endeavors. She lived only to do good, neither seek ing nor desiring to be known, ever unselfish, un obtrusive, compassionate, and loving, dwelling in God and God in her. . . .59 Soon after, the death of her sister, Angelina suffered what wase most probably a stroke. For the remaining six years of her life she was semi-bed ridden, and then on October 2$, 1879 she died. The funeral services were not held the next day as was the custom of the time, but was delayed until the 29 so that all who wished to attend the funeral would have time to travel. One who came was Elizur Wright, who gave this fitting tribute: There is the courage of the mariner who buffets the angry waves. There is the courage of the war rior who marches up to the cannon's mouth, coolly pressing forward amid engines of destruction on every side. But hers was a courage greater than theirs. She not only fh ced death at the hands of stealthy assassins and howling mobs, in her loyalty to truth, duty, and humanity, but she encountered unflinchingly the awful frowns of the mighty conse crated leaders of society, the scoffs and sneers 59Ibid., p. 307. of the multitude, the outstretched finger of scorn, the shispered mockery of pity, standing up for the lowest of the low. Nurtured in the very bosom of slavery, by her own observation and thought, of one thing she became certain,--that it was a false, cruel, accursed relation between human beings. And to this conviction, from the very budding of her womanhood, she was true; not the fear of poverty, obloquy, or death could induce her to smother it. Neither wealth, nor fame, nor tyrant fashion, nor all that the high position of her birth had to offer, could bribe her to abate one syllable of her testimony against the seductive system. . . . Let us hope that South Carolina will yet count this noble, brave, excellent woman above all her past heroes. She it was, more than all the rest of us put together, who called out what was good and humane in the Christian church to take the part of the slave, and deliver the proud state of her birth from the monster that had preyed on its vitals for a century. I have no fitting words for a life like hers. With a mind high and deep and broad enough to grasp the rela tions of justice and mercy, and a heart warm r ough to sympathize with and cherish all that live, what a home she made! Words cannot paint it. I saw it in the old stone house, surrounded with its beautiful garden, at Belleville, on the banks of the Passaic. I saw it in that busy, bright, and cheery palace of true education at Eagleswood, New Jersey. I have seen it here in this Mecca of the wise. Well done! Oh, well done!°° The life and works of Angelina Grimke Weld lived on in the people whose life she had touched. Her speeches and writings were quoted and republished to help carry on the fight for the rights of mankind. Florence Nightingale, in a writing about a woman whose life, like the lives of Sarah and Angelina, had been completely devoted to the service of those who were less fortunate, said at the close: This is not an in memoriam, it is a war-cry such as she would have bid me write,— a cry for others to fill 60Ibid. her place, to fill up the ranks, and fight the good fight against sin and vice and misery and wretchedness as she did,— the call to arms such as she was every ready to obey.ol 6lIbid. «s CHAPTER IV A RHETORICAL ANALYSIS An analysis of rhetoric must necessarily deal with those elements essential to the development of an idea into a persuasive communication. It must therefore Include a study of the components parts of the communication which supplement the presentation of the idea. When evaluated separately, these parts facilitate a clearer Insight into the total scope of the communication. Thus a rhetorical analysis enables one not only to evaluate the general ? persuasive effectiveness of the communication of an idea, but shows the direct importance of each element. Aristotle has defined rhetoric "as the faculty (power) of discovering in the particular case what are the available means of persuasion."'1’ The ‘available means of persuasion1 then include not only the idea, but the speaker, ,the audience and its environment, the time, the choice of words, and their arrangement. These elements of rhetoric are found in the divisions of persuasion which Aristotle separated into his rhetorical canons. These he called invention, arrangement, style, and delivery. For the purposes of this analysis, -*-Cooper Lane, The Rhetoric of Aristotle (New York: Appelton-Century-Crofts, Inc., 1932 )> P* 7» [Hereafter referred to as Cooper.) 78 79 these divisions will be used, each being present separately in the evaluation of the rhetoric* of Angelina Grimke Weld. The Audience The major portion of this analysis will be based on the speech which Angelina gave before the Massachusetts , Legislature, in 1838, the speech is historically valuable . . i because it records the speech by the first woman to whom a legislative hall was opened. If full appreciation of this speech is to be gained it .is first of all necessary to know something about the environmental’conditions surrounding the speaking Situation, and to know something of the people who comprised the audience. The environmental conditions under which this speech was given were quite demanding for any speaker. The large hall of the Massachusetts Legislature was filled to over flowing. Not one chair remained empty, nor one square foot of floor space unused. The people were so closely packed together that it was difficult for the speaker and her sister to reach the platform. On reaching the State House we found numbers of persons coming away not being able to gain admit tance; and the hall was jammed to such excess that it was with great difficulty we were squeezed in, and then (we) were compelled to walk over the seats in order to reach, the place assigned, us.2 2ln Angelina G. Weld to Sarah Douglas, February 25, 1838. 80 After reaching her assigned place Miss Grimke was; moved three times before finally being settled at the speaker's stand. .The reason fox> this moving about was due to the fact that Angelina had difficulty speaking above the hisses which came from the doorway, though there was respectful silence within the hall itself. It is interesting to know that more people came to the meeting in which Angelina spoke than to any other, even though no notice of her speaking had been circulated. The people seemed instinctively to know, and soon after one o'clock, the Representatives' Chamber began to fill. The officers of the house had been directed to mount guard over the side-seats, which were thus with some difficulty retained for mem bers of the Legislature. Before two, the galleries, the reporter*'s lodge, the speaker's desk, and the whole platform and area around it, were filled to a similitude of the 'middle passage.' Not only every seat,•but every stand was occupied. The Alleys were thronged— the staircases were choked up. Men clustered in the windows and around the pillars, and seized upon every coign of vantage. The lobby and grand stair-case were full, and a tide of people, after standing patiently for an hour, swept homeward disappointed.3 The majority of individuals in the audience were of a higher educational and cultural standard than most audi ences to which Miss Grimke had spoken. In the analysis of style, when word choice for this speech was analyzed, there was a definite indication that Miss Grimke selected 'mascu-- line* words, such as 'sweat,' 'concrete,' 'sensual,' 'voluptuous,' words which might not be expected from a 8Liberator, March 12, 1838. 81 •lady of the South*' However, this is a clear indication that she was adjusting to the’sex of the major part of her audience, other’adjustments to education and culture will . be seen in the analysis. Thus' we see that this situation • gave Miss Grimke an opportunity to speak to a group, of people who were in a social and political position to act upon the ’ -i a petitions before them, an entirely new situation to Angelina. It gave Miss Grimke the opportunity to’speak to the best culture and character of. Massachusetts; and the 'profound impression then made on a class not ^ often found in our meeting was never'-wholly lost. Writing for the Liberator, a reporter summed up the speech situation on this occasion in the following manner: ,Suffice it to say, the throng of listeners has. been multitudinous— the effect of the speaker's re marks Impressive in the highest degree— and the conduct of the committee, and of those in attendance, worthy of all praise.5 £ With the audience analysis it seems easier to^ under stand the style used by Angelina Grimke Weld. For the con tent is supplemented by a knowledge not only of the situation in which the speech was given but also by the information concerning the people to .whom the speech was given. The purpose which Angelina hoped to accomplish with this speech was actually twofold, first she wanted the Legislature to take a stand on the slavery issues and to ^Ibld., April 20, 1838. 5Ibid., March 12, 1838. 82 bring pressure on the United States Congress to take a similar stand, secondly she wished to show, through her persuasive speaking, the rightful place which women had in the political ar.erfa. She stated in a personal notebook: It is true that as the conn [sic] of our country recognizes Slavery [sic] we have no right to fight against it with bayonets but we has [sic] a right to fight with moral weapons.° ■ Thus the purpose of this speech.could be described as -Angelina's fight with 'moral weapons' against a Congress that recognized a system of human slavery to which she could not adhere. Her thesis concerning government and,the basis for all of her political argument is found in a truism which she jotted down In her notebook. "All laws ought to be related to the fundamental principles of Morality."7 .Invention . Invention is perhaps the most important single ele- . ment in rhetoric because it is concerned with the Idea being presented. It involves the source of the idea as it is integrated Into the force of the rhetoric. The importance of invention has been stressed by Thonssen and Baird. Invention involves the attempt on the part of the orator, as Cicero says, 'to find out what he should say. . . .' It is an investigative under taking, embracing a survey and forecast of the subject and a search for the arguments suitable to • ^Personal Notebook of Angelina Grimke Weld. Clements Library, Ann Arbor, Michigan, (pages not numbered.) 7Ibid. 8 3 the given rhetorical effort. . . . Thus certain writers— Aristotle among them— give more atten tion to invention than to the other parts of rhetoric. This is done on the grounds, and per haps properly, that the- content is the most important part of a speech.° Angelina Grimke Weld knew the importance of the ideas * .. she presented in her speeches. The content of her rhetoric was a product of her time and yet, her thesis was not a popular one. She spoke against slavery in a time when slavery was a way of life. 'Thus the burden of proof was great and for this reason an analysis of her ideas must also include an evaluation of the supporting details which were used to strengthen and validate her ideas, and which aided her credibility or 'ethos.'^ It has been pointed out in an earlier chapter that Angelina's usefulness to the antislavery society was greatly enhanced by the fact that she was a Southerner and had come from an environment which, embraced the institution of .slavery. In 1836, after her publication "An Appeal to the Christian Women of the South, " her position on the issue, and her willingness to lose all of her family and friends in the South, by having her convictions printed, left no doubt that she believed what she said. Q Thonssen and Leaster, Baird, A. Graid. Speech Criticism (New York: The Ronald Press, Co., 19^8), p. 79 . ^Cooper, p. 8. A clear example of Angelina's use of personal testi- money as proof of her conviction and as an aid to her credibility is found in the introduction of her speech to the Massachusetts' Legislature in January, 1838. ■ f I stand before you as a southerner, [sic3 exiled from the land of my birth,'by the sound of the lash, and the piteous cry of the slave. I stand before you as a repentant slave holder. 0 It is through this type of artistic proof that she establishes herself as one who is qualified to speak of the subject on slavery. Note, however, that at the same time she is 'a repentant slave holder,' thus indicating that she. is not asking for an action on the part of the audience that she had not already taken. Adding to her credibility as a speaker on the subject of slavery, the contributions of the antis.lavery publications should not be overlooked, for these played an important part in the building of the ethical appeal which Angelina had. ■The following, examples are found in the Liberator, and are typical of many. This noble woman whose philanthropic soul never tires while humanity has a work to be done, gave to our State Legislature, on Wednesday and Friday of last week, one of those beautiful appeals for which she alone, as an American female, has been so justly distinguished. The halls were thronged with spectators, all of whom seemed awed into.silence by the power and eloquence of her address. . . . We 10Liberator, March 2, 1838. heard her speak of liberty, and as she pronounced the word, chains rattled in our ears. A Boston correspondent of the Detroit Morning Post is quoted in the May Liberator: . . . Miss Grimke, a pretty Quakeress from the South, recently addressed the House of Representa tives on the subject of slavery. . . . She is a woman of splendid eloquence and has made me _ nineteen-twentieths of an abolitionist. . . . The emotional appeals which Miss Grimke used were a' combination of both artistic and non-artistic proof. By this, it is meant that she used pathos as an artistic proof but supported it with non-artistic proof or the testimony of others. Angelina directed her persuasion to the 'passions, she had her audiences in tears on many occasions as she presented her verbal imagery of the conditions of slaves. Angelina spoke with such eloquence as to bring tears, to the eyes of her large audiences: the - unaffected pathos, the, sound and comprehensive '■ intelligence, the magnanimous and meek spirit, . - the sweet eloquence.13 : . ' * Concerning non-artistic proofs used by Angelina Grimke Weld, this writer, while doing research i n cthe Clements Library found an old manuscript which contained what appears to be a collection of testimonies against slavery., They are in the handwriting of Miss Grimke and i:LIbid. 12Ibid., May 11, 1838. ■^Carmack, p. 407. 86 offer evidence of her awareness of the importance of this type of documentation. Under a section which she has marked "Testimony with regard to Slavery/', the following examples are found: Anecdotes [sic]— G. Brown testifies that a widowed sister of P. Henery told him that her husband confessed on his death bed, he had violated every female slave on his plantation. . . . Lewis, a Presbyterian elder whipped one slave every It [sic] day whether they offended or not. A lawyer in B [sic] said in open court that it was the greatest insult in the world to call a man to account for killing a slave. Wm. Suttiff [sic] learned from his scholar in Me— that 3 men around had killed slaves. 1. 3* another 2. & another 1. erected a monument of logs over the bodies to ter rify others. Slaves are not regarded as individuals. In the advertisement of the Prospectus of Ch Med Col. great advantages because the bodies of negroes might be dissected without doing violence to the feelings of any body. 14 The source of rhetorical ideas for Miss Grimke came from all parts of the country,. but the basic thesis was ~ always slavery. She had observed the punishing,of slaves in her own home, and had tried to change the conditions arourd. her. All of these experiences contributed to the invention of her speech. This first step of the rhetorical analysis has shown the source of ideas which were developed in the speeches of Angelina Grimke Meld; and has established her use of both ^Document of Angelina Grimke, Clements Library (no page numbers). artistic and non-artistic proofs, through personal testimony, appeal to the passions, and the testimony of others. Arrangement Writing on■arrangement Aristotle has stated that "A speech has two parts. Necessarily, you state your case, and prove it.The evidence which is available indicates that this is just what Angelina did. There is not a set system of organization with distinguishable divisions, in either her writing or speaking. This method of development is probably due to the fact that the content of her speeches was largely testimony, illustration and example, and the case was always the same: to prove that slavery was the evil of the nation and must be destroyed. With this type of content Angelina found it exceedingly easy to adjust to her audiences and the immedi ate situation. The structure of a speech filled with details to support one central theme is not difficult to order. Each example and illustration supports the main idea and therefore serves its purpose regardless of its position, in the taxis.^ The flexible arrangement of Miss Grimke's speeches made audience adaption particularly easy. Perhaps one of ' the most striking and yet typical examples of this adaptation 15 Cooper, p. 220. l6Ibid. 88 is found in her speech to the antislavery convention of American Women in the new Liberty Hall in Philadelphia. The hall was filled to overflowing, while a mob gained momentum outside. During the presentation of her speech, stones were thrown through the windows, and the threat of violence be came more certain. Angelina, realizing that some of the members of the audience were becoming uneasy, stopped in the middle of her speech and said: What is a mob? What would the breaking of every window be? Any evidence that we are wrong, or that slavery is a good and wholesome institution? What if that mob should now burst in upon us, break up our meeting, and commit violence upon our persons-- would this be anything compared with what the slaves endure? No, no, and we do not remember them 'as bound with them,' if we shrink in the time of perid, or feel unwilling to sacrifice ourselves, if need be, for their sake. I thank the Lord that there is yet life enough, left to feel the truth, even though it rages at it— that conscience is not so completely seared as to be.unmoved by the truth of the living God. ^-7 __ The situation was one of great challenge, but Angelina rose to this occasion as she had risen to so many others. It seemed that the more difficult"the speaking situation the more powerful became her oratory, with the mobs furnishing the metaphors and illustrations as support of her message. . . . so great was the effect of her pure, beautiful presence and quiet, graceful manner, that in a few moments the confusion within had subsided. With deep solemnity, and in words of ^Birney, p. 238. 89 burning eloquence, she gave her testimony against the awful wickedness of an institution which had no secrets from her. She was frequently inter- • rupted by the mob, but their yells and shouts only furnished her with metaphors which she used with unshrinking power.. 4 Aristotle has stated that the proem or Introduction of a speech should consist of that which (such as central issues, etc.) the speaker would like to say. He then links this with his central theme.-*-9 The intructions of Miss Grimke1s speeches were illustrations which linked themselves easily to the central theme that she developed. Specifi cally, she used the proem (1) to attract the audience's attention, (2 ) to let the nature of the introductory illus tration set the mood for the speech, and (3 ) to show the relationship between herself and the topic of discussion, thus establishing personal credibility. This is evidenced by the proem of her speech to the Massachusetts' Legislature in January, 1838. More than 2000 years have rolled their dark and bloody waters down the rocky, winding channel of time into the broad ocean of Eternity, since woman's ■voice was heard in the palace of an eastern monarch, and woman's petition achieved the salvation of millions of her race from the edge of the sword. The Queen of Persia, if Queen she might be called, who was but the mistress of her voluptuous lord, trained as she had been in the secret abominations of an Oriental harem, had studied too deeply the character of Ahasuerus not to know what the sympathies of his heart could not be reached except through the medium of his sensual appetites. Hence we find l8Ibid. 19Ibid. 90 her arrayed in royal apparel, and standing in the inner court of the King's house, hoping by her personal charms to win the favor of her lord. And after the golden scepter had been held out, and the inquiry was made, "What wilt thou, Queen Esther, and what is they request.?’ l.t [sic] sldl be given thee to the half of the kingdom. . . even [sic] then she - dared not ask either for her own life, or that of her people. She felt that if-her mission of mercy was to be wrought upon, the luxurious feast must be prepared, the banquet of wine must be served up, and the favorable moment must be seized when, gorged with glutony and intoxication, the king's heart was fit to be operated upon by the pathetic appeal, "if I have found favor in thy sight, 0 King, and if it please the King, let my life be given at my petition, and my people at my request."20 It was thus, through personal charms, and sensual gratification, and individual ; influence, that the Queen of Persia obtained the precious boon she craved, — her own life, and the life of her beloved people. Up to this point Angelina has simply been telling a story of interest to the listener, a story which moves quickly and is easy to follow. The central theme, however, is con cerned with a woman seeking, in the only way she knew, the freedom of her people and herself. She continues: Mr. Chairman, it is my privilege to stand before you on a similar mission of life and love; but I thank God that we live in an age of the world too enlightened and too moral to admit of the adoption of the same means to obtain as holy an e n d . 22 Here she is starting the establishment of a relation ship between herself and the-topic of the illustration, and showing the kinship of the situation. She explains the 2Qroid. ~ ^Liberator, March 2, 1838. 22Ibid. 91 differences as well as showing the similarities, thus com plimenting the audience. ■ I feel that it would be an insult to this Com mittee, were I to attempt to win their favor by arraying my person in gold, and silver, and costly apparel, or by inviting them to partake of the luxurious feast of the banquet of wine. I understand the spirit of the age too well to believe that you could be moved by such sensual means— means as unworthy of you, as they would be beneath the dignity of the cause of humanity. Yes, I feel that if you are' reached at all, it will not be by me, but by the truths I shall endeavor to present to your understanding and your hearts. The hearto-f the eastern despot was reached through the lowest propensities of this animal nature, by personal influence; yours, I know, cannot be reached but through the loftier sentiments of the intellectual and moral feelings.23 Using this type of arrangement, Angelina found it easy to cover one theme and then move to another example which was intended not only to expand the central idea but to answer charges, question, or to condemn situations. Suchvas the . case in her speech before the Massachusetts’ Legislature. She had discussed the merits of the petitions which had been brought before the House for their consideration in the slavery issue, and she wanted those who were in a position to help to know that slavery was as much their responsibil ity as it was the responsibility of the Southern slaveholder. In an effort to make their connection to the issue more specific she "continued with a touching allusion to the Florida war."2^ Once again it is easy to recognize her 23Ibid. 22,Ibid. 92 use of illustration as she builds the theme of her message. Mr .. Chairman, in this connection vie. shall do well to inquire how we came by Florida I Our slaves took shelter under the shadow of the throne of Spain. They fled from our republic, that under the despotism they might stand up personally free. That territory was purchased (as. much by Massa chusetts men and Massachusetts money as by those of' any other state), to secure the planters' claim'to these fugitives— women, some of them, who inter married with the Indians. The planters came and siad to the Indian, 'Before you made this woman your wife, she was my slave-.' The husband paid for his wife! 'Those babies are mine. They were born while the mother was, my slave, and they must' follow her condition;' and the Secretary of War sent to demand those Indian babies for the planter!2^ In this illustration she has set the mood of the hearer and has givai an emotional picture of the situation, thus gaining sympathy for her idea and at the same time connecting the listener with the deed without offending. From this point she moves info a strong use of the rhetorical question which must be answered in the way that will best support her case. Mr. Chairman! do you blame the Indian,, that he keenly felt this cruelty and wrong? Can you won der that such oppression made him mad? Do you wonder that, rather than yield his children to the slaveholder, he dug up the hatchet, and stood forth to die!2® After establishing the question she answers it with personal testimony and ethical proof. Not if your heart, has bled for his griefs and injuries as mine has done!2? 25Ibid. 26Ibid. 2?Ibid. 93 Prom this point Miss Grimke builds to the dramatic conclusion that is to prove her case and connect the hearer with the crime she has described. Yet this is the Florida war!— and if in the history of its waste of treasure and of blood, 1 there be sin and crime and shame unutterable, it is the shame and the crime and the sin of Massachu setts as much as of any other State in the Union.'^o Based upon the established guilt* Angelina then builds the solution which is the abolition of slavery. Thus it. would seem that the arrangement of Angelina Grimke Weld rhetoric consisted largely of the problem solution division. In each speech the problem was the same, and was developed through the. use of ■ illustration and examples. - . Delivery The study of delivery necessarily involves an analysis of the use of the voice and body as they contribute to the total effectiveness of the communication. Because as " Aristotle has stated "it is not enough to know what to say- one must also know how to say it. The right way of doing this contributes much to the right impression of a s p e e c h . " ^ Aristotle defines delivery as: The art of delivery has to do with the voice: with the right management of it to express each of several emotions— as when to use a loud voice, 2yXbld. 29cooper, p. 182. ' 94' when a soft and when the intermediate; and with the rhythms to be used in each particular case.3° Delivery then is of great importance' to the general effectiveness of a communication. This would be especially •* * true of the persuasive speaking of Angelina Grimke since emotional appeal played such an important part in her speaking. In order to get the full impact of her message, Miss Grimke had to stir an emotional response in her audience. Because of the conventions of the time, she could not allow herself to put on a show or make a spectacle of herself through great physical involvement, thus the emotional impact had to be gained through tonal inflection and through vocal qualities. Physically, Angelina was quiet and graceful while speaking before an audience, a calm delivery that quieted audiences and built confidence in her testimony. . . . so great was the effect of her pure, beautiful presence and quiet, graceful manner, that in a few moments the confusion within the hall had subsided.31 Still further evidence of her effective delivery is found in the Liberator of March 2, 1838. . . . The halls were thronged with spectators, all of whom seemed awed into silence by the power and eloquence of her address.-^2 3°ibid., pT~~l83. ^Birney, 238. 3gLiberator, March 2, 1838. 95 In all of her speaking, Angelina was well aware of the importance of emphasis. She either knew-or had found through pract'ice that certain words carried more force than did others, and that some had to be expressed with greater vocal force than others. ■ Strong evidence of this is found in the manuscript found in the appendix of this writing. The words which are underlined are those which Angelina sought to emphasize. Notice how each word supports the central ideaof her message, especially when she is buflding the case for women to participate in what had become a pplitical issue. I s-tand before you as a citizen, on behalf of the 20,000 women of Massachusetts, whose names are enrolled in petitions which have been submitted to the Legislature, of which you are the organ. These petitions relate to the great solemn subject of American slavery,— a subject fraught with the deep est interest to this republic, whether we regard it in its political,moral, or religious aspects. .And because it is a politically emphasized subject, it has oftqji been tauntingly said, that women had noth ing to do with it. "Are we aliens, because we are women? Are we bereft of citizenship, because we are the mothers, wives, and daughters of a mighty people? Have women no country— no interest staked in public weal--no, liabilities in common peril— no partner ship in a nation's guilt to share?33 The tone that she used to emphasize certain words brought quick recognizance from news reporters. A descrip tion found in the Liberator clearly describes this quality of her speaking. This was truly a sublime spectacle (Angelina speaking before the state. Legislature) and one of 33speech before the Legislature, January, 1838. 96 deep interest,— a woman addressing those Law givers of our State, with such an appeal as has seldom echoed within those walls since their - foundation. We listened with intense interest. We heard her speak of LIBERTY, and as she pro nounced the word, chains rattled in our ears— the wife .calling for-her husband— the husband for the wife— and the parents for the offspring;— but we heard— enough we heard, to make the heart recoil, and wish it had been created in a dog, that it might be in better unison with those around us.-> ■ Style . Style is the last canon to be discussed and is per haps the most difficult to define for "surely no term, has been handled about more, freely, or provoked a .fuller measure of controversy."35 This element of rhetoric has been defined by Hugh Blair.as "the peculiar manner in which a man expressed his 35 conception, by means of language, while Aristotle defines it as diction and correctness.37nowever, for the purposes of this analysis the definition of style which John P. Genung projects seems to involve the ideas of Aristotle, Quintilian and Gicero. Genung has said that style is "the skillful adaptation of expression to thought."3^ Such a definition suits the rhetoric of Angelina Grimke Weld. 3^Liberator, March 2, 1838. 3.5Thonssen and Baird, Speech Criticism, p. .405. 36jbid. 37cooper, p. 133• 1 38j. p. Genung, The Practical Elements of Rhetoric (Boston, 1886), p. 15. 97 This division of the analysis will attempt to show by what means Angelina Grimk<£ Weld expressed her-thoughts, and what degree of skill was reached in this adaptation-. In order to accomplish this the elements of-style to be eval uated are: (l) correctness, (2) appropriateness, (3) erotesis, and (4) metaphor. When speaking.of''correctness of language usage, it is necessary to review, if possible, the attitude of the rhetorician toward this element of style. It has been estab lished that when the Grimke sisters became members of the Quaker church, they did so with certain reservations, one of these being that they adapted to most of the Quaker ways but, "The sisters never could bring themselves to use certain un grammatical forms of speech, such as thee for thous,. . ,"39 This adherence to correctness in speech despite, the language of the church, brought criticism to the Grimke sisters, but ' they maintained their position and used only correct gram matical forms. A note found in the Liberator further indi cated the correctness of style found in Angelina Grimke*s rhetoric. . . . in propriety of manner and gesture, beauty of elocution, and excellence of arrangement and conclusiveness of reasoning, satisfied even the most fastidious.^9 39sirney, p. 95» ^Liberator, September 1, 1837* 93 It has been stated earlier in this chapter under invention that Miss Grimke's content was developed around and based upon the slavery issue* thus when dealing with the area of appropriateness it is necessary to find out whether or not the message was appropriately adapted to the speech situation. For this* one must necessarily look, at the. effect of the oral persuasion on the listeners. The spacious Odeon was again thronged on Thursday evening of last week by an orderly and hugely respectable assembly* to hear Angelina E. Grimke lecture on American slavery. Never was the recep tion of a speaker more respectful* or better atten tion paid than on that occasion. Of the ability with which Miss G. managed her subject we need not add any more than that it was of her reputation for eloquence and philanthropy. . . .^1 This* however, is only support that when speaking to an audience of abolitionists she adapted her message appro priately. what then was the effect of her rhetoric and adaptation when speaking to an audience filled with members of the opposition? The effects of her speaking wasthe same as indicated by the response which ^he got from the mob assembled at Pennsylvania Hall* the same mob that just a few hours later burned the building to the ground* quieted to hear Angelina Grimke. ThenAngelina Weld* the bride of three days* came forward* and so great was the effect of her pure* beautiful presence, and quiet* graceful - manner* that in a few moments the confusion within the hall subsided.^2 41Ibid.* April 6 , 1838. ^2Ei.rney, p. 38. 99 The situation in which she spoke so many times was one of quick tempers and strong feelings against her message, but she quieted the doubts as she gave her own testimony 'llaying bare her own heart to reach the hearts of others."^3 Angelina's audiences responded not only to the word artistry of her pictures of Southern slavery but felt a tug at their hearts when she explained that she and Sarah were a part of the system— a penitent part, educated in early life to all con- necte'd with slavery, but come now to ,plead for the slave. They felt that she was so familiar with slavery in all its heart-rending details of suf fering and of wretchedness" that there was little danger of her^falling into the common practice of exaggeration. Angelina Grimk£ not only'lay open her heart1 to reach the hearts of others, but she presented a direction of action for others to follow, one which she had already taken, thus she asked nothing of her audience that she had not already done. She spoke of those things which were her responsibil ity as a citizen, and only asked that others'view their responsibility with the same seriousness. An excellent example of the style is found in her speech before the Massachusetts Legislature where she said: I stand before you as a repentant slave holder. I stand before you as a moral being, endowed with precious and inalienable rights, which are cor relative with soiomn duties and high responsibil ities j and as a moral being I feel that I owe it ^Theodore D. Weld, Angelina Grimke Weld (Boston: George H. Ellis, 1880), p. 287 44 / \ W. N. Brigance (ed.), A History and Criticism of American Public Address (New York: Russell and Russell, I960), p. 161. 100 to the suffering slave, and to the deluded master, to my country and the world, to do all that I can to overturn a system of complicated crimes, built upon the broken hearts and prostrate bodies of my countrymen in chains, and cemented by the blood, sweat, and tears of- my sisters in bonds.^5 The next portion of this analysis of style shall deal with Angelina Grimke1s use, of the rhetorical question or erotesis. The erotesis is a figure defined by Thonssen and Baird as "a figure by which we .express the emotion of our minds, and infuse ardor and energy into our discourses, by proposing questions. The use of this particular element of style is found throughout the persuasion of Angelina Grimke. She used the rhetorical question to call attention to the importance of a particular idea, to clarify a point in question, and as a transition for adaptation to speaking situations. When using the rhetorical question to direct attention to an important idea that she was presenting, Angelina was quite skillful at making a negative response to her query either impossible or ridiculous. A good example of this device is found in her speech before the Massachusetts Legislature. She had presented the idea that woman deserved the right to participate in the fight against slavery and continued with: Are we aliens, because we are women? Are we bereft of citizenship, because we are mothers, ^Liberator, March 2, 1838. ^Thonssen and Baird, p. 422. 101 wives and daughters of a mighty people? Have women no country— no interest staked in public weal— -no liabilities in common peril— no partner ship in a nation1s guilt and shame When using the rhetorical question to clarify a point, Angelina was quick to restate the question and develop her ideas as they came to her. A case in point is her answer to a re'quest for a definition of emancipation. She stated: "Dost thou ask what I mean by emancipation?"^® She then goes on to list or enumerate those things which she felt must be done for the slave. They include payment for work, right of marriage, to keep his own children, to be educated, etc.and concludes with: Now why should not all this be done immediately? Which of these things is to be done next year, and which the year a f t e r ?^9 By using the rhetorical question in this manner she clearly shows the necessity for immediate action and makes ridiculous the thought of delay. The third and final use of the rhetorical question is that of the question as a transition to facilitate adapta tion to a particular situation. The speech that most clearly points out this quality in Angelina's rhetoric is that given in the new Pennsylvania Hall. Angelina had started her speech, but was interrupted by the mob both inside and outside of the ^Liberator, March 2, 1838. ^Birney, p. 198. ^9ibid. 102 hall. She realized that the disturbance was causing unrest among some of the members of the audience and so she adjusted by asking: • What is a mob? What would the breaking of every window be? Any evidence that we are wrong, or that slavery is a good and wholesome institution? What if the mob should now burst in upon us? break up our meeting, and commit violence upon our persons-- would this-be anything compared with what the slaves endure?. . .50 Another stylistic device, used by Angelina Grimkd was that of metaphor. Aristotle wrote on the importance of the metaphor for adding charm and distinction to the style of rhetoric, "It is metaphor above all else that gives clear ness, charm and distinction to the style."51 In the first few lines of her speech Angelina uses a metaphor to paint a word picture: More than 2000 years have rolled -their dark and bloody waters down the rocky, winding channel of time into the broad ocean of Eternity. . . .52 This metaphor gave light ard strength to the descrip tion which Angelina used, from this beginning she goes on to the recreation of a dramatic scene using imagery and dialogue to build the illustration. The Queen of Persia if Queen she might be called, who was but the mistress of her voluptuous lord,— trained as she had been in the secret abominations of an oriental harem, had studied too deeply the 5°lbid., p. 238. . 51speech to the Massachusetts Legislature, January, 1838. 52Ibid. 103 character of Ahasuerus not to know that the sympa thies of his heart could not be reached except through the medium of his sensual appetites.. Hence we find her arrayed in royal apparel, and standing in the inner court of the'Kings' house, hoping by her personal charms to win the favor of her lord. And after the golden scepter had been held out, and the inquiry was made, "What wilt thou, Queen Esther, and what is thy request? It shall be given thee to the half of the kingdom-" even then she dared not ask either for her o w n ’life, or that of her people.53 Prom the dramatic scene Miss Grimke moves quickly/to an elaborate comparison and contrast between the illustration and the existing situation, and the position held by Queen Esther and herself. The comparison is elaborate enough to be placed in the category of analogy. . Mr. Chairman, it is my privilege to stand before you on a similar mission of life and love; but I thank God that we live in an age of the world too enlightened and too moral to admit of the adoption of' the same means to obtain as holy an end.5^ She then takes the- comparison further showing the contrast between the audience that the Queen had to win and the one .before her in the Legislature. I feel that it would be an insult to this Committee, were I to attempt to win their favor by arraying my person in gold, and silver, and costly apparel, or by inviting them to partake of the luxurious feast of the banquet of wine.55 She then moves to the comparison and contrast of the age in which the separate situations occurred: I understand the spirit of the age too well to believe that you could be moved by such sensual 53ibid. 5^ibid. 55Ibid. 104 ■ means--means as unworthy of you, as they would-be beneath the dignity of the cause of humanity.5° Note in the next passage how.easily she ends the comparison and flatters her audience.- Yet, I feel that if you are reached at all, it will not be by me, but by the truths I shall endeavor to present to your understandings and your hearts. The heart of the eastern despot was reached through the lowest propensities of this animal nature, by personal influence; yours, I know, cannot be reached but through the loftier • sentiments of the'intellectual and moral feelings. The next portion of the speech seems to be designed to subtly bring into the argument against slavery the argu ment for women's rights. First Angelina is speaking as a citizen, then as a woman who pleads the, cause of all women. Though not metaphorical the device deserves some attention. - I stand before you as a citizen, on behalf of the 20,000 women of Massachusetts, whose names are enrolled on petitions which have been submitted to the Legislature, of which you are the organ. These petitions relate to the great and solemn subject of American slavery,--a subject fraught with the deep est interest to this republic, whether we regard it in its political, moral, or religious aspects.5° Notice how she has set the limits regarding the issues: "political, moral, or religious." In doing this she makes the way clear for her argument developed through the .rhetorical question, supported by a Biblical one. And because it is a politically emphasized subject, it has often been tauntingly said, that women had 5faIbid. 5?Ibid. 5slbid. 105 nothing to do with it. "Are we aliens, because we - are women? Are we bereft of citizenship, because we are the mothers, wives and daughters of a mighty people?. . .Let the history of the world answer these queries. Read the denunciations of Jehovah tzq against the follies and cries of Israel's daughers. After establishing her argument through the teachings of history she presents the obvious conclusion to the problem she has presented, showing that women have the right to participate in all issues important to the welfare of the. •nation. I hold, Mr. Chairman, that American women have to do with this subject, not only because it lamara! and religious, but because it is political, and inasmuch as.we are citizens of this republic, and as such, our honor, happiness, and well being,^.are bound up in its politics, government and laws. 0 Following this plea she moves to the general theme of her speech and begins 'to set forth the ..arguments against slavery Notice how she begins by establishing credibility. I stand before you as southerner, exiled from the land of my birth, by the. ^ound of the lash and the piteous cry of the slave.°1 Using imagery she builds the moral argument and emphasizes her duty in the matter of telling metphorieally what she owes to. the slave and the country. . . . I owe it to the suffering slave, and to the deluded master, to my country and the.world, to do all that I can to overturn-a system of complicated crimes, built up upon the broken hearts and prostrate 59Ibid. 6°Ibid. ’ 6lIbid. 106 bodies of my/countrymen in chains, and cemented by the blood,sweat, and tears of my sisters in bonds. 62 . " This speech as indicated in the analysis was filled with imagery developed through (l) metaphor, (2) dramatic setting and (3) strong comparison and contrast. It seems that in using the metaphor Angelina was aware of the value placed on it by the rhetorican Hugh Blair. It was Blair who said of this figure. ' - * Of all the figures of;; Speech, none comes so near to painting as Metaphor.. Its peculiar effect is to - give light and 'strength to description,* to make intellectual ideas, in some sort, visible to the eye, by giving colour, . and substance, and sensible qualities.°3 Even though Angelina used all of the available means of persuasion at her command, she had one device in her favor which was not stylistic,' that of emotion. The effec tiveness with which she communicated her ideas was based in her ability to transfer her feelings, attitudes, and emotions to her audiences_. * She knew that "when you under take to explain, you must put into your words the warmth of your personal,interest . . . If you are arguing, you must be not oniy clear but moving. . . . •62Ibid. ^Hugh Blair, Lectures on Rhetoric and Better Letters (Philadelphia: Robert Aitken, at Pope1 s Head, MDC'CLXXXIV), P • 1 2 8 . Thonssen and Baird, p. 358. • • • 107 * Angelina’s personal involvement in this reform issue- added strength to the rhetorical process which she uses— and as Thonssen and Baird have pointed out: The problem affects the listeners no less than the speaker. They are the respondents in the rhetorical process; their reaction is, to the speaker, an all- important consideratinn. To affect them as human beings requires more than error-free demonstration; there^-must also be judicious appeal to the feel ings. . In summary then it has been shown that the style of Angelina Grimke Weld was (l) an appropriate style for the ideas which she presented and was well received by both hostile and friendly audiences. (2) That the correct usage of words throughout her rhetoric was a treat which satis fied the most severe of critics. And (3) that Angelina Grimke used the rhetorical question to (a) call attention to the importance of a particular.idea, (b) to clarify a point in.question, and (c) as a transition for adapting to a speaking situation. Finally it has been shown that Miss Grimke used the metaphor, to create imagery, develop comparison and contrast- for support, and to establish dramatic settings for interest as well as effect. The use of the metaphor enabled Miss Grimke to paint word pictures for her alisteners thus ^giving ■ a more specific concept of the meaning of her arguments. A letter which appeared in the Liberator sums up the rhetoric of Angelina Grimke. The person writing the letter ^Ibid^ 108 was expressing his sorrow over the fact that Garrison had * been unable to attend the portion of the convention in' Boston in 1838, during Which Angelina gave her speech to the Legislature. The.letter says: Of the speech, I cannot hope to give you the slightest idea. It is doubtless reported for the next Liberator; but, were it word for word, it must needs be inadequate to give you a just con ception of the effect produced in reality. The facts and arguments, lucid, weighty, firmly linked together, accurately adjusted, and powerfully driven home, you may get some idea of;— but the strong melody of a voice which penetrated to every corner of that cornered and difficult hall for a speaker, the illustrative beauty of its inton ations, in their changes of pathos and power, together with the play of a countenance whose strength and ability of expression,! never saw equalled--all these you must lose.°° Results If the results of the rhetorical contributions to the abolition movement made by Miss Grimke are to be evaluated, it might be easier to start with a brief review of the con ditions which faced her when she began her crusade in 1835* In the beginning of the movement against slavery the line between male and female participants were sharply drawn. Indeed it did not seem to occur to the members of the New England Anti-Slavery Society or the national organi zation to make any type of provisions for female members. The men in these early societies considered themselves "as ^Liberator, March 2, 1838. 109 the principals in the contest, and women as their moral seconds.The'first indication of a ghange in this traditional segregation of the sexes came when "representa tives of the gentler' sex dropped the secondary role assigned /TO women in the conflict, and began to enact that of a star." The advent of the sisters Grimke upon the anti slavery stage as public speakers, marked the advent of the idea of women's rights, of their equality with men in the struggle with slavery. Though the Grimke sisters first entered the fight for aboli tion as a result of their writing, it became evident that the effectiveness of Angelina's speaking would make a major contribution'to the movement. At first she began speaking to small groups of women in private homes, but within a year her reputation as a speaker drew such large audiences that.the meetings had to be held in churches and public meeting halls. By 1837, the enthusiastic reports of the women to their husbands drew the ,men to the meetings, at first out of curiosity and later from conviction. . . . by June of 1837j the Grimke sisters were speaking to mixed audiences. In this manner came the transition from conversing with parlor circles to speaking to crowded audienees like the ones of ^Archibald H. Grimke, American Reformers, edited by Carlos Martyn (New York: Punk and Wagenalls Co., l89l)> p. 275. 68Ibid. 69Ibid. 110 three and four thousand that filled Boston’s Odeon in the spring of I838.'0 Thus we see that the rhetoric of Angelina Grimke brought about several changes in the early period of her speaking. First, as a result of her oratory the number of persons involved in the issue increased from a group small enough to meet in a private home, to audiences numbering in the thousands. Secondly, as a result of her speaking men began to attend the meeting. The result of this change in the traditional segregation of the sexes presented Angelina with the opportunity to become the first woman to speak to a public meeting of both men and women. As her speaking career progressed, it became evident that women did have a place on the reform platform. As a leading advocate of abolition Angelina could not be forced out of the issue when it became a political argument. For this reason,the rights of women to participate in political questions came into sharp focus for the first time. And feeling the significance of the question, Angelina added to her plea for the slave, a plea for the freedom of women. She asked, "Are we aliens because we are women? Are we bereft of citizenship, because we are the mothers, wives and daughters of a mighty people? Have women no country?. . .71 T^Brigance, p. 170. 7 1 ■ A. Grimke, Speech to Massachusetts Legislature, 1838. Ill Because of her place in the total'cause of freedom, Angelina, as a representative of the -women of Massachusetts, became the first woman in history to be invited to speak before a legislative body. The power of her rhetoric moved the legislative committee into action, and changed the attitude of the New England Anti-Slavery Society toward women. This society' opened its membership to women by the spring of 1838, a few months after Angelina's speech to the Legislature. After her retirement from the speaker's platform, she continued to write for the causes she championed. The image of the intelligent, resourceful women which she created helped change the position of the women in America. She became such a symbol for women rights that in later years when the issue of Women's right to vote was being questioned, she was called on again. The result of this part of her life is found in the fact that she became the first woman to vote in a public election. The event occurred two years before Susan B. Anthony made history by voting in a national election. The research leaves little doubt that Angelina Grimke Weld made significant contributions both to the cause of the aboliton and women's rights in the United States. These contributions were made largely through the power of her speeches. CONCLUSIONS General Conclusions 1. The force of Angelina Grimke Weld’s rhetoric was a strong contributing factor in the growth of the anti slavery society in the United States, especially In the area of the development of the Female Antislavery Society. 2. Angelina Grimke Weld became the first woman to speak in a public meeting outside of the Quaker church. This meeting was held after her audiences grew too large for home meetings. 3* Miss Grimke became the first woman in the history of the United States to be invited to speak before a state legislatures This she accomplished In January of 1838 before the Massachusetts Legislature. Angelina Grimke Weld became the first woman in America to vote in a public election. This event took place in Hyde Park in 1370 two years before the reported voting of Susan B. Anthony. Rhetorical .Conclusions 1. The subject and content of Angelina Grimke's rhetoric was based on the issues of her time, slavery, and the rights of women to participate in the abolition movement in the United States. 112 113 2. The arguments for abolition which were developed throughout her speaking career were supported by both artistic and non-artistic proofs. Specifically that of example, illustration, and personal testimony. 3. The content of her speeches was directed toward the passions. And thus she projected emotion with the desire of arousing the same emotional response in her ■audience. 4. During her speeches Angelina remained physically inactive, using variety in vocal quality and tone for emphasis. 5*. While giving a speech she was not bound by notes, but. did use them. The evidence indicates that these notes were rough outlines rather than manuscripts, since she seldom If ever had enough- notes to cover the entire speech which she gave; some of her speeches lasted for three hours. . 6 . Angelina Grimke was able to adapt readily to adverse speaking situations. She was able to adjust her volume and content to meet such mob situations as occurred in Liberty Hall in 1838. 7 . Miss Grimke actively collected and recorded sup porting details for her rhetoric, these she kept in a paper back book. These examples, illustrations, and testimonies are now in the Clements Library with the Weld-Grimke papers. 8. In developing a speech idea she was aware of word choice for emotional effect. She carefully selected certain 114 words for emphasis. These she would emphasize through tone, rate, and volume. 9* The recognition which was given to Angelina Grirnk^ came as a direct result of her effective rhetorical contributions to the abolition movement in the United States from 1835 to 1838. 10. Through her leadership, the Female Antislavery Society became a powerful part of the total abolition move ment and by 1838 had grown into a force equalling the mem bership of male agents, thus almost doubling the membership . of the society. 11. Her efforts combined with the total efforts of the society brought the issue of slavery-clearly into focus, and forced the question into the political arena. 12. Angelina Grimke's rhetoric concerning the use of slave labor products by the Northern manufacturers, brought the burden of guilt to the North and brought new meaning to the arguments for abolition. 13- Though shs did not actively speak on the rights of women during her career with the Antislavery Society she, by her very actions, became a symbol and later a force in- the movement for women's rights. 14. The rhetorical contributions which,she made dur ing her active career became so well known that her writings were reprinted for use by other agents and her speeches were quoted to add force to the persuasion of others. .115 15* Her rhetoric contains excellent examples of the use of metaphor for persuasion. 16. Miss Grimke used imagery, comparison and contrast to build her rhetorical arguments and to establish the con clusions -which she desired. 17. The immediate effect of her speaking upon an audience was successful. Everywhere she spoke she gained converts for the cause - of abolition. 18 . As a result of her work for the abolition move ment, women were considered for membership in the previously all-male New England Antislavery Society and were admitted in the spring of 1838, a few months after Angelina’s speech to the Massachusetts Legislature. 19- Angelina's personal emotional response to the cause of abolition added strength to effectiveness of her rhetoric. 20. Angelina Grimke Weld was a pioneer of women's rights and the reform platform. APPENDIX- THE SPEECH OF ANGELINA GRIMKfi BEFORE THE MASSACHUSETTS LEGISLATURE JANUARY, I838 More than 2000 years have rolled their dark and bloody waters down the rocky, winding channel of time into the broad, ocean of Eternity, since woman’s voice was heard In the palace, of an eastern monarch, and woman’s petition a'chieved the salvation of millions of her race from the edge of the sword. The Queen of Persia--if Queen she might be called, who was but the mistress of her voluptuous lord--trained~as— she had been in the secret abominations of an oriental harem, had studied too deeply the character of Ahasuerus not to know that the synjpathies of his heart could not be reached except through the medium of his sensual appetites. Hence we find, her arrayed in royal apparel, and s tanding in the inner court of the King’s house, hoping by her personal charms to win the favor of her lord. And after the .golden scepter had been held out, and the inquiry was made, "What wilt thou, Queen Esther, and what is thy request? It shall be given thee to the half of the- kingdom-" even then she dared not ask either for her own- life, or that of her people. She felt that if her mission of mercy was to be successful, his animal pro pensities must be still more powerfully wrought upon— the 116 117 luxurious feast must be prepared, the banquet of wine must be served up, and the favorable moment must be seized when, gorged with gluttony and intoxication, the king’s heart was fit t-o be operated upon by the pathetic appeal. "if 1^ have found favor in thy sight, 0 King, and if it please the King,. let my life be given a't my petition, and-my people at my request." It was thus, through personal charms, and sensual gratification, and individual influence, that the Queen of Persia obtained the precious boon she craved,--her own life and the life of her beloved people. Mr. Chairman, it is my privilege to stand before you on a similar mission of life and love; but I thank God that we live in an..age of the world too enlightened and too_moral to admit of the adoption of the sajne means to obtain as holy an end. I feel that it would be an insult to this Committee, were I to attempt to win their favor by.arraying my person in gold, and silver, and costly apparel, or by inviting them to partake of the - luxurious feast of the banquet of wine. I understand the spirit of the age too well to believe that you could be moved by such sensual ,means--means as unworthy of you, as they would be beneath the dignity of the cause of humanity. Yet, I feel that if you are reached at all, 'it will not be by me, but by the truths I shall endeavor to present to your understandings and your hearts. The heart of the eastern . despot was reached through the lowest propensities of his animal nature, by personal influence; yours, I know, cannot be reached but through the loftier sentiments of the intellectual and moral feelings. I stand before you as a citizen, on behalf of the 20,000 women of Massachusetts, whose names are enrolled on petitions which have been submitted .to the Legislature, of which you are the organ. These petitions relate to the great and solemn, subject of American slavery,--a subject fraught with the deepest interest to this republic, whether we regard it in its political, moral, or religious aspects. And because it is a politically emphasized subject, it has often been tauntingly said, that women had nothing to do with it. "Are we aliens, because we are women? Are we bereft of cit izenship, because we are the mothers, wives and daughters of a mighty people? Have women no country--no interest staked in'public weal--no liabilities in common peril— no partner ship in a nation's guilt and shame? Let the history of the world answer these queries. Read the denunciations■of Jehovah against the follies and cries of Israel's daughters. * Trace the influence of woman as a courtezan . [sicj and a mistress in the destinies of nations, both ancient and modern, and see her wielding her power too often to debase and'destroy, rather than to elevate and save. It is often said that women rule the world, through their influence over men. If: so, then may we well hide our faces in the dust, and cover ourselves.with sackcloth and ashes. It has not been by moral power and Intellectual, but through the baser • ri9 passions of man.— This dominion of women must be resigned— the sooner the better; 'in the age which■is approaching, she should be something more— she should be a citizen; and this title, which demands an increase of knowledge and. of reflec tion, opens before her a new empire.' I hold, Mr. Chairman, that American women'have to do with this scb ject, not only because it is moral and religious, but because it is politi cal, and inasmuch as we are citizens of this republic, and as such, our honor, happiness, and well being, are bound up in its politics, government and laws. I stand before you as a southerner, exiled from the land of my birth, by the sound of the lash, and the piteous cry of the slave. I stand before you,, as a repentant slave holder. I stand before you as a moral being, endowed with precious and inalienable rights, which are correlative with solemn duties and high responsibilities; and as a moral being I feel that I owe it to the suffering slave, and to the deluded master, to my country and the world, to do all that I can to overturn a system of complicated crimes, • built upon the broken hearts and prostrate bodies of my countrymen in chains, and cemented by the blood, sweat, and tears of my sisters in bonds. (The orator chen proceeded to discuss the merits of the petitions.) She continued with a touching allusion to the Florida war. Mr. Chairman, --women some of them, who intermarried with the Indians. The planters came and said to the Indian, 'Before you made this woman your wife, she was my slave.1 The husband paid for his wife! Time passed on--the planter came again; and siad to the Indian, 'Those babies are mine. They were born while the mother was my slave, and they must follow her con dition"; and the Secretary of War, sent to demand those . Indian babies for the planter! Mr. Chairman! do you blame the Indiana [sic 1 that.he keenly felt this cruelty and wrong? Can you wonder that such oppression made him mad? Do you wonder that, rather than yield his children to the slave holder, he dug up the hatchet, and stood forth to die! Not if your heart has bled for his griefs and injuries as mine has done! Yet this is the Florida war!--and if in the history of its waste of treasure and of blood, 'there be sin and crime and shame unutterable, it is the shame and the crime of Massachusetts as much as of any other State in the Union.1 BIBLIOGRAPHY Adams, Alice D. The Neglected Period of Antislavery in America, 1308-1831. (Boston: Ginn & Co., 1908). Anthony, Susan B. II. Out of the Kitchen and into the'War. New York: Stephen Days, Inc., 1943- Bancroft, Frederic, g-lave Trading in the Old South. New York: Frederick Ungare Publishing Go., 1$59.~ Barnes, Gilbert H. The Antislavery Impulse. New York: D. Appleton-Century Co., 1933 • Barnes, Gilbert H. and Dumond, Dwight L. (eds.). Letters of Theodore Dwight Weld, Angelina Grlmke Weld and Sarah Grlmke, l822-l844. New York and 'London:" D. Apple ton- Century Co., 1934 > 2 Vols. Beard, Charles A. and Mary R. Rise of American Civilization. New York: Macmillan Co., 1927* 2 Vols. Beard, Mary R. Women as a Force in History. New York: Macmillan Co., 1946. Benson, Mary Sumner. Women in Eighteenth-Century America. New York: Columbia University Press, 1935* r~ Birney, Catherine H. The Grimke Sisters: Sarah and Angelina Grimke, the First American Women Advocates ol Aboli tion and Women*s Rights. Boston' and' New York: Lee and Shepherd, 1885» Birney, William. James G. Birney and His Times. New York: D. Appleton-Century Co., l890. Brigance, William Norwood (ed.). A History and Criticism of American Public Address. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., 1943. £ Vols. Carmack, Paul A. "Theodore D. Weld, Reformer." Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Syracuse, New York, 19^3• Carroll, Joseph C. Slave Insurrections in the United States, 1806- 1865. Boston: Chapman and Grimes,' 1 9 8 8. 122 Cooper, Lane. The Rhetoric of Aristotle. New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, Inc., 1932. Craven, Avery. The Coming of the Civil War. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1942. _ . The Repressible Conflict. University of Louisiana, Louisiana State University Press, 1939. Curti, Merle. The Growth of American Thought. ' New York: Harper and Brothers, Diamond, D. L. Anti-Slavery the Crusade for Freedom in America. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan fress, 1961. _. Antislavery Origins of the Civil War in the United States. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan tress, I960. Letters of James Gillespie Birney, 1831-1857. New York: D. Appleton Century Co., 1938. 2 Vols. Eastman, Mary P. The Biography of Dio Lewis,, A.M. M.D. New York: Fowler and Wells Co., I89I. Elkins, Stanley M. Slavery, A Problem in American Institu tional and Intellectual Life. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1959* Fields, Annie (ed.). Life and Letters of Harriet Beecher Stowe. Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin Co., 18977 ^oner, Philip S. Business and Slavery. Chapel Hill, N.C.: r University of North Carolina Press, 1941. Fox, Early L. The American Colonization Society, I8l7-l840. Johns Hopkins University Atudies in Historical and Political Science, XXXVII, No. 3* Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. Franklin, John H. From Slavery to Freedom. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1947. Galbraith, C. B. "Thomas Smith Grimke," Ohio State Archaeological and Historical Quarterly, XXXIII, :^T-12'. — ----- :-- :— — * ______. "Anti Slavery Movement in Columbiana County," Ohio State Archaeological and Historical Quarterly, XXX!, ,355-96. ~ ' 123 Greene, Maud Honeyman. "Raritan Bay Union, Eagleswood, New Jersey," Proceedings of the New Jersey Historical Society, Vol. 68, No. 1, 1-20. Grimkd, Angelina Weld. "A Biographical Sketch of Archibald H. Grlmk^,11 Opportunity: A Journal of Negro Life, III, 44-47. ______. "Appeal to the Christian Women of the South," New York American Antislavery Society, 1836. ______. "Appeal to the Women, of the Normally Free States, " New York American Antislavery Society, 1839* Giddings, Joshua R. History of the Rebellion; Its Authors and Causes. New York: Follet, Foster and Co., 1864. Hale, William H. Horace Greeley Voice of the People. New York: Harper and Brothers, Publishers, 1950* Hall, Florence H. Julia Ward Howe and the Woman Suffrage Movement. Boston: Dana Estes and Co., 1913* Harper, I. H. The Life and Work of Susan B. Anthony, 3 vols. Indianapolis: The Hollenbeck Press, 1898-1908. Helper, Hinton R. The Empending Crisis of the South. New York: A. B. Burlick, i860. Herbert, Hilary A. The Abolition Crusade and Its Conse quences .. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1912. Hesselting, William B. The Tragic Conflict. New York: George Braziller, 1962. ’ Hicks, John D. The Federal Union, A History of the United States to 1865. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1937. Hume, John F. The Abolitionists. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1905* Ingram, John K. A History of Slavery and Serfdom. London: Adam and Charles Bleek, 1895* ' Jaffa, Harry V. Crisis of the House Divided. Garden City, New York: Doubleday and Co., Inc., 1^59. Jenkins, William Sumner. Pro-Slavery Thought in the Old South. Chapel Hill, N.C.: University of North Carolina Press, 1935* 124 Johnson, Oliver. William Lloyd Garrison and His Times*1 Boston: B. B. Russell and Co., 1580. Jones, P. Dudly. "The Grimke Sisters," Proceedings of the South Carolina Historical Association, 1933* Kraus, Michael. The United States to 1865. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan fress, 1957. Lader, Lawrence. The Bold Brahmins, New England's War Against Slavery (1531-1863). New York: E. P. Dutton and Co., 1961. Lutz, Alma. Created Equal, A biography of Elizabeth Cady Stanton (1815-1902). New York: The John Day Co., 1940. Mandel, Bernard. Labor: Free and Slave. New York: Associ ated Authors, • 1955• Mann, Horace. Slavery: Letters and Speeches. Boston: " B. B. Mussey and Co., 1551. Martyn, Carlos (ed.). American Reformers. New York: Funk and Wagenalls Co"., 1891. May, Samuel J. Some Recollections of Our Anti-Slavery Con flict. Boston: Fields, Osgood, and Co., 1869. Miers, Earl Miers. The Great Rebellion. Cleveland and New York: The World Publishing Co., 1958. • Morris, Edward D. Thirty Years in Lane and Other Lane Papers. Submitted to Rev. N. J. Ervin and Rev. W. P. Miller, Representatives of the Lane Club, December 31, 1896. The Ohio State University Library. Paulding, J. K. Slavery in the United States. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1836. Peckham, Howard H. "Buide to the Manuscripts Collections in William L. Clements Library." Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1942. Pillsbury, Parker. Acts of the Anti-Slavery Apostles. Rochester, New York: Clague Wegman, Schlicht and Co., 1883. Price, Robert, "The Ohio Anti-Slavery Convention of 1836," Ohio State Archaeological and Historical Quarterly, XLV, 173-88. 125 Rhodes, James F. Lectures on the American Civil War. New York: The Macmillan Co., 1913i Seitz, Don C. Uncommon Americans. Indianapolis: The Bobbs- Merrill Co., 1925* Siebert, Wilbur H. The Underground Railroad from Slavery to Freedom. NewYork: The Macmillan Co., 1898* Sillen, Samuel. Women Against Slavery. New York: Masses and Mainstream, Inc., 1955* Smith, Theodore Clark. Parties and Slavery. Vol. 13. "The American Nation: A History.'1 New York: Harper and Brothers, 1906. Smith, William Henry. A Political History of Slavery 2 vols. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1903. Stampp, Kenneth M. And the War,Came. Baton Rouge, Louisana: Louisiana State University Press, 1950. Stanton, Henry B. Ramdon Recollections. New York: Harper and Brothers’^ 1887* Stowe, Harriet Beecher. A Key to Uncle Tom's Cabin: pre- senting the original facts and. documents upon which the story is- founded together with corrobrative statements verifying the truths of the work. Boston:, P. Jewett and Co., 1853* Tappan, Lewis. The. Life of Arthur Tappan. New York: Hurd and Houghton, 1870. Thomas, Benjamin P. Theodore Weld. New Brunswick, New Jersey: Rugers University Press, 1950. Thonssen, Lester and Baird, A. Craig. Speech Criticism. New York: The Ronald Press, 19^8. Weld, Theodore Dwight. The Bible Against Slavery. New York: American Antislavery Society, 1837 • ______. The Power of Congress over the District of Columbia. New York: American Antislavery Society, IB3B. ______. Slavery as It Is . New York: American Antislavery Societyj 1839• In Memory Angelina Grimke Weld. Boston: Press of ------George "ff. m T s T ”IB30'.------Wigham, Eliza. The Anti-Slavery Cause In American and Its ....Ma r t y r s . A. W. Bennett, 5 Bishops'gate Street Without London/ 1863. Wilson, Henry. History of the Rise and Fall of the Slave Power in America. 3 vols. Boston: Riverside Press, Houghton Mifflin Co., 1872. Wolfe, Hazel C. On Freedom's Altar. Madison: University of Wisconsin, 1952. The following unpublished items are from the Weld-Grimke Papers on file in the William L. Clements Library, Univer sity of Michigan. Angelina G. Weld, 18 September, 1836 - Diary Angelina G. Weld to Jane Smith, 17 December 1836. Angelina G, Weld to Jane Smith, 29 March 1837. Angelina G. Weld to Jane Smith, 26 June 1337° Angelina G. Weld to Jane Smith, 10 July 1837* Angelina G. Weld to Jane Smith, lo July 1837* Angelina G. Weld to Jane Smith, 25 July 1837*. Angelina G. Weld to Jane Smith, 20 August 1837* Angelina G. Weld and Sarah M. Grimke, to Jane Smith, 6 October 1837° Angelina G.-Weld to Sarah M. Grimke, 31 July 1836. Angelina G. Weld to Jane Smith, 5 January 1838. Angelina G. Weld to Jane Smith, 7 February 1838. Angelina G. Weld and Sarah M. Grimke to Jane Smith, 22 February 1838. Angelina G. Weld to Sarah Douglass, 25 February 1838. Sarah M. Grimke to Jane Smith, 24 March 1838. Manuscript book of Angelina Grimke. Condition of Women, No. 3* 127 Diary of Angelina G. Weld, pp. 2, 3, 17, 42, 56, 57, 58, 59 , 60 . . . Newspapers:. Boston Courier. Boston Evening Transcript. Boston Globe. Boston Journal. Cincinnati Dally Gazette. Cleveland Plain Dealer. Emancipator, The. Hyde Park (Massachusetts) Gazette. Liberator, The. National Anti-Slavery Standard. Newark (New Jersey) Evening News. New York Evangelist. •New York Observer. New York Tribune. Perth Amboy (New Jersey) Evening News. Philanthropist, The. AUTOBIOGRAPHY I, Ruth Bartlett Lewis, was born in Louisville, Kentucky, April 13, 1933* I received my elementary and secondary education in private girls’ schools in Alabama and Mississippi. In the fall.of 1552 I entered Wittenberg University at Springfield, Ohio, majoring in Speech and Pine Arts, and received my Bachelor of Science degree in 1956, and was certified, to teach both speech and art in the secondary schools of Ohio. In 1956 I taught at Western Hills High School. This .position I held for two years. In 1958 I entered the Ohio State; University as a graduate assistant working toward the Master of Arts degree, which I received, in 1959- I remained at the university to obtain my Ph.D. in Public Address under Dr. Paul A. Carmack, in June, 1962." Dui’i n g my stay at the Ohio State University I was award ed the Graduate School Research -Fellowship for the summer of 1961. I was a member of the- Junior Staff Advisory Council for two years and a representative to the University Council of Graduate Students for one year. As a graduate assistant I taught in the Department of Speech while completing my work for the degree Doctor of Philosophy. 128