Giles Worsley, ‘Courtly stables and their implications for seventeenth-century English ’, The Georgian Group Journal, Vol. xIII, 2003, pp. 114–140

text © the authors 2003 COURTLY STABLES AND THEIR IMPLICATIONS FOR SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY ENGLISH ARCHITECTURE

GILES WORSLEY

ne of hotly contested areas of The stables are described in the Office of Works Oarchitectural history is the classical revolution accounts as “two newe double stables of Brickes by in taste that took place under the early Stuarts. Did the highway with a new coatche house saddle house the simple astylar prevalent after the a smiths forge house a shoeinge horse and new Restoration establish itself in the  s and  s, as grayners adioyninge to the same stable”. These I suggested in in Britain: details are fleshed out by the Parliamentary survey of The Heroic Age , or was it the product of the the King’s properties, made after the Civil War. Its Commonwealth – a ‘Puritan Minimalism’ – as Tim description confirms the essential accuracy of Mowl has argued?  Every example that marks the Smythson’s drawing and demonstrates that the arrival of this classical revolution tends to be seized Theobalds stables were of unparalleled grandeur. upon, but one of the most productive areas to They were probably the most substantial new examine has passed almost unnoticed, the stable. At building commissioned by James I before the least ten important stables built before the Civil War Queen’s House at .  The survey notes in the new astylar classical manner can be identified. that the building took the form of a great quadrangle That makes them perhaps the single most important  ft. square, with a central gate, flanked by a pair of corpus of the new style. Virtually all, tellingly, were stables. Further ranges of stables  ft. long and  ft. for courtiers. As such the stables shed valuable light wide were placed in the flank elevations and, at the on the use of the classical language in early-Stuart far end, the quadrangle was closed by a large barn. and in particular on the varied approaches Smythson’s drawing does not entirely taken to courtly and non-courtly buildings and to correspond with the Parliamentary survey. Some of buildings of differing status. the dimensions vary and he places further stables at The greatest stable of these years was built at the the two ends of the entrance range, where the survey royal palace of Theobalds in Hertfordshire, which records houses for the saddler and the farrier. had been acquired by James I in  largely because Smythson would thus seem to have copied a design of its excellent hunting. Despite the survival of a for the stables that was varied in execution, rather detailed record by Robert Smythson (Fig. ) the than surveyed them himself. This would suggest that stable has never been the subject of careful analysis. the stables were incomplete when he saw them, Smythson’s drawing, which shows the plan of the which would fit with a visit in  as the stables stables, was probably made on his way to or from were built between April  and September  in  . The drawing shows a regular  ft. and fitted up the following year.  square quadrangle with slightly projecting wings, The architect of the Theobalds stables is closed at the far end by a barn, and housing  unknown, though as a major royal building it must horses. have been designed by someone in court circles. One

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and in  he was appointed Surveyor to Henry, Prince of Wales.  But the key connection is with Lord . Robert Cecil, st Earl of Salisbury, was a central figure at the court of James I, and a keen builder, as his work at Salisbury House, the New Exchange and Hatfield House demonstrates. He was Secretary of State from  to  and in May that year was appointed Lord Treasurer, the King’s key minister.  As put it, he “began immediately to investigate the Office of Works. From this moment on, Jones as an emergent architect, the British in embryo, began to exert influence towards a reformation of style, even though without any official position”. Jones’s design for Cecil’s new Exchange in the Strand must predate June  and it was probably in that year that Jones made a design Fig. . Robert Smythson, plan of the stables at Theobalds, for a new termination on the central tower of St Paul’s Hertfordshire,  . British Architectural Library . Cathedral to replace the destroyed medieval spire, almost certainly at the request of Salisbury.  Two years later Jones was paid £  ‘for drawinge of some possibility was the Surveyor-General of the King’s Architecture’ at Hatfield House, which may have Works at the time, Simon Basil, who was employed included an unexecuted scheme for a riding house.  by the Earl of Salisbury between  and  at Thus by  , when the Theobalds stable was Salisbury House and the New Exchange in the begun, was closely involved in court Strand, and at Hatfield House, Hertfordshire.  circles, was showing a strong interest in architecture However, the extent of Basil’s involvement in design and had been asked to make designs for two of the is uncertain. Robert Liminge, who was employed as most prestigious commissions of the day. What is a carpenter on the at Theobalds in  , more, his patron Lord Salisbury was in a position is known to have been responsible for the design and to push important projects his way. Though supervision of Hatfield House in  – and went confirmation is lacking, the possibility that Inigo on to design Blickling Hall, , in  –. This Jones was involved with the design of the Theobalds makes him the most plausible candidate for the stable, and that this therefore is his first executed stables. But Inigo Jones should also be considered. building, must be taken seriously. If so, it is tempting As Howard Colvin notes, even before Basil’s to wonder what form the building took, and in death in  the artistic initiative in royal works was particular whether the two projecting wings were passing to Jones. As early as  it was hoped that, marked by some form of ‘Dutch’ gable, as was the case through Jones, “all that is praiseworthy in the elegant with his contemporary design for the New Exchange. arts of the ancients [including architecture], may one That, in turn, would explain the appearance of pairs day find their way across the Alps into England”. of ‘Dutch’ gables shortly afterwards on the stables at His court connections were close. He was designing Burley-on-the-Hill, Rutland, and on Raynham Hall, masques for Queen from  , Norfolk, as will be discussed below.

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Fig. . Wenceslaus Hollar, the stables at Arundel House, Strand, London.

Fig. . The Seventh Proposition from Book Seven of Sebastiano Serlio, On Architecture .

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timber-framed buildings except along its east side. Here, in marked contrast, is a six- range that stands out for its up-to-date architectural language. Ordered, astylar, two-storeyed with platband, vertical rectangular windows, an emphatic cornice, roofline parallel to the front elevation and dormer windows, this is the familiar manner of the Jonesian stylistic revolution. That it was the stable is shown by the large gaggle of horses gathered before it and the coach houses beside it. Both engravings make it clear that the range was unfinished, suggesting that it was only the first stage in an intended complete rebuilding of the entrance courtyard in the new fashionable style. The Earl of Arundel was one of the leading virtuosi of the day, with an astonishing collection of paintings and sculpture, as well as the owner of two chests of drawings by , the Italian architect who took up ’s mantle.  As a young man he made an extensive tour of Italy in  – accompanied by Inigo Jones, for whom this journey was fundamental to his emergence as England’s leading classical architect. Arundel’s patronage of Jones is well known. Drawings by Jones Fig. . , after Inigo Jones, the Clerk of survive of the ‘Italian’ gate at Arundel House, which Works’s House at Newmarket, Suffolk. The Devonshire Collection, Chatsworth . was built in  , and for a house for Lord Maltravers, Arundel’s son, at Lothbury, dated  . He is also generally credited with work on the gallery wing Equestrian buildings certainly played an known from Cornelius Bol’s View of the Thames with important part in Jones’s early career. Three of his Arundel House (c. ) and Hollar’s birdseye view of earliest recorded buildings were stables at Newmarket London.  (where he also built a riding house for the king), for There is no reason to believe that these stables James I, Sir Thomas Compton and Mr Dupper in were not part of Arundel’s major remodelling of  –. He designed a stable for camels at Theobalds Arundel House around  , for which Jones was the in  – and was also almost certainly responsible architect. A direct comparison can be made with the for the stables at Arundel House on the Strand in elevation of the clerk of works’s house at Newmarket London. of  – , recorded by John Webb in the  s Two evocative engravings by Wenceslaus Hollar (Fig. ).  If the Arundel House range is to be dated survive of the outer court of Arundel House, the  , as seems plausible, then these stables are one of London home of his patron the Earl of Arundel the first accurately recorded examples of the new (Fig. ).  The yard is shown busy with people, astylar classical language. horses and coaches, a higgledy-piggledy mix of Stables were certainly an important part of

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Fig. . Burley-on-the-Hill House, Rutland, and its stables, from a seventeenth-century plan, reproduced in Pearl Finch, History of Burley-on-the-Hill , London,  , .

Fig. . The Maser, from Andrea Palladio, I Quattro Libri dell’Architettura , Venice,  , II,  .

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Fig. . George Lambert, Fonthill House, , a detail showing the stables. Property Services Agency.

Fig. . The Ninth Proposition, from Book Seven of Sebastiano Serlio, On Architecture .

THE GEORGIAN GROUP JOURNAL VOLUME XIII   COURTLY STABLES AND THEIR IMPLICATIONS FOR SEVENTEENTH - CENTURY ENGLISH ARCHITECTURE courtly architectural patronage. Thomas Fuller, writing about George Villiers, Duke of Buckingham, in his History of the Worthies of England in  , highlighted the stables he built at Burley-on-the-Hill as one of his particular achievements. He described these as superior to any other stable in the country: “where the horses (if their pabulum so plenty as their stabulum stately) were the best accommodated in England”.  Buckingham, favourite of James I and then of his son, Charles I, was a keen horseman who had studied haute école at Duplessis-Mornay’s academy at Angers in  and was appointed Master of Horse in  . He was also a famed connoisseur of art and architecture who vied with Charles I (and Lord Arundel) to establish classical tastes in England, collecting paintings and sculpture and commissioning Fig. . The stables at Bedford House, Strand, London the country’s most sophisticated architects to design (bottom right), detail from Wenceslaus Hollar, west central view of London. buildings that set new standards of classical design. British Museum, Prints and Drawings Department. Inigo Jones worked for him at in  – and at New Hall, , in  –, as did Sir Balthazar Gerbier, who was employed at New Hall between  and  , such an astylar elevation and and York House in the Strand in  –. such gables are highly innovative. The gables can be Buckingham bought Burley-on-the-Hill in about compared to that on Inigo Jones’s Brooke House in  , entertaining the King there that year, and used it London of c.  and, even more pertinently, to principally during the hunting season. He is said to Andrea Palladio’s Villa Barbaro at Maser (Fig. ), have much improved the house, but this was where they are also used to emphasise the ends of destroyed by fire during the Civil War. What does office ranges. Similar gables could be found on Sir survive, though altered after another fire in  , is the Roger Townshend’s Raynham Hall, Norfolk, a impressive stable range, which, according to a survey composite of fashionable contemporary stylistic by Parliamentary commissioners, held  horses. No motifs, designed in about  . documentary evidence survives to date these precisely The lack of documentation means there is no but they must have been built before Buckingham’s record of the architect for the stables at Burley-on- murder in  , probably soon after his purchase, the-Hill, but the purity and innovation of the design given the house’s role as a centre for hunting.  and Buckingham’s position as royal favourite The original appearance of the stables is known suggests a court-based architect. It is hard to see who from a copy of a survey of the park, perhaps made in that might be at this date except Jones or Gerbier,  – (Fig. ). This shows a two-storey astylar with Jones the more plausible candidate given the building with vertical rectangular windows, parallels with Brooke House and with his astylar unbroken roofline and curved ‘Dutch’ gables designs elsewhere. (probably removed after the fire) over slightly The stables at Fonthill, Wiltshire, were equally projecting wings.  For its date, that is somewhere famed. These were built by another of Charles I’s

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Fig.  . The former stables at , Wiltshire, now known as the Grange. William Curtis Rolf .

Fig.  . The Fifteenth House, from Book Seven of Sebastiano Serlio, On Architecture.

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Fig.  . The stables at Ramsbury House, Wiltshire, in  . English Heritage, National Monuments Record .

courtiers, Lord Cottington, Chancellor of the was unlikely to have been Inigo Jones, who was too Exchequer from  to  . In  George busy to design Wilton House, Wiltshire, for the Earl Garrard wrote to the Earl of Strafford of his recent of Pembroke, despite his close connections with visit to Fonthill: “He [Cottington] hath built a Stable Charles I. Edward Carter, Chief Clerk in the Office of Stone, the third in England, Petworth and of Works, has been suggested as a candidate for West Burleigh on the Hill only exceed it”.  The Fonthill Woodhay and he would be a possible name for stables, which must have been built after the estate Fonthill. But Isaac de Caus has a stronger claim. was bought in  , have since been demolished, but De Caus is likely to have been the architect of are known from an eighteenth-century painting by very similar stables at Bedford House on the Strand George Lambert (Fig. ).  This shows a nine-bay in London (Fig. ). These stables, which were built building, with a five-bay central range flanked, like for the th Earl of Bedford in about  , are known the stables at Theobalds and Burley, by two-bay from a number of surveys and from Wenceslaus projecting wings. There was a central pedimented Hollar’s birdseye West Central View of London . doorcase, vertical rectangular windows on the These were about  ft. wide and lay in a separate ground floor with oeil-de-boeuf windows above and a stable court to the east of the garden at Bedford hipped roof. But for the oeil-de-boeuf windows, House, with a nine-bay range with a pedimented which would have lit and ventilated the hay-loft over central doorcase flanked by two-bay wings. Hollar’s the stabling, Cottington’s design might be mistaken details of buildings need to be treated with care. He for an innovative country house of the  s, such as certainly elides the west wing of the Bedford House West Woodhay, , built for Sir Benjamin stables with an adjacent range and the position of the Rudyerd in  .  ground-floor windows, which appear to be set above The architect of West Woodhay and of the the level of the pedimented central door, is also Fonthill stables is unknown, but given Cottington’s curious. Though reminiscent of the way Diocletian office he was probably court-based. By the  s he windows were placed above blank walls to light

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Fig.  . Henry Winstanley, engraving of Tythrop House, Buckinghamshire.

stables in the eighteenth century this has no parallel No documentary evidence survives to name the in seventeenth-century stable design and would have architect of the stable, though Edward Carter is made for an immensely tall room behind. It is more known to have had at least an executant role at plausible that, as at Fonthill, the windows were level Bedford House.  He is one candidate, but Isaac de with the door. What is convincing about Hollar’s Caus, who was joint surveyor with Carter on the drawing are the oeil-de-boeuf windows on the first Piazza, and almost certainly designed the Bedford floor, below a hipped roof with dormers. Such a House gardens, is more plausible, given the parallels detail could only have been used for a stable and with the contemporary stables at Wilton House, again parallels the stables at Fonthill. Wiltshire, built for the th (Fig.  ). For London, where space was always at a John Aubrey was particularly impressed by the premium, these were stables of remarkable grandeur, Wilton stables. He described them as being “of in their scale (they rivalled Bedford House in Roman architecture, built by Mons. de Caus, [they] length), in the size of the courtyard in front of them have a noble avenu to them, a square court in the and in their fashionable architecture.  As Dianne middle; and on the four sides of this court were Duggan has shown, the th Earl of Bedford inherited pictures of the best horses as big as the life, painted the Bedford estates from his cousin in  when the in severall postures, by a Frenchman”.  They must family’s fortunes were at a low ebb. Duggan suggests date from the  s, as work began under Isaac de that the earl extended Bedford House and laid out a Caus’s direction on the gardens in  and on the large ornamental garden, as well as developing the house in  , perhaps from  when, as Aubrey Piazza at Covent Garden, in a deliberate bid to re- mentions, the earl much enlarged his stud of establish his family’s status and prestige. She does not racehorses and hunters.  discuss the stables, but their size and architectural The architecturally ambitious principal elevation novelty suggests they should also be seen as part of of the stables was of brick with stone details and that deliberate self-aggrandisement. faced Wilton House across the grand formal

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Fig.  . Engraving of the interior of the stables at Holland House, Middlesex, from Isaac Ware, Designs of Inigo Jones and Others , [  ].

Fig.  . John Webb, design for stables for Mr Featherstone, probably for Hassenbrook Hall, Essex,  . The Devonshire Collection, Chatsworth.

Fig.  . The stables and riding house at Bolsover Castle, Derbyshire, in  . W illiam Curtis Rolf.

THE GEORGIAN GROUP JOURNAL VOLUME XIII   COURTLY STABLES AND THEIR IMPLICATIONS FOR SEVENTEENTH - CENTURY ENGLISH ARCHITECTURE gardens. Two-storey slightly projecting wings with windows under a hipped roof lighting the attic, as at vertical rectangular and oeil-de-boeuf windows and Fonthill (Fig.  ). They were probably built by the balustrading flanked an elaborate rusticated arcade th Earl of Pembroke’s sixth son, James Herbert, who (since filled in) with roundels between each bay. acquired the property through marriage in  Aubrey’s description, and the comment by Evelyn and sold it in  . It has been assumed that the that it was also adorned with heads of Caesars, Interregnum would not have been a propitious time shows that the courtyard was equally grand.  The for building and that the work must post-date  , life-size paintings of horses in the courtyard, which but there is no reason why this should be the case. do not survive, seem to have been unique in England The Herbert family prospered under the Common - and were presumably inspired by similar paintings wealth and Wilton House was expensively rebuilt in by Giulio Romano at the Palazzo Te in Mantua. The  –c. after a fire, so work at Tythrop could general air of decay today, the slightly crude handling have begun soon after Herbert and his wife of the classical details, and the way the gable of the succeeded in  . If so, the stables could also have barn breaks over the balustrade make it easy to been designed by de Caus. However, it should be overlook the importance of the Wilton stables. For noted that the side elevation of Tythrop House bears their date these were among England’s most a strong resemblance to the undated design for East architecturally ambitious buildings. Hampstead Lodge, Berkshire, inscribed “Plot for De Caus continued to be paid a pension by the the new building of East Hampstead Lodge, by Earl of Pembroke until his death in about  . Mr Edward Carter”.  This makes him a plausible candidate for two other Oeil-de-boeuf windows were used on another mid-seventeenth-century stables with oeil-de-boeuf courtier’s stables, those at Holland House in windows associated with the Herbert family. Kensington, which were sufficiently impressive to be Ramsbury Manor, which lies on the edge of attributed to Inigo Jones by Horace Walpole and to Savernake Forest, would have been used by the th be among the early seventeenth-century classical Earl of Pembroke as a hunting lodge.  The stables buildings recorded by Lord Burlington’s circle. Two there are of beautifully laid brick, with eight tall, oval copies of The Designs of Inigo Jones and Others windows in stone, separated by brick quoins, ( ), edited by Isaac Ware, bear later annotations lighting the ground floor (Fig.  ). After the th Earl’s that the interior of an otherwise anonymous classical death in  the house was occupied by his widow stable ascribed to Inigo Jones was for the stables for and then let. It was subsequently sold to Sir William Holland House (Fig.  ).  These stables were part Jones in  , who rebuilt the house to the designs of of major improvements to Holland House carried .  As there is no reference to the out by Henry Rich, st Earl of Holland in  – . stables in Hooke’s building accounts, as stylistically Building accounts show that Lord Holland spent the they predate Hooke’s work, and as stables of this considerable sum of £ , adding a new wing to grandeur are unlikely to have been built for a widow Holland House and the enormous sum of £ , , the or a tenant, they were probably commissioned by the equivalent of a complete country house for some less th Earl before the Civil War. If so, Isaac de Caus is ambitious courtier, on new stables and coach houses.  the most likely architect. Only a much-altered fragment of the elevation of The stables at Tythrop House, Buckinghamshire, the stables survives, but the accounts, together with which were illustrated by Henry Winstanley in  , the engraving (whose detail they confirm) allow us to were no less grand – seven bays wide and four bays reconstruct the stables and accompanying coach deep, with a pedimented doorcase and oeil-de-boeuf houses. Built of brick, they were  ft. long and  ft.

THE GEORGIAN GROUP JOURNAL VOLUME XIII   COURTLY STABLES AND THEIR IMPLICATIONS FOR SEVENTEENTH - CENTURY ENGLISH ARCHITECTURE wide, two storeys high, with six arcaded coach subsequently Duke, of Newcastle, who learnt his houses balanced by stables behind a matching blank horsemanship at the Prince of Wales’s informal arcade with a central projection between them. The academy at Richmond.  His first new stables were first floor had thirteen oval windows with an attic built at Welbeck Abbey, Nottinghamshire, to the above lit by dormer windows. The parallels with the designs of John Smythson in  . Though now arcaded main elevation of the Wilton stables, and in demolished, these were illustrated in Newcastle’s particular with the end pavilions with oeil-de-boeuf Methode et Invention Nouvelle de dresser les Chevaux windows over arcading, are obvious. of  , and can be examined in more detail in For his workmen Holland relied heavily on the Smythson’s surviving drawing. Office of Works, but the accounts make no payment Though the Welbeck stables included alternating to a designer. Malcolm Airs suggests that Walpole round and segmental pediments over the windows, and Ware’s attribution to the Surveyor-General Inigo presumably a reference to Inigo Jones’s recently Jones may be possible, perhaps in partnership with completed in Whitehall, the Isaac de Caus, though parallels with Wilton could design otherwise owed little to the Italianate suggest that de Caus was working alone. However, it classicism then coming into favour at the court. The must be stressed that, except in the case of the buttresses, arrow-loop windows ventilating the Wilton stables, no name is firmly linked to any of hayloft, and ogee roofs over the pavilions have more these buildings. Though we know de Caus used oeil- in common with Robert Smythson’s Little Castle at de-boeuf windows on the stables at Wilton (and on Bolsover, Derbyshire, built for Newcastle’s father Sir Wilton House) it is possible that their use elsewhere Charles Cavendish around  – . is evidence of a common motif, not an individual The stables and riding house that Newcastle built architectural trait. What is important about these at Bolsover Castle, Derbyshire, probably in the late stables is not their possible attribution to a specific  s, to the designs of John Smythson’s son architect but the consistency of their design approach. Huntingdon, were more monumental in their The Holland House stables were of exceptional ambition (Fig.  ). Built entirely of stone, with a series grandeur, but the survival of a design for a small stable of gabled dormer windows and vertical rectangular and coach house by Inigo Jones’s assistant, John windows with classical architraves, the composition is Webb, inscribed “for Mr Fetherstone  ”, shows dominated by the massive, rusticated doorcases to the how this astylar manner was beginning to spread riding house and stable, each with a broken segmental beyond immediate court circles.  The design, which pediment. These details reveal a knowledge of was probably for Henry Featherstone of Hassenbrook architectural fashions from London and the Continent Hall, Essex, is for a single-storey, three-bay stable with that is missing at Welbeck. Lucy Worsley and Tom a single attached coach house, pitched roof and Addyman point out similarities with Jones’s work in dormers (Fig.  ). It is not known if it was executed, London in the gables over the windows and the form but it can be seen as a reduced version of Jones’s of the windows. A particular parallel can be made with Office of Works building at Newmarket (Fig. ), which Brooke House, though comparison could also be Webb recorded in an undated drawing usually made with the stables at Burley-on-the-Hill. The ascribed to the  s but perhaps to be associated central doorcase is taken from Alexandre Francini’s with the Hassenbrook stable design. Livre d’Architecture of  . The grandest surviving stables to survive from The architectural elaboration of the stables and before the Civil War were those erected by that great riding house at Bolsover stands out as exceptional in equestrian enthusiast William Cavendish, Earl, this list of early-Stuart courtiers’ stables. Whereas

THE GEORGIAN GROUP JOURNAL VOLUME XIII   COURTLY STABLES AND THEIR IMPLICATIONS FOR SEVENTEENTH - CENTURY ENGLISH ARCHITECTURE with the other stables architectural decoration was new classical manner. For monarch and courtiers restricted to arcading, quoins, the limited use of alike the first half of the seventeenth century was a ‘Dutch’ gables and oeil-de-boeuf windows, at period of grand but largely unrealised or incomplete Bolsover Newcastle included a massively rusticated architectural schemes, whose reality was more Doric doorcase with a broken segmental pediment, a limited and often restricted to internal improvements. full entablature over the principal windows and Stables, self-contained architectural units whose ‘Dutch’ gables over each of the upper windows. This scale and simplicity made them well suited to an can in part be explained by the superior status of the essay in the new style, could be built for less cost and riding house to ordinary stables, as can also be seen yet were prestigious buildings in their own right, in Inigo Jones’s elaborate (but unexecuted) designs offering a chance to realise in miniature these for two riding house facades.  There was also a thwarted architectural ambitions. strong Continental tradition of rich architectural Thus the visual restraint of most of these stables backdrops to the practice of haute école in the open, should not be mistaken for a lack of sophistication. best demonstrated by the Cortile della Mostra at the The architectural language which they display was ducal palace at Mantua and by the illustrations in carefully thought through. What is interesting are the Antoine de Pluvinel’s L’instruction du Roy en l’exercise sources that lie behind these simple, symmetrical de monter à cheval of  . But there is also a sense astylar elevations with their vertical rectangular that Newcastle’s obsession with horsemanship, windows, hipped roofs, dormer windows and above demonstrated by his unusual act in publishing his all their repeated oeil-de-boeuf windows. two lavishly illustrated treatises on subject, his The use of such small, round windows on stables Méthode et Invention nouvelle de dresser les Chevaux was a successful example of adapting classical detail of  and his A New Method and Extraordinary to practical use. Haylofts needed lighting and Invention to Dress Horses of  , subtly distorted ventilation. Oeil-de-boeuf windows, ideal in scale for questions of propriety. Newcastle’s almost an attic floor, solved the problem. Their source was professional interest in haute école was seen by some neither Andrea Palladio nor Vincenzo Scamozzi but as inappropriate to his rank.  His passion for the Sebastiano Serlio, a generation older than Palladio horse seems to have led him to treat it with greater ( – , as compared to  – ), whose architectural respect than his contemporaries might L’Architettura was published in parts between  have thought appropriate. and  and subsequently brought together in  . Newcastle may have been exceptional in the Serlio, a key influence on Palladio, was a source of degree of elaboration he gave his stables, but the high authoritative information on antique buildings, but status accorded to stables is clear from this list of large, his books range much wider, encompassing the expensive and architecturally advanced examples built orders, the practicalities of designing, details of by important courtiers in the  s and  s. There construction, interiors, churches and an extensive was nothing utilitarian about such buildings. Indeed, section on domestic architecture. His influence on as can be seen from Sir Balthazar Gerbier’s A Brief the development of classical architecture in northern Discourse concerning the Three Chief Principles of Europe in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries Magnificent Building, stables were built for display was quite as profound as that of Palladio. and prestige, quite as much as houses were.  Oeil-de-boeuf windows above vertical rectangular * * * windows are used repeatedly on domestic buildings It could be argued that stables had a particular illustrated in Serlio’s Seventh Book, published in advantage as a building type in which to express the  . The most pertinent model for their use in these

THE GEORGIAN GROUP JOURNAL VOLUME XIII   COURTLY STABLES AND THEIR IMPLICATIONS FOR SEVENTEENTH - CENTURY ENGLISH ARCHITECTURE

Fig.  . Wenceslaus Hollar, St Paul’s, Covent Garden, London.

courtiers’ stables is his Ninth House (Fig. ).  The Serlio’s ‘Seventh Proposition’, can be seen as the stables at Arundel House can be most closely final expression of this overt Serlian manner.  compared to the ‘Seventh Proposition’ (Fig. ).  The consistent use of the oeil-de-boeuf window, The façade of the  th House (with the pair of towers of astylar elevations with regular-spaced vertical removed) is a plausible source for the stables at Wilton rectangular windows, hipped roofs and dormer (Figs.  and  , see above).  Serlio’s Seventh Book windows in these courtiers’ stables thus highlights an also probably provided the model for the innovative, important feature of the English revolution in astylar houses that flanked St Paul’s, Covent Garden, classical taste under the early Stuarts: the centrality now definitely known to have been designed by of Serlio. These buildings also mark a clear Inigo Jones in  – (Fig.  ).  These are close to distinction between the contemporary English and Serlio’s ‘Seventeenth Proposition’ (Fig.  ).  Dutch revolutions in architectural taste. Both Serlio was also the model for other contemporary movements are commonly described as Palladian, innovative designs. West Woodhay of  and Inigo but though both shared important elements, Jones’s design for Lord Maltravers of  were, like particularly respect for classical antiquity, Vitruvius the stables at Arundel House, directly inspired by and the buildings and writings of Andrea Palladio, Serlio’s Seventh House.  Similarly, the giant they took two very different paths. pilastered elevation of Lees Court, , of c. , or In the Netherlands, as Konrad Ottenheym has Bayhall, Kent, probably of the  s, as well as those shown, the new Dutch classical manner introduced of houses in Great Queen Street and Lincoln’s Inn by Jacob van Campen and his followers from the mid Fields built in the late  s and early  s can be  s (starting with van Campen’s Coymanshuis in traced back to Serlio’s third and fourth houses.  Amsterdam of  ) was driven above all by respect for The influence of Serlio’s Seventh Book on Nicholas the work and writing of Palladio’s successor Vincenzo Stone’s Goldsmith’s Hall in the City of London of Scamozzi.  The result was a richly ornamented style  is also obvious.  Sir ’s Coleshill with extensive use of the orders and in particular of House, Berkshire, ( c. – ), perhaps looking to pedimented and pilastered centrepieces.

THE GEORGIAN GROUP JOURNAL VOLUME XIII   COURTLY STABLES AND THEIR IMPLICATIONS FOR SEVENTEENTH - CENTURY ENGLISH ARCHITECTURE

Fig.  . The Seventeenth Proposition, from Book Seven of Sebastiano Serlio, On Architecture .

In England, where the new classical movement edition, with seven books, now in the Royal Institute had emerged a decade earlier, this richly ornamented of British Architects. The first two were extensively approach was found on the Banqueting House, but annotated by Jones, the third by John Webb who this was the exception. This style was reserved for subsequently owned it.  Serlio was an important royal buildings and prestigious churches. The bulk source for Jones’s designs for masques, gateways and of early Stuart classicism was marked by the absence window details. One surviving Jones drawing is for a of pedimented elevations and, despite examples of window copied from Serlio’s Seventh Book.  the giant order, was predominantly astylar. For such In focusing on Serlio Jones was not operating in buildings Palladio and Scamozzi’s buildings, at least a stylistic vacuum. Serlio, who had been invited to as illustrated in their books, with their pediments, join the French court at Fontainebleau in  and porticoes and complex use of the orders, provided died in France in  , was a key influence on few models – unlike Serlio. contemporary French domestic architecture. Jones drove the early Stuart classical revolution, Though attention tends to focus on Jones’s Italian not only through his own designs but through the travels he would have been well informed about advice he gave and the control he exercised.  We , for he visited France at least know that he studied Serlio carefully. He owned at twice. In  he visited Provence, Paris and least three editions of Serlio’s work, the  – possibly Chambord, and in  he was probably in edition with books one to four and part of book five, the Earl of Arundel’s train as he returned from Italy, now at Queen’s College, , the  edition when Lord Arundel was forced to spend at least with seven books, now owned by the Canadian three weeks in Paris.  Center for Architecture in Montreal and the  The fashionable domestic style of the court of

THE GEORGIAN GROUP JOURNAL VOLUME XIII   COURTLY STABLES AND THEIR IMPLICATIONS FOR SEVENTEENTH - CENTURY ENGLISH ARCHITECTURE

Fig.  . Château de Rosny, Rosny-sur-Seine, Yvelines, France, built c. . London, Courtauld Institute of Art .

Henri IV around the turn of the sixteenth century, Chancellerie de France in about  anticipates which Jones would have seen on his visits to France, Jones’s Maltravers design with its five-bay, two- was for buildings with regular, symmetrical storey, hipped roof with dormers.  Henri IV’s major elevations, generally without an emphatic central urban schemes in Paris, the Place Royale (now Place accent, with vertical rectangular windows, hipped des Vosges), begun in  , and the Place Dauphine roofs and dormers. In essence this was the language of  , shared the same style.  Serlio had established half a century earlier. Some of This approach remained fashionable in court these buildings were decorated with pilasters, most circles into the  s, as can be seen in the Château were astylar. Good examples on the outskirts of Paris de Lery, built for Marie des Medicis’s Italian banker included the Château de Montceaux-en-Brie, Zanobi Lioni in  . In Paris, the façade of the designed by Jacques II Androuet du Cerceau and Hôtel de Châlons-Luxembourg of  –, attributed Salomon de Brosse for Henri IV’s mistress in , to Jean Thiriot, is essentially a heavily decorated and ultimately occupied by the queen, Marie des version of the Château de Breteuil, and of Jones’s Médicis, and the Château de Rosny built for Maltravers design.  On a smaller scale, there are Maximilien de Béthune, later Duc de Sully, Henri striking parallels between the pair of houses IV’s key minister, begun in about  (Fig.  ).  designed by Inigo Jones in about  flanking St The central range of the Château de Breteuil, built Paul’s, Covent Garden and the three-bay pavilions for Thibault Desportes, grand audiencier of the with pitched roofs and dormers set around the two

THE GEORGIAN GROUP JOURNAL VOLUME XIII   COURTLY STABLES AND THEIR IMPLICATIONS FOR SEVENTEENTH - CENTURY ENGLISH ARCHITECTURE squares of the new town of Richelieu, Indre-et-Loire. This model piece of court-inspired urbanism (like Covent Garden) was designed in  by Jacques Lemercier, the King’s first architect, for Cardinal Richelieu, his first minister.  Of course there were differences, particularly of scale, for the architectural ambitions of the French court, and the resources to realise them, far exceeded anything to be found in England at the time. The French also preferred taller pitched roofs than the English and liked to break elevations and roofs up into series of pavilions. The English preferred projecting wings under an unbroken roof. But the principal difference lay in decoration. Early seventeenth-century French domestic architecture could be very plain, particularly (though not exclusively) on less prestigious buildings, as is seen in examples illustrated by Pierre Le Muet in Manière de Bien Bastir of  (Fig.  ). But more prestigious projects tended to be richly ornamented, particularly with elaborate window surrounds and a contrasting use of brick and stone. Thus it is only when the decoration is mentally stripped off and the pavilions are blanked out that Fig.  . Pierre Le Muet, ‘Distribution de la Cinquiesme the parallels between fashionable early seventeenth- Place’, from Maniere de Bien Bastir , Paris,  . century French and English domestic architecture become so apparent. Nor is this debt to France particularly surprising. It is already well known that Netherlands a confident handling of the classical the early Stuart court borrowed directly from the orders had been well established by  , and the French. The York Watergate (  –), inspired by required skills in architectural draughtsmanship the Fontaine Medicis of the Palais du Luxembourg, were high. By contrast, in late-Elizabethan and is one example. Others include the chimneypieces Jacobean England the use of the orders was rare and that Jones designed for Queen in architectural draughtsmanship weak.  Thus the the  s, based on exemplars sent over from sophistication of the Dutch classical approach was France.  French influence was also strong in the seldom possible in England, except where Jones Netherlands, particularly at the court of the was directly involved. Serlio’s elevations suited Stadtholder. The French derivation of the royal ill-experienced draughtsman and were easy to palaces of Honselaardijk of  – and Huis ter reproduce even with builders inexperienced in Nieuburg of  , with their sharply pitched roofs classical proportions. and pavilions, is clear.  Economy may be another reason for the English One reason for the English choice of this Serlian preference for Serlio. The decoration characteristic model would have been necessity. In France and the of French façades was expensive. But Jones was also

THE GEORGIAN GROUP JOURNAL VOLUME XIII   COURTLY STABLES AND THEIR IMPLICATIONS FOR SEVENTEENTH - CENTURY ENGLISH ARCHITECTURE

Fig.  . Mauritshuis, The Hague, in  . Author.

making a deliberate stylistic choice. Though clearly building, should reflect its relative status.  This was influenced by what he saw in France, he reinterpreted a prevailing idea in his architecture and in a famous rather than copied it, going back directly to Serlio. passage, Jones made clear his views: “all thes This can be seen not only in what Jones did not take Composed ornamentes wch Proceed out of ye from the French, but also in what contemporary aboundance of dessignes, and wear brought in by English architects took from Serlio that the French Mihill Angell and his followers, in my oppignion do had ignored. An instance is the extensive use in not well in sollid Architecture and ye facciati of England of the oeil-de-boeuf window. houses”.  Jones’s thinking can probably be explained by In essence, Jones is explaining that elevations the importance he gave to the concept of decorum or should be plain and simple. This explains why he propriety: the idea that the degree of architectural ignored the French fascination with the richly elaboration found in a building, or a part of a decorated façade, though following the essential

THE GEORGIAN GROUP JOURNAL VOLUME XIII   COURTLY STABLES AND THEIR IMPLICATIONS FOR SEVENTEENTH - CENTURY ENGLISH ARCHITECTURE form of contemporary French domestic architecture There are some exceptions, the most important with its regular facades of vertical rectangular being the proposed but unexecuted attached portico windows under hipped roofs. For Jones decoration, of Wilton House. Wilton was so closely associated and specifically the orders, should be reserved for with Charles I – according to John Aubrey “King buildings of appropriate stature, such as royal Charles the first did love Wilton above all places and buildings. Less prestigious buildings, stables, town came thither every summer” – that it can be houses and most country houses should have plain, considered a quasi-royal palace.  The same is true astylar elevations. of Cobham Hall, Kent, for which John Webb Jones’s approach explains one of the key presented designs to the Duke of Richmond and distinctions between English and Dutch classicism Lennox in  . The profusion of implied in the early seventeenth century. In the Netherlands porticoes in this design could be explained by the pilastered porticoes were a central feature of the royal kinship of the duke, James Stuart, whose classical vocabulary from Jacob van Campen’s Het closest male relative on his inheritance in  had Huis ten Bosch in Maarssen of  onwards.  A been James I.  Tellingly, Webb’s drawing is sequence of such implied porticoes, on public inscribed “ye Dukes Pallace at Cobham”. buildings and on the houses of leading court figures Palatial (or maybe ducal) aspirations may have such as the Mauritshuis in The Hague, characterises lain behind the pedimented centrepiece of the grand Dutch classicism in the  s (Fig.  ).  In the  s screen the nd Earl of Northampton built, possibly to this encompassed , as in Philips Vingboons’s the designs of Edward Carter, at Castle Ashby, Vredenburg of  , and burghers’ houses in Northamptonshire, in  , a house that had been Amsterdam, as in his Klonveniersburgwal  of the remodelled on the grandest scale by the earl’s father. same year.  By the  s implied porticoes were But what is telling is how exceptional it is. The same commonplace in Dutch architecture. is true of the temple front of Raynham Hall, Norfolk, By contrast, porticoes and even astylar a house designed by the amateur architect Sir Roger pediments were exceptional in England before the Townshend for himself and built between  and Civil War. There were plenty of houses of a scale that  . Finally, John Webb’s design for Hale Lodge, in the Netherlands would have justified a pediment , of  , though graced by a portico in such as Cornbury Park, Oxfordshire (  –), or antis did not have a pediment. The portico in antis Lees Court, Kent ( c. ), but pediments and is better understood as a viewing platform for porticoes were associated almost exclusively with hunting than as an attempt to assert status.  churches or the monarchy.  The most obvious Porticoes, and even implied porticoes, seem in examples are the pediment of Inigo Jones’s Queen’s early Stuart England to be specifically associated Chapel at St James’s Palace (  ), the portico of his with monarchy or the church. This is not surprising. St Paul’s Church, Covent Garden ( c. ) (Fig.  , Charles I had a very elevated sense of monarchy, of see above) and great portico at St Paul’s Cathedral its quasi-sacerdotal role and the importance of ( ).  Jones also designed porticoes or pediments architecture in expressing his vision of church and for a sequence of unexecuted royal commissions, crown. The portico, a temple front, was the highest including his design for the Star Chamber (  ), the expression of the classical language, associated in Prince’s Lodgings at Newmarket (  –), his initial contemporary belief with the Temple of Solomon. design for the Banqueting House (  ), his designs The significance Charles I attached specifically to for Whitehall Palace ( c. ) and his designs for the portico can be seen in his extraordinary gesture (  ).  in paying for Inigo Jones’s massive west portico of St

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Paul’s Cathedral. It is also possible that the added London, one of which is dated  , the year of expense Charles I forced on the Earl of Bedford in Charles I’s execution. These unexecuted proposals the building of St Paul’s, Covent Garden was the were made for the th (or possibly th ) Earl of addition of a porch.  Pembroke, both of whom thrived under the In deliberately avoiding porticoes for non-royal Commonwealth.  Webb went on to design a series buildings Jones’s interpretation of the classical of buildings with porticoes during the  s, adding tradition was intriguingly at odds with that of Andrea a portico to the Vyne, Hampshire (  –), and Palladio. Palladio was a keen advocate of temple including them at Gunnersbury House, Middlesex fronts for churches. He was probably aware of (c. – ) and Abbey, Wiltshire Michelangelo’s original intention to include a massive (c. – ) (Fig.  ), as well as in the unexecuted freestanding decastyle portico on the west front of St design for , Leicestershire (  ). Peter’s in Rome and of Cardinal Borromeo’s Webb’s design, probably unexecuted, for Colonel Instructiones fabricae et supellectilis ecclesiasticae , Ludlow’s house at Maiden Bradley, Wiltshire published in Milan in  , which argued for (c. – ), had an implied portico with pilasters on porticoes on churches. He suggested monumental the first floor.  porticoes for S. Petronio in Bologna in  and S. The royal connotations of the portico and the Giorgio Maggiore in Venice, c. , and his Venetian attached portico reasserted themselves after the churches all have implied temple fronts.  Despite Restoration of Charles II in  . This can be seen this he did not believe that porticoes should be in the attached portico of John Webb’s Greenwich reserved solely for royal and ecclesiastical use. One of Palace of  (Fig.  ), the freestanding Doric his key ideas was the appropriation of porticoes for portico of Sir ’s Royal Hospital at villas. But then, Venice was a republic with none of Chelsea of  – (Fig.  ), the attached porticoes the constraints of hierarchy that a monarchy of Winchester Palace (  ) and Hampton Court imposed. As power in Venice resided with the nobles ( ) and the great double portico of St Paul’s it was appropriate that their houses should carry the Cathedral.  Likewise in late seventeenth-century ultimate symbol of authority in a way that would not France the portico was specifically associated with have been suitable for English noblemen, subjects of royal or quasi-royal buildings, including the Collège the Crown. Similarly in the mid seventeenth-century des Quatre Nations (  ), the Dutch Republic there were obviously no qualms ( ), the Château de Marly (  ) and the hospital about the possible royal implications of the portico and domed church of Les Invalides (  – and and pediment. Interestingly, though, whether for  – ).  reasons of propriety or economy, freestanding In late seventeenth-century England, only Roger porticoes were not used for domestic buildings in the North, another amateur like Sir Roger Townshend at Netherlands. The only such portico to be planned Raynham, had the nerve to include a portico on his was for a church, Arent van’s-Gravesande’s Marekerk house, Rougham Hall, Norfolk, in  –. It was in Leiden of  – . It remained unexecuted for not until the second decade of the eighteenth reasons of cost.  century that porticoes began to appear in any It was not until the Commonwealth that number on country houses, a development that porticoes were proposed for buildings in England became a veritable flood in the early  s. As power that are neither royal nor religious. It is perhaps now lay with the landowning classes, not the crown, telling that one of the first is the attached portico it was presumably considered appropriate for them included in Webb’s designs for Durham House in to add porticoes to their houses.

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Fig.  . Engraving of Amesbury Abbey, Wiltshire, from , Vitruvius Britannicus , London,  , III, .

But if porticoes had been reclaimed by the pediments. In  included a pediment monarchy, the pediment, so striking in its absence in on the new stables built that year at Cornbury House, England in the  s, swiftly lost its exclusivity in the Oxfordshire.  Pediments could be found on stables  s. For the first couple of years after the Restoration at Lowther Castle, Westmorland, and at Hampton there was a pause, almost as if architects were sizing Court, Herefordshire, as well as in designs for stables up the symbolic implications of the return of the at Hampstead Marshall, Berkshire.  There could not monarchy. Then in  – Sir Roger Pratt designed a be a clearer sign that the pediment had lost the royal series of pedimented houses – , Dorset, associations it once had. Horseheath Hall, Cambridgeshire (Fig.  ), and * * * , – that set the model for These ten courtly stables thus help unlock some of country houses for the next  years.  For the next the key issues of mid-seventeenth-century English generation the standard substantial country house architecture. It is hard to see how this group of was to be an astylar, tripartite, pedimented house.  buildings, built for some of the King’s closest Nor was it only country houses that were built with courtiers, ranging from perhaps as early as  up to

THE GEORGIAN GROUP JOURNAL VOLUME XIII   COURTLY STABLES AND THEIR IMPLICATIONS FOR SEVENTEENTH - CENTURY ENGLISH ARCHITECTURE

Fig.  . Engraving of the King Charles Block of Greenwich Palace, from Colen Campbell, Vitruvius Britannicus , London,  , I,  .

Fig.  . Courtyard of the Royal Hospital, Chelsea.

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Fig.  . Engraving of Sir Roger Pratt, Horseheath Hall, Cambridgeshire, from Colen Campbell, Vitruvius Britannicus , London,  , III,  –.

the end of the  s, could be described as the were on the lowest rung of polite architecture, but as product of ‘Puritan Minimalism’. The astylar manner places of display were still treated with careful found in these stables has been portrayed as a attention. For them simple, well-proportioned deliberate rejection of the rich, courtly, architectural elevations with a minimum of architectural detail language of the Banqueting House for a new sober were appropriate. Any elaboration could be reserved style suitable for a revolutionary regime, a style that for the stalls within the building, as the Holland emerged in the late  s and came of age under the House stables and the surviving stalls at Dunster Commonwealth in the  s with Coleshill House, Castle, Somerset remind us. Berkshire.  The astylar classical language that came to The confusion lies in seeing the two approaches prevail under the Restoration was not a reaction to as alternatives. Far from Inigo Jones being the the rich architectural language of Inigo Jones, but “founder-member of two separate and even opposed was complementary to it. It could hardly have been schools of architecture”  – ‘Court Classicism’ and anything else given that in the  s and  s it was ‘Puritan Minimalism’ – the contrast between the principally associated with courtier circles and in relatively simple architecture of these stables and the particular with their stables. rich language of the Banqueting House is best explained by the classical principle of decorum. Royal palaces such as the Banqueting House or Jones’s designs for Somerset House, deserved rich ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS and elaborate classical articulation; a park lodge, such Figs.  and  were reproduced by permission of the as the Queen’s House at Greenwich, or a country Duke of Devonshire and the Chatsworth Settlement house, required more restrained treatment. Stables Trustees.

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NOTES House at Burley on the Hill”, Rutland Record ,  Giles Worsley, Classical Architecture in Britain: the XVIII,  ,  – . Heroic Age , New Haven and London,  , – ;  Finch, op. cit., –; Blandamer, op. cit. ,  and Timothy Mowl and Brian Earnshaw, Architecture fig. . without Kings: The rise of puritan classicism under  Jones also used similar gables on his design of Cromwell Manchester,  . c. – for the west front of St Paul’s Cathedral  Mark Girouard (ed.), “The Smythson Collection of and on his design for the elevation of a seven- Architectural Drawings”, Architectural History , V, window house with an iron pergola [Harris and  ,  ,  , I/ . Smythson’s visit to London in  Higgott, op. cit. ,  –,  – and  – ]. is dated by the inscription of his drawing of  Linda Campbell, “The Building of Raynham Hall, Wimbledon House (I/  ). Norfolk”, Architectural History , XXXII,  ,  H. M. Colvin (ed.), The History of the King’s Works ,  – . London, IV,  ,  –; London, National  Dictionary of National Biography , XII,  . Archives, Public Record Office (hereafter PRO),  Thomas Wentworth (ed. W. Knowler), Letters and E Herts. No.  fol. . Despatches of Thomas Wentworth, Earl of Strafford ,  PRO, E  / –. London,  , II,  .  Howard Colvin, Biographical Dictionary of British  John Harris, The Artist and the Country House , Architects , New Haven and London,  ,  . London,  , fig.  .  Colvin, op. cit. ,  ,  –  Gervase Jackson-Stops, “West Woodhay House,  Colvin, op. cit. ,  ,  – . Berkshire”, Country Life , CLXXXI,  January  Dictionary of National Biography , IX,  .  ,  –.  John Harris and Gordon Higgott, Inigo Jones:  Dianne Duggan, “The Fourth side of the Covent Complete Architectural Drawings , New York and Garden Piazza: New light on the history and London,  ,  – and  –. significance of Bedford House”, British Art  Colvin, op. cit. ,  ,  ,  ,  – ; Giles Journal, III. , Autumn  ,  – , figs.  and . Worsley, “Inigo Jones and the Hatfield Riding  Adjacent stables for Cecil House, though clearly House”, Architectural History , XLV,  ,  – . impressive for their day, were about  feet long and  Colvin (ed.), op. cit. ,  ,  . lacked the generous courtyard in front of the  J.T. Smith, Sixty-Two Additional Plates to Smith’s Bedford House stables [Jill Husselby and Paula Antiquities of Westminster , London,  , . Henderson, “Location, Location, Location! Cecil  David Howarth, Lord Arundel and his Circle , New House in the Strand”, Architectural History , XLV, Haven and London,  ,  ,  and note  .  ,  – and figs. –].  John Harris et al., The King’s Arcadia: Inigo Jones  Duggan, op. cit.,  . and the Stuart Court , London,  ,  –; John  John Aubrey (ed. John Britton), A Natural History Harris and Gordon Higgott, Inigo Jones: Complete of Wiltshire , London,  ,  . Architectural Drawings , London,  ,  ,  –,  John Bold, Wilton House and English Palladianism ,  –, figs.  and  . Harris and Higgott identify London,  ,  . Bold does not address the the building as probably being by Jones but do not specific date of the stables. note that it is a stable nor discuss its significance as  (ed. J.S. Beer), Diaries , Oxford,  ,  . a very early example of the astylar manner.  Colvin, op. cit. ,  ,  –.  Harris and Higgott, op. cit. ,  ,  – and fig.  .  Victoria County History, Wiltshire , XII,  .  Thomas Fuller, The History of the Worthies of  Hentie Louw, “New Light on Ramsbury Manor”, England , London,  ,  . Architectural History , XXX,  ,  –.  André Joubert, “Les Gentilhommes étrangers…à  Harris, op. cit. ,  , fig.  ; Victoria County l’Academie d’equitation d’Angers au XVII siècle”, History, Buckinghamshire , II,  ; Nikolaus Pevsner Revue d’Anjou ,  ,  ; Dictionary of National and Elizabeth Williamson, The Buildings of Biography , LVIII,  . England: Buckinghamshire , London,  ,  .  Colvin, op. cit.,  ,  ,  and  .  Mowl and Earnshaw, op. cit. ,  –, fig.  .  Pearl Finch, Burley on the Hill , London,  ,  –;  Isaac Ware, Designs of Inigo Jones and Others , Anne Blandamer, “The Duke of Buckingham’s London,  , pls.  – . One annotated copy,

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owned by John Carr, is in Sir ’s  Worsley, op. cit .,  , . Museum, the other, owned by Thomas Worsley,  Harris et al. , op. cit. ,  – and  –; John Surveyor-General of the Office of Works from  Newman, “Inigo Jones’s Architectural Education”, to  , is at Hovingham Hall, Yorkshire. Architectural History , XXXV,  ,  – .  Leeds, West Yorkshire Archives Service,  Harris and Higgott, op. cit .,  ,  ,  ,  ,  ,  , TN/EA/  / fol.  –. I am grateful to Malcolm  ,  ,  ,  ,  and  . Airs for providing me with a copy of these accounts  Gordon Higgott, “Inigo Jones in Provence”, and for showing me a draft of his article on the Architectural History , XXVI,  ,  – . Holland House stables (infra or supra ), on which  Jean-Marie Pérouse de Montclos (ed.), Le Guide du the following account draws heavily. Patrimoine: Ile de France , Paris,  ,  –,  –;  John Bold, John Webb: Architectural Theory and Anthony Blunt, Art and Architecture in France Practice in the Seventeenth Century , Oxford,  ,  – , London,  , pl.  a.  ; Harris and Higgott, op. cit. ,  – .  Pérouse de Montclos, op. cit. ,  .  Margaret Cavendish, The Life of …William  Jean-Marie Pérouse de Montclos (ed.), Le Guide du Cavendish, Duke, Marquess and Earl of Newcastle , Patrimoine: Paris , Paris,  ,  –; Anthony London,  ,  . Blunt, op. cit. , pls.  a and  a; Hilary Ballon, The  Girouard, op. cit. ,  , III/  (). Vertue recorded an Paris of Henri IV: Architecture and Urbanism , New inscription of  on the stables. Vertue’s York and Cambridge, Mass.,  . Notebooks II, Walpole Society , XX,  ,  .  Jacques Dupaquier, Guide du Vexin Francais , Saint-  Girouard, op. cit. ,  –, III/ . Ouen-l’Aumone,  ,  .  Lucy Worsley and Tom Addyman, “Riding Houses  Jean-Pierre Babelon, Demeures Parisiennes sous and Horses: William Cavendish’s Architecture for Henri IV et Louis XIII , Paris,  ,  . the Art of Horsemanship”, Architectural History ,  Blunt, op. cit. , pl.  b. XLV,  ,  ,  , fig.  .  John Harris, “Inigo Jones and His French Sources”,  Giles Worsley, “Inigo Jones and the Hatfield Riding Metropolitan Museum Bulletin , May  ,  – . House”, Architectural History , XLV,  ,  –.  Ottenheym (ed.), op. cit. ,  ,  –.  Worsley and Addyman, op. cit. ,  .  For Dutch seventeenth-century architectural  Sir Balthazar Gerbier, A Brief Discourse concerning drawings see Elske Gerritsen, “De the Three Chief Principles of Magnificent Building , architectuurtekening in de  de eeuw”, in Jorgen London,  ,  –. Bracker, Soo vele heerkijcke gebouwen: van Palladio  Vaughan Hart and Peter Hicks, Sebastiano Serlio tot Vingboons , Amsterdam,  ,  – . on Architecture , New Haven and London,  ,  Gordon Higgott, “Varying with Reason: Inigo II,  . Jones’s Theory of Design”, Architectural History ,  Hart and Hicks, op. cit. , II,  . XXXV,  ,  .  Ibid .,  .  Harris and Higgott, op. cit. ,  .  Duggan, op. cit .,  – .  Ottenheym (ed.), op. cit. ,  –.  Hart and Hicks, op. cit. , II,  .  Important early examples from the  s alone  Jackson-Stops, op. cit. include the Huygenshuis of  – in the Hague  Oliver Hill and John Cornforth, English Country by Constantijn Huygens and Jacob van Campen; Houses: Caroline , London,  , pls.  and  ; the Mauritshuis in the Hague of  – by Jacob John Summerson, Architecture in Britain  – , van Campen; St Sebastiaansdoelen of  by Arent Harmondsworth, pls.  –; Hart and Hicks, op. van ‘s-Gravesande; the Lakenhall in Leiden of cit. , II,  – .  – by Arent van ’s-Gravesande; Noreinde  Worsley, op. cit. , – , figs.  –,  – and  –. Palace in the Hague of  – by Jacob Van  Hill and Cornforth, op. cit. , pls.  and  ; Hart Campen and Pieter Post [Ottenheym (ed.), op. cit. , and Hicks, op. cit. , II,  .  – and  ].  Van Campen’s Keizergracht  , of  , heavily  Key examples are Philips Vingboons’s Vredenburg indebted to Jones’s Banqueting House, heralded the ( ) and his Klonveniersburgwal  , Amsterdam new Dutch classicism [Konrad Ottenheym (ed.), ( ) [Konrad Ottenheym, Philips Vingboons , Jacob Van Campen , Amsterdam,  ]. Amsterdam,  ,  – and  –].

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 Hill and Cornforth, op. cit. , pls.  and  .  J.J. Terwen, “De ontwerpgeschiedenis van de Mare-  Harris and Higgott, op. cit ., figs.  ,  and  . kerk te Leiden”, in H. van den Berg (ed.), Opus  Ibid ., pls.  – , figs.  –; Harris et al. ,  , pls. Musium , Assen,  ,  – .  and  .  Dictionary of National Biography , XXVI,  – .  Hill and Cornforth, op. cit .,  and fig.  .  Bold, op. cit. ,  – ,  – and  – .  Bold, op. cit. ,  –.  Bold, op. cit. , pl.  ; Kerry Downes, English  Dictionary of National Biography , LV,  –. Architecture , London,  , pls.  ,  and  .  Raynham Hall is problematic. Timothy Mowl and  Anthony Blunt, op. cit ., pls.  a,  ,  a,  b Brian Earnshaw assert that the temple front was and  a. added in the  s (Mowl and Earnshaw, op. cit. ,  Howard Colvin and John Newman, Of Building:  – ). They argue that the temple front is Roger North’s Writings on Architecture , Oxford, pl. . discordant with the rest of the elevation and that a The date of the portico of Avington Park, later date would fit with the plasterwork decoration Hampshire, is uncertain. It is not clear whether it is in the Belisarius Room behind, part of the late-seventeenth or early eighteenth century alterations made by Sir Horatio Townshend in [Worsley, op. cit. ,  ].  – . Though a date in the  s would fit more  Hill and Cornforth, op. cit. , pls.  ,  and  . comfortably with other pedimented and porticoed  Examples illustrated in Britannia Illustrata include elevations, documentary proof is lacking. The fact New Park, Sussex; Stansted, Sussex; Uppark, that the interior decoration is later need mean no Sussex; Melton Constable Hall, Norfolk; Hatley more than that the house had not been fitted up St George, Cambridgeshire; Eaton Hall, Cheshire; during Sir Roger Townshend’s lifetime. A thorough and Ragley Hall, Warwickshire [Leonard Knyff and structural examination and dendrochronological Jan Kip, Britannia Illustrata , London,  ,  ,  , test of the roof timbers might shed light.  ,  ,  ,  and  ].  Bold, op. cit. ,  –. The royal hunting lodges at  John Newman, “Hugh May, Clarendon and Park (  –) and Hyde Park ( c. –) Cornbury”, in John Bold and Edward Chaney also had some form of portico [Harris et al. , op. cit ., (eds.), English Architecture: Public and Private ,  ]. Significantly it was not seen to be appropriate London,  , fig.  . to give the Queen’s House, in effect a hunting lodge,  Howard Colvin et al. , Architectural Drawings from a pediment, though it did have a portico in antis , a Lowther Castle, Westmorland , London,  , figs.  grand viewing platform. and b; Hill and Cornforth, op. cit. , pl.  ; Harris,  Duggan, op. cit .,  . op. cit. , fig.  b.  Richard Riddell, “The Portico”, in Jane Turner  Mowl and Earnshaw, op. cit. ,  – . (ed.), The Dictionary of Art, London,  ,  – .  Ibid. ,  .

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