Ethnic Transitions between INSTITUTE FOR LATINO STUDIES UNIVERSITY OF NOTRE DAME Poles and Mexicans

STUDENT RESEARCH VOLUME 2,ISSUE 1 DECEMBER 2008 SERIES Why is South Bend’s Polish History INSIDE THIS ISSUE: Relevant to Discuss?

The city of South Bend has a very diverse ethnic back- The History of 2 ground. The history of this South Bend’s small Midwestern city chroni- Polonia cles both opportunity and depression, community build- ing and segregation, develop- South Bend’s 3 ment and disarray. After the Mexican first wave of immigrants ar- th Heritage rived in the late 19 century, many groups continued to call this part of northern Indiana The Importance 3 home. Apart from the French of Parish in both Holy Cross missions, which Communities were instrumental in organiz- Polish Immigrants waiting in line to have their passports checked before leaving. Warsaw, Poland, ing the first communities here 1927. Bettman/Corbis in Indiana, South Bend’s eth- Ethnic 4 nic heritage is mostly Eastern city. The first aspect of this and developing the political, social, Transitions in European. Hungarians, Slavs, brief describes the origin of economic and religious landscape of St. Adalberts Germans, and Irish made South Bend Polonia and the this country, immigration is a fre- and la there way to this part of the role this community played quently misunderstood process. The Panaderia Midwest because of economic in shaping South Bend. most recent influx of residents to Central opportunity in the manufac- South Bend, the majority of whom turing industry. The Poles The composition of immi- come from Mexico, is no exception. Discussion 5 were one of the first groups to grant groups entering the The second goal of this brief is to arrive in South Bend, forming United States in general and chronicle and demystify the en- a prominent ethic contingency South Bend in particular has trance of the Mexican community that would become intimately been in constant flux. While on the South Bend cultural stage. interwoven with the history immigrants have played an References 6 and culture of this industrial instrumental role in shaping The third aspect will be to explain the recent ethnic transition South Bend has experienced through a 100.0 humanistic perspective. I hope to 90.0 80.0 highlight this perspective by utiliz- 70.0 Latino ing St. Adalberts parish and a cen- Appendix 7 60.0 tral bakery on Western Avenue as 50.0 Black 40.0 my two case studies. Through my 30.0 White analysis, I hope to combat the ideol- 20.0 10.0 ogy that the changing ethnic compo- 0.0 sition of South Bend is a problem, 1990 1995 2000 2005 loss, or setback.

Population Change in South Bend since 1990 by Race/Ethnicity Source: www.census.gov (courtesy Jenna Adsit) PAGE 2 The history of South Bend’s Polonia

Poles first began to arrive in South Bend provided was truly South Bend in the 1860’s. Many a gift from God in comparison found work on the Michigan to the oppression they experi- Central Railroad being built enced back in Europe. This between Chicago, LaPorte, and original neighborhood (which South Bend (3). Quoting Fr. housed approximately 21,000 Chrobot, Ph.D, “Poles began Poles at the turn of the cen- coming here in 1863-1854 after tury), extends down the pre- an unsuccessful insurrection sent Chapin Street, and is against Russia.” Some Polish bounded by Washington to the laborers earned enough to north and Western to the purchase land and employed south. their countrymen when the The social and economic pinna- railroad offered no work. This cle of South Bend’s Polish com- settlement built community Ethnic neighborhood “Bogdarka”. Left to right are St. Pat- munity was reached in the mid- identity and accelerated the rick’s, St. Hedwig’s, St. Casmir, and St. Adalbert’s. to late 1920’s. “During the growth of South Bend agricul- 1920’s, there were twelve bak- ture. The majority of the first Bend only a few years earlier. The 1950’s, although prosperous eries and over seventy grocery- Poles were from the capital city This society, along with the for the Polish community, butcher store combinations in of Poland, Warszawa, and by Polish National Alliance, was a showed plateaus in church mem- these [Polish] neighborhoods. 1910 they had established a popular gathering place for bership and business develop- There were nineteen retail dry clearly defined neighborhood Poles in the earlier half of the ment. It was becoming apparent goods stores, twelve furniture called Bogdarka (God’s gift). 20th century. To this day, the that South Bend Polonia had stores, plus a lumber company The name of the neighborhood Falcon’s Nest has its famous reached the end of its golden and a coal yard” (Stabrowski, is a testament to the deep fish fry the first Friday of every age in the 1950s and was begin- 46). The Z.B Falcons, a Polish- devotional aspect of Polish month. The Polish community ning to feel the effects of assimi- American fraternal benefit culture. The opportunity for also made themselves known in lation. society, had their national growth and prosperity that the political, economic, and headquarters located in South professional spheres in the city.

Immigrant Children singing. Detroit Mich- cigan, 1955. John Dominis.

Polish Farmers. Paul Schutzer, June 1963 cour- tesy LIFE. Poland is the 9th largest country in Europe with a population of 38 million people. The modern emigra- tion is to England and Ireland due to the economic strength of the Euro.

ETHNIC TRANSITIONS BETWEEN POLES AND MEXICANS VOLUME 2,ISSUE 1 PAGE 3 South Bend’s Mexican Heritage

Mexican immigration to the United once Washington High School (now IVY Hispanics occupying 3.3% of total States largely began during the Mexican Tech) and the other around St. Casimir’s jobs; in 2006 construction work revolution (1910-1917) when approxi- Church (the area bounded by Ford and predominated with 10.9% of total mately 700,000 Mexicans sought refuge Sample). Fotia states in her 1975 re- jobs (Indiana, 2007). in the American southwest. WWI con- search work that “The Mexican- tinued to attract Mexican immigrants, Americans are facing a problem distinct whose labor was needed for the ele- from the experience of other ethic vated levels of American manufacturing. groups” (6). She claims that traditional As migration spread further north, processes of socialization, migrant life- cities like Chicago and Detroit became style, and community separation have major ethnic hubs. WWII offered fur- previously prevented Mexican communi- ther incentives for immigration through ties from being in contact with Anglos. initiatives like the bracero program. Moving to South Bend changed all of this. Although this program ended in 1964 In 1970, there were approximately 332 (largely due to American xenophobia), Spanish-speaking households in South its effects upon migration were numer- Bend. The census estimate for 1974 is ous, lasting, and widespread. In fact, the 3,086 Mexican Americans, most between bracero program was responsible for the ages of 20-29 (Faught, 1975). Now, the arrival of the first Mexican settlers there are over 2,315 Spanish-speaking to the South Bend area. “As early as households and 11,324 Mexican Ameri- 1946 some migrants from the south- cans in South Bend (ACS, 2006). New west came to work on the farms of A map of the predominant Hispanic parishes in retail stores, restaurants, and automotive South Bend. overlap with the previous South Bend’s west side” (Fotia, 5). Notice the service centers now grace Western ave- Polish community. Higher densities are indicative Mexican immigration to our community nue and Sample street and, as a result of of higher populations. Adapted from Kimberly increased exponentially from 1965- this population boom, have economically Tavare, Jenna Adsit and Emilie Prot, 2006. 1971. Two large Mexican American revitalized the west side of South Bend. communities were founded on South Manufacturing was the largest sector Bend’s west side—one near what was employing Mexicans in the early 90s, with The Importance of the Parish in Both Communities The Catholic Church was instrumental This larger church accommodated the Maria Rzeszutek, a baker at the South Bend in organizing the social lives of the influx of new Polish immigrants. The last of Farmers’ Market, emphasizes the centrality of early Polish settlers in South Bend. the Polish Parishes, St. Adalbert’s, was the Church in the lives of the Polish residents: Schooling, social events, and gatherings built in 1910 and quickly became the cen- were all part of were all part of the ter of South Bend Polonia’s presence and “...the one thing that tied Polish people Polish parish. Ever since the ordination pride. The church and clergy continued to together has been the church. It was the of the first Polish pastor, Fr. Walenty play a crucial role in maintaining Polish center of organization; kids were raised in Czyzewski (C.S.C.) in 1874, South identity, culture, and tradition: “These Polish tradition and culture.” Bend’s Polonia has had its roots in [numerous pastors] took it upon them- church infrastructure. The first parish selves to publicly warn their people that to be founded was St. Hedwig’s the influence of the pastor went beyond (originally known as St. Joseph’s) in the parish” (Strabowski, 11). 1877. After being destroyed by a tor- nado, the church was rebuilt at 331 Scott Street. PAGE 4

Rzeszutek’s comments show that “Both [Mexicans and even to this day, traditional Poles Poles] love JPII, find the Parish to be the center Transitions in the Community Mary, and have great of the community. This phe- food. There is a nomenon is not limited to South strong devotional as- Bend—it is something that I have experienced personally in my pect in both of these home community in Chicago, Within the St. Adalbert’s ment store on the 2900th block. Vos- cultures’ faith lives.” Illinois. The church in which I parish Casmirs was a popular department was baptized has a very dynamic In 2003, St. Stephen’s (a pre- store, equivalent to a modern day -Fr. Chris Cox, Pas- community with astounding at- dominately Hispanic and Hun- Krogers, and closed in 1963 (the tor, St. Adalbert’s tendance rates by both young garian Parish) was closed down same year as Studebaker’s). Panaderia Central was originally called Progres- Parish and old (rare in today’s secular- and united with St. Adalbert’s, ized society). This further indi- the largest Polish parish in sive bakery and was owned by Polish cates that Poles see Catholicism South Bend. Parish consolida- people for about 23 years. It was and the parish as a source of tions have been frequent in the sold to a Mexican family in 1999. The identity. past years due to inadequate fact that this bakery changed from Polish to Mexican ownership attests Parish membership is also of funding. Fr. Cox remembers to the shifting demographics for utmost importance for the His- this transition very clearly. In a South Bend Poles and attests to the pano-American culture. Fr. phone interview, he recalls, rising economic prosperity and devel- Chris Cox, current the pastor of “There was a lot of grieving on opment within the Hispanic commu- St. Adalbert’s states, “There are both sides. The Hispanics were nity on the west side. tremendous similarities between grieving because the place the Polish immigration 100 years where they were having their ago and the Mexican immigration baptisms and burying their dead now. The Mexican community in was now gone, and the Polish

South Bend is no exception. My were grieving too because their experience in Tijuana, Haiti, and parish had changed and was not the same. There was some “When there is a other marginalized Catholic com- munities is that the Church func- openness and some tension to

lack of Polish tions as a means of maintaining in the transition on both sides.” church, there is a situations of displacement. It is a The changes in parish commu- lack of Polishness.” means of uniting people with nities engendered by the con- means that transcend ethnicity or solidation proved to be detri-

–Maria Rzeszutek demographics.” Rosalina, a pal- mental to both parties involved ateria owner from Durango, because of increased language Mexico, came to South Bend and cultural barriers that were eight years ago. She states “Us difficult to initially overcome.

Mexicans are very religious and At Panaderia Central churchgoing. For example, yes- The transition in parish life was terday was the feast of Our Lady also mirrored in economic of Guadalupe. Many people don’t changes. As Poles moved away work so they can go to church.” from Western Avenue in the Fr. Cox states that attendance in 1960s and 1970s, they sold the parish school has increased many of the shops and stores dramatically with the arrival of that helped maintain Polish the Mexicans with a strong (95% identity. Two significant exam- identifying) Catholicism. ples are the Panaderia on the 3000 block of Western Avenue and the Vos-Casmir’s depart-

ETHNIC TRANSITIONS BETWEEN POLES AND MEXICANS VOLUME 2,ISSUE 1 PAGE 5 Discussion Kolacz Brothers Bakery, located on the 2700th block of Western, currently up for sale. Despite the fact that this build- ing has been abandoned for many years, it still serves to remind people of the rich Polish culture once present in South Bend.

I propose two mechanisms contribut- naled the move of many large corpo- Here there are many cultures, many ing to the decline of the Polish com- rations out of the area, with Stude- backgrounds, and I think that this munity in South Bend. First, economic baker the last to leave in 1967. The combined, is something to set your- prosperity during the few “golden prominence of the Polish community self against. Because often Poles for- years” immediately following WWII initially seems to correlate with the get what they left with and instead of created the means for Poles to climb decline of the manufacturing industry enriching their culture, they are em- socioeconomic ladders and move into in South Bend. Companies like Singer barrassed of their [heritage]. Often more expensive parts of St. Joseph’s sewing machines, Bendix Aviation we associate being Polish with county. The economy was prosper- Company, Oliver plows, and Stude- golomki, peroigi, and sausage. They ing, and as a result of the financial baker automotive corporation were are not valued for their intellect and benefits, many new Polish-American just a few of the companies employing their contributions to history are families left for the suburbs. Maria Poles during and shortly after the overlooked. This is very sad.” Rzeszutek notes that “The old Polo- war. In 1960, Studebakers employed The purpose of my study was to ex- nia lives where it always has lived. approximately 10,000, with Oliver amine the ethnic transition South The new Polonia lives in Mishawaka, Plow and Bendix 4,000 each. Most, if Bend underwent and in assessing this Grainger, Elkhart.” During this pe- not all of these companies left by the change, I hope to have demonstrated riod, younger families moved out of early 1960s (Chrobot, 2008). The that ethnic flows are not abnormal the community to newer areas of the decline in the Polish community was processes. This study adds a new county. Within the next generation, accompanied by a clear change in chapter to Julie Leninger’s pioneering the very life blood of the ethnic com- cultural ideals. As the Polish commu- collection of oral histories of the munity would disappear and in its nity became assimilated, it lost ele- Mexican-American immigrants who place would be a much older and a ments of its heritage and tradition arrived in South Bend in the post-war very different population base that were crucial for maintaining iden- period. Leninger's aims for her sensi- (Strabowski, 72). tity. This facilitated the fragmentation tive investigation apply equally to my The second explanation is that the of the Polish community and eventu- work: “Hopefully, by reading these economic downturn in the manufac- ally led to its dissolution. Maria life histories, agency personnel, edu- turing industry made South Bend a Rzeszutek notes the shift in South cators, and other professionals will much less prosperous community— Bend: “I can say that everything is gain a deeper understanding of Mexi- creating yet another impetus for the easier in terms of material things, but can Americans’ roots and ambitions, Poles to leave. Unfortunately, South there is a lack of what is valued in for here Chicanos serve as resource Bend’s agriculture and manufacturing Poland because here there is very people, not part of a “problem” to be industries could not compete with little time. There is not enough time solved” (9). devoted to family. Because it is not the advent of globalization and larger markets. The end of the WWII sig- enough that only one person works. PAGE 6 Discussion cont. | References

Calvin, Richmond. The Mexican-Americans of the South Bend-Mishawaka Area. Ethnic Studies and Heritage Pro- gram, IUSB, 1975. Although the fragmentation and dissolution of ethnic communi- Hosk, Janina. Polish Genealogy and Heraldry, an Introduc- ties is unfortunate, it creates the tion to Research. New York: Hippocrene. 1990. opportunity for cultural diversifi- cation. In South Bend, the transi- Faught, Jim. Social and Economic Conditions of the Spanish tion provided the opportunity Origin Population in South Bend, IN. 1974. for a fresh, young, and dynamic ethnic minority to be- Lopata, Helena Znaniecka. Polish Americans: Status Compe- come incorporated into the tition in an Ethnic Community. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Pren- tice Hall, 1976. community. It proved to be beneficial for the Parish, raising attendance rates and school Mucha, Janusz. Codziennosc I odswietnosc (Every day life: Polonia in South Bend): Polonia w South Bend. Warsaw, Ofi- enrollment rates. These fluctua- cyna Naukowa: 1996. tions are one of the most impor- tant diversifying mechanisms in Pienkos, Donald. One Hundred Years Young: A History of the American cities. Ethnic transi- Polish Falcons of America, 1887-1987. New York: Columbia tions can be peaceful and pro- University Press. 1987. vide a mechanism for forming valuable intercultural relation- Stabrowski, Donald, C.S.C. Holy Cross and the South Bend ships. In Julie Leiniger’s historical Polonia. Indiana. Congregation of Holy Cross, Indiana Prov- narratives regarding Chicano ince Archives Center, 1991. Heritage in South Bend, Eneldia Martinez states, “Like the first Wrobel, Paul. Our Way: Family, Parish, and Neighborhood time we came here we met a in a Polish American Community. Notre Dame: Notre Dame Polish family, Mrs. Petrosky. University Press. 1979. They were just great people and we never had any problems with them.”

ETHNIC TRANSITIONS BETWEEN POLES AND MEXICANS VOLUME 2,ISSUE 1 PAGE 7

Materials and Methods

In order to explore the experience of ethnic transitions in South Bend, I focused my study on changes in the local Catholic parish and family-owned food businesses. I felt these locations would provide great insight because religion and food serve as symbols of identity for many cultures. Per- sonal interviews were conducted at Panaderia Central, St. Hedwig’s Parish, Rosales Market, the Uni- versity of Notre Dame, the South Bend Farmers’ Market, and the “Palateria La Rosita”. A phone in- terview was conducted with Fr. Chris Cox from St. Adalbert’s parish and with Maria Rzyszutek Sr. at home. There was no standardized questionnaire used in this study. Media was obtained from LIFE photography archives, Getty images or from personal pieces. Statistics were taken from primary lit- erature including Indiana state estimates, government census information, and archives from the Insti- tute of Latino Studies.

Acknowledgments and special thanks: Maria Rzeszutek Fr. Chrobot, Ph.D Dr. Karen Richman Mikki Dobsky Fr. Chris Cox Jenna Adsit et al.

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Brief produced by Greg Podolej -with contributions from-

Professor Karen Richman’s ANTH45103 , Fall Semester 2008

We thank the University of Notre Dame's President's Circle and Office of Research and the Saint Joseph Regional Medical Center for generous support of our project.

Institute for Latino Studies

230 McKenna Hall Notre Dame, IN 46556 574.631.4440 www.latinostudies.nd.edu