Personal Clothing in Wolfram's Parzival and Willehalm

PERSONAL CLOTHING IN WOLFRAM'S PARZIVAL AND WILLEHALM:

SYMBOLISM AND SIGNIFICANCE

by

PAULA BARRAN WEISS

B.A., College of William and Mary, 1971 M.A., Cornell University, 1973

A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF

THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

in

THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES

Department of Germanic Studies

We accept this thesis as conforming

- to the required standard

THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA

August, 1976

0 Paula Barran Weiss,.1976 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study.

I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission.

Department of German

The University of British Columbia 2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5

Date

O ABSTRACT

This study is a discussion of the use of clothing symbolism by

Wolfram von Eschenbach in Parzival and in Willehalm, investi• gating whether he did in fact use clothing symbols, how he made use of them, and suggesting some explanation for why he used them. The reasonableness of the hypothesis that clothing sym• bols were used is established by the existence of a strong symbolic tradition in the times in which Wolfram was writing, an era in which everything participated in the fundamental underlying unity of all creation and therefore had the potential for acting as symbols of those aspects to which a relationship was established. The hypothesis is further supported by the existence of confessed clothing symbolism in the garments used in the services of the Church during Wolfram's lifetime, and made likely by the use of admitted clothing symbols in the narrative poetry of Wolfram's contemporaries, notably Hartmann von Aue, Gottfried von Strassburg, and the author of the

Nibelungenlied.

Elements of medieval clothing which contribute to the symbolic potential of the various garments are examined. These include color and style as well as legal restrictions covering the use of certain clothing styles by certain classes of society. The following groups of clothing and clothing-related articles are considered separately: armor, clothing on formal occasions, daily clothing, gemstones, gifts of clothing and aid Supervisor: Professor Michael S. Batts offered in the act of robing and disrobing. The same dis• tinctions are followed in the discussion of personal clothing in Willehalm, but the discussion is confined to a single chapter.

Individual considerations which are important in estab• lishing a firm support for the arguments are elements of contemporary culture which establish symbolic significance for certain articles, among them lapidaries, bestiaries, and the customs of the Church. A very important aspect of the argument is the establishment of an interpretation that is coherent in terms of the parameters of the narrative as a whole.

The general conclusions reached are that the use of clothing symbolism is supported by personal admission of the author, the existence of a strong tradition, and by poetic use within the narrative, notably by the creation of incon• gruity of situation which indicates an extended meaning.

Clothing symbols are valuable tools for the poet's character• ization as well as for scene linkage and are used furthermore to suggest an inner reality which is not necessarily supported by the external evidence offered. TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

INTRODUCTION 1

CHAPTER

ONE THE DEVELOPMENT OF SYMBOLS. MEDIEVAL

CLOTHING AND ITS SYMBOLIC POTENTIAL .. 26

TWO ARMOR 58

THREE CLOTHING ON FORMALIZED OCCASIONS.. 113

FOUR DAILY CLOTHING 142

FIVE GEMS 165

SIX GIFTS OF CLOTHING. OFFERING OF AID AND

ASSISTANCE 178

SEVEN PERSONAL CLOTHING IN WILLEHALM 195

CONCLUSION. 218

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS . .. 227

NOTES 229

LIST OF WORKS CITED 249

iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I owe a great deal of gratitude to Michael.S. Batts who super• vised the writing of this thesis and offered unfailing good advice on all aspects of the work involved. I would also like to thank Rev. Robert F. McNamara and Michael Resler for pro• viding me with obscure material, The Ohio State University for permitting me to make use of their library facilities, and my husband, Bill, for exhibiting extraordinary patience during the past year.

P.B.W.

v INTRODUCTION

Symbolism in its broadest sense as the representation of one thing by another was an undeniable facet of medieval man's life. In a world fashioned by God's hand, all aspects of reality were interconnected, all served God's ultimate scheme.

Because of this interconnection, a network of similarities was

easily seen to exist and one separate unit or object might well be thought to be very much the same as another, similar

enough so that one was used to represent or symbolize the other.:

Symbolism, whether conscious or unconscious, always fundamental in thinking, became in the Middle Ages both the natural medium of thought and expression, and an instrument consciously developed as the truest means of penetration into the mystery of reality. It was such, in whichever branch of knowl• edge lay the seeker's interest: for all were united in their goal .1

This basic view of a unified and interrelated creation naturally

touched everything created during the Middle Ages. Medieval man

saw symbols in everything around him and placed symbols in

everything he wrote, carved, and painted:

It is a characteristic trait of medieval life and literature that a thing may appear in more than one function, that is, it can appear as itself and also as a symbol or outward manifestation of something else, some idea or quality. This is particularly true of religious literature, es• pecially of mystical writings, and the medieval love of symbolism and allegory is patently obvious in such works as the Physiologus and the commentaries on the Song of Solomon, but xt is by no means con• fined to the religious sphere. The dictum of St. Irenaeus 'nihil vacuum neque sine signo apud Deum' finds expression almost everywhere, as symbolism and allegory are the best medium for expressing philo• sophical, metaphysical and religious ideas to people

1 2

unaccustomed to reading, but impressionable to visual imagery.2

Philosophy and religion, inextricably intertwined, provide examples of this fact as well as possible origins for this particular unified Weltanschauung. The Bible, prime document of Christianity, was interpreted typologically from the first; references in Epistles of St. Paul to Adam as a type of Christ3 and the wandering Israelites as types of later Christians^ led to much lengthier discussions by the Church Fathers on the matter. Early devotional poetry adopted some Biblical symbolism and imagery, and produced even more, especially in Marian poetry, where every conceivable image was put to use.5 The following verses are from the Melker Marienlied, written in the first half of the twelfth century:

Ju in deme gespreidach Moyses ein fiur gesach. daz holz niene bran, den louch sah er obenan, der was lanch unde breit: daz bezeichint dine magetheit, Sancta _ Maria.

Ysayas der wlssage der habet din gewage, der quot wie vone Jesses stamme wiiehse ein gerte danne. del vone scol ein bluome varen: diu bezeichint dich unde din barn, Sancta Maria.6

The stanzas of this hymn interpret various phenomena as sym• bolic of Mary or certain of her aspects: her virginity or her position in the course of the redemption of mankind. The images used in early devotional poetry are highly visual and

were easily reproduced in the plastic arts, showing a naivete 3 of imagery which indicates the existence of a less sophisticated literary age on whom subtler symbols might be lost.

During the Middle Ages art was primarily religious art, and although the images were not always created to function as symbols, later interpretations show that they lent themselves to symbolic interpretation. Certain aspects of early Christian art were conceived as tools in light of the existence of an illiterate faithful and the need for secrecy and secret signs and signals occasioned by the persecutions:

When the new religion broke new ground and attracted the pagan masses, it had to come to terms with the : mind of the illiterate classes who needed images to guide their belief. Having allowed such imagery against its inclination, Christianity had to purge it of that physical emphasis which, ever since the Greeks, had made it a reflection of earthly things. If it was to be no longer an object of worship, but only a means to it, the image was none the less to play a part in the new faith very like the one it had held in the old religions of the East. It was an instrument of theology, the figurative inter• mediary on which faith leans in order to appreciate the dogma of which the image is only the garment and representation.7

Architecture and other artistic areas added symbolism to structural necessity or existing fact: the cathedral is said to represent a cross in its shape--and indeed it does—yet had it appeared in any other shape, medieval symbolists would certainly have presented an equally convincing, equally devotional interpretation. It is difficult to determine whether or not the symbolic aspects of early Christian art were really present in the minds of the creators; it is obvious', however, that they were uppermost in the minds of the medieval viewers.

For the two centuries following the persecutions, when

Christianity reigned as the Roman Empire's official religion, :•: 4 architecture was developed more fully than other facets of religious art. The preparation of the church building was viewed as a significant and noble endeavor. In many ways medieval art fulfilled itself in the cathedral where art was united to religion and molded into a reflection of the story of mankind:

All these works were harmonized with each other, according to the principles of an iconographical program that required a scholar's knowledge. Byzan• tine symbolism was a religious symbolism, but that of the thirteenth century had an encyclopedic character, for it reflected the scholastic philos• ophy, intent on imposing the logic of thought upon the universe. The cathedral is an immense book which tells the history of the world.8

The cathedral was designed as a unified confession of the faith of an era. "The urge to seek sanctuary in the medieval cathedral seems to be irresistible to many scholars. It is there that they can best reflect on the orderliness .of the medieval world: where it itself sought to come to terms with its Maker in a coherent statement of faith."9

Symbolism was not confined to religious art during the

Middle Ages, but found its way into secular art as well. It was put to use in creating heraldic arms, identifying the bearer through a sign that was connected with an individual or with a family, often through an event or an occupation. The

Wappen of the poets which appear, for example, in the Grosse

Heidelberger Liederhandschrift are an extension of this practice, showing the actual heraldic device in one corner of a larger image. Walther von der Vogelweide, for example, whose arms show a caged bird, a device no doubt taken from the name,

is represented in the traditional attitude of the thinker or 5 philosopher,, an attitude which he verbalizes in his first

Reichston. This posture comes to be an identification code for the poet, although the miniature was not produced until some time after Walther's death. His verbalization suggests that the pose was a representation with which he was already familiar, perhaps from other miniatures. "The picture so familiar to us (the Manesse picture) was therefore not known to either Walther or his audience. He ar.d they knew an ante• cedent image of the thinker or sorrowing minstrel, and this image Walther's song recalled.

The intentional artistic use of symbolism and symbolic devices as well as the later symbolic interpretation of exist• ing images had their greatest value in aiding understanding and comprehension of a "spiritual" reality—-those aspects of existence not a part of concrete reality and hence difficult for man to grasp fully. The picture of Walther mentioned above shows the concept of "philosophizing" by depicting the attitude one assumes while so doing. A further example of this is the legendary use of the shamrock by St. Patrick to illustrate the concept of the Trinity.

The particularly medieval point of view which allowed elements of the real world to be viewed as symbols of elements in the spiritual world found an early literary expression in bestiaries and lapidaries, both of them serious collections of natural history. Eeasts were described and then explained as symbols of some individual in the history of salvation, or their 6 qualities used for didactic purposes. Thus the lion who seems to sleep with his eyes open represents Christ who was buried while humanly dead but was still Divinely alive:

So der Lewe slaeffet, siniu ougen er haltit offen. daz sculen wir suochen gescriben an den buochen: "ich slief genote, min herze wachote." von diu bezeichent er den heiligen Christ, got her. wande er in dem vleisce entslief, diu gotheit in anrief. do erwachot er aber ze der zeswe sines vader, also gescriben ist: "stande uf, min ere du bist. got den entslafrot niht, wande er Israhel behuotet unde siht."H

T. H. White, in the appendix to his translation of a twelfth century Latin bestiary, explains the very existence of such works as resulting from the medieval belief in a coherent, unified and divinely wrought universe:

Every possible article in the world, and its name also, concealed a hidden message for the eye of faith. It was hardly possible to play chess without reading a ' Jeu d' echecs moralise"' , in which the names of the various gambits would teach a man that 'he who gives not what he esteems, shall not take what he desires' or that 'he sees his play at hand who sees it at a distance'. He could not read a plain story in the Gesta Romanorum without finding its holy explanation at.the end of it. Animals, like the didactic creatures of Aesop, conveyed him a parable. 'Ask the beast,' Job had said (XII,7), 'and it will teach thee, and the birds of heaven and they will tell thee.'. • Even their names were meaningful—which is why we have had to put up with such a lot of the etymology of Isidore. Urica the canker burns (urit): but it also makes people urinate. Even words were hitched up and entangled with the uni• verse. The meaning of symbolism was so important to the medieval mind that St. Augustine stated in so many words that it did not matter whether certain animals existed; what did matter was what they meant.^2

Lapidaries are works very similar to bestiaries in that they are symbolic interpretations of facets of science; while

the bestiary deals with natural history, the lapidary interprets 7 mineralogy. Jaspis, for example, is a green stone which,

according to Vom Himmlischen Jerusalem, lies at the foundation

of the Heavenly city and signifies the faithful who also are

the foundation of belief. Its green color represents life-

in-faith:

Nu vernemet, lieben liute, was der stein bediute. sin varwe ist ime gruone; der tiuvel ist so chuone alsam der lewo wilde; ja vert er ruhelende, wie er uns muge verswelechen, so sule wir uns gote bevelechen mit teme gelouben vile vaste: so lige wir zunteriste an der gruntfestin unte bezeichenen den Jaspin. er fliuhet sam man in brenne, gruone bir wir denne. swer so gelouben niene hat, der ist durre unde tot. der tiuvel in niene midet, wante er den gelouben nidet.±3

Whereas pictorial symbols exist in the art of even the

most primitive societies, literary symbolism is more often

than not a sign of greater sophistication of both author and

audience. There are essentially three types of symbols found

in medieval works, each signifying slightly different levels of

sophistication: (1) An existing, concrete object is inter•

preted as a representation of something else, of another object,

an event, or a concept. This is the type of symbolism appar•

ent in a lapidary where a gemstone is interpreted as the

representation of a human quality. (2) A concept or an event,

elements that have no form, are given a concrete reality through

the medium of language. Isidore's etymologies belong to this

category frequently: names or words are interpreted as symbols

of qualities, but the names themselves have no real form until

they are spelled out, and it is in the spelling out that they

come to signify something else. (3) A concrete object is 8 created by the poet and this creation is used to express his ideas. It is with this third type of symbolism that we shall concern ourselves.

Clothing, a common everyday fact of life, was certainly not excluded from the poetic creation of symbols. It had pre• cisely the familiarity that made it a valuable symbolic vehicle—it was recognized everywhere for exactly what it was.

Clothing easily became differentiated into the real and the functional garb, and that clothing which bore some symbolic value by virtue of its being set aside for particular social classes. Functionally a collection of certain types of clothing became reserved for use in performing certain occupa• tions such as hunting and traveling. The symbolic value of certain .dress styles arose in part from their legal restrictions, a situation which will be discussed more fully later. Because of laws concerning clothing style, there existed a certainty that a person dressed in cleric's clothing was in fact a cleric. The garment served as an identifying feature and came to represent the person's status or function more so than the person fulfilling this function. The Church encouraged this tendency, even to the point of deeming it sacrilegious to defile the habit of a religious personage as well as the person.

Since clothing held a symbolic value even in daily existence, the use of clothing in literature reflects this particular outlook. Two further observations serve to make the supposition that clothing was used symbolically even more likely. 9

Firstly, the Church made constant deliberate use of clothing symbolism in liturgical vestments. Secondly, there are several examples in the works of the High Middle Ages where clothing is undeniably used non-literally, even to the point 14 of being a self-confessed symbol used by the author.

From about the seventh century symbolic meanings were given to the various vestments worn by the priest while cele• brating the Mass. As was the case in the building of the cathedral, certain features of vestments were developed with their symbolism in mind, others became symbols because of an attached interpretation. Although the sequence of liturgical colors as used today was set somewhat later than Wolfram's lifetime, it has its origins fairly early, and is mentioned by the Augustinian Canons in the twelfth century as well as by

Innocent III, whose papacy lasted from 1192-1216, roughly contemporary with Wolfram's literary life. The symbolic mean• ing of a particular priestly garb was reinforced by the 15 prayers said by the priest while vesting. The step from experiencing such clothing and color symbolism in use by the

Church to using them in one's own writings (or to recognizing them in another's writings) is not a great one, and did in fact provide both author and public with a common treasury of association from which to draw.

While the Church constantly used certain types of clothing to provide visual symbolism, various writers used clothing in a similar fashion, occasionally indicating clearly that these examples were not to be interpreted literally. There is a 10

Biblical precedent for this, one example of which is found in Christ's parable of the marriage feast, "And the king went in to see the guests; and he saw there a man who had not on a wedding garment. And he saith to him: Friend, how earnest thou in hither not having on a wedding garment? But he was 16 silent." The literal meaning of this passage fades into symbolic significance because of the introductory statement,

"The kingdom of heaven is likened to a king who made a: marriage 17 . for his son." Thxs introduction signals that the wedding garment is meant to be viewed as a symbol, for the entire example is symbolic. From the context, the wedding garment refers without a doubt to the condition of the soul necessary to gain heaven. Just as in the literal meaning the ceremonial garment is a prerequisite to acceptance into the feast, the proper state of the soul is a necessary condition to gaining the joys of heaven.

The tradition of non-literal and symbolic use of clothing is not limited to the Bible, and it appears undeniably in the

Middle High German courtly epic and has its place in the heroic epic. Non-literal clothing appears in situations where a symbolic value is assigned to "real clothing," that is, cloth• ing which for the purposes of the narrative can be assumed to have existed, as well as to clothing which is understood never to have existed in reality but has a purely symbolic existence.

In Harmann von Aue's Iwein the madness that falls upon the hero is accompanied .by a tearing off of his clothing: 11

d6 wart sin riuwe also groz 1 daz im in daz hirne sohSz ein zorn unde ein tobesuht, er brach sine site und sine zuht und zarte abe sin gewant, daz er wart bl6z sam ein hant.^

Here only the juxtaposition of the madness and the tearing off of clothing is necessary to indicate that clothing functions as a sign of sanity, of the site and zuht of the hero. Slight• ly more than one hundred lines later, Hartmann unites clothing and senses in a single phrase, "er lief nu nacket beider,/der sinne unde der cleider" (Iwein, 3359-60).

The lack of clothing which functions as a companion to

Iwein's madness frees the reader to extrapolate from what

Hartmann himself states to a further analysis of the symbolism of this scene, having already been alerted to its symbolic potential by the author. It is an important feature of Iwein's madness that the offense which brings the hero from his senses is a social offense, and the resulting madness forcibly sep• arates Iwein from society, making him live beast-like in the forest and shun the clothing that is one difference between beast and man. Iwein is reclothed later when he is healed of his madness and presumably of his social fault, reborn socially, as it were. The clothing in this scene has a function on two levels: there is that real clothing which

Iwein wears, tears off and again wears, and there exists united with it a symbolic level which further describes the conditions of his madness, the clothing which is juxtaposed to sinne. The relation of clothing to social acceptance appears elsewhere, notably in Genesis: after the flood, Noah becomes drunk and 12

lies uncovered in his tent. When his sons Sem and Japeth

approach him to cover him, they walk backwards so as not to

see him in this state, possibly indicating a primitive taboo

in viewing anti-social nakedness.

Real clothing with symbolic value appears in the

Nibelungenlied in the episode of Brunhilde's ring and girdle.

This incident is not specifically indicated by the author himself

as having symbolic value, yet he does so distinctly and deliber•

ately through the actions of the characters. When the articles

are given to Kriemhild by her husband, she believes them to be 19 an indication of Siegfried's sexual conquest of Brunhild. Kriemhild draws her conclusion entirely from the evidence of the two articles of clothing:

Do sprach aber Kriemhilt: 'ine wils niht wesen diep. du mohtes wol gedaget nan, und waere dir ere liep. ich erziugez mit dem gurtel, den ich hie umbe han, daz ich niht enliuge: ja. wart min sifrit din man.'^O

Even if the poet's audience did not already have a preconception of what the possession of a maiden's ring and girdle meant, the actions of the characters in this situation would have been suf• ficient to suggest the extended meanings.

Gregorius, another of Hartmann's works, begins with an allegorical version of the Parable of the Good Samaritan, telling of a certain man being set upon by murderers. As he fell into their power:

da haten si in nider geslagen und im vrevelliche entragen aller siner sinne kleit und h&ten in an geleit vii marterliche wunden.^x 13

In the phrase aller slner sinne kleit Hartmann is abstracting

the general noun for clothing and using it to describe a man's

senses. This particular man is robbed not of the clothing of

his body but of the "clothing" or protection provided him by

his conscious being. Just as being physically stripped leaves

a man prey to harmful elements of nature, this man finds his

very soul unprotected:

ez was zuo den stunden siner sele armout vii groz. sus liezen si in /sinne/ bloz unde halp tot ligen. (Greg. 106-09) God does not abandon him, however, and sends him "clothing" to

replace that which has been stolen from him:

do enhate im got niht verzigen siner gewonlicher erbarmekeit und sande im disiu zwei kleit: gedingen unde vorhte, diu got selbe worhte daz si im ein schirm waeren und alien siindaeren: vorhte daz er ersturbe, gedinge daz er iht verdurbe. (Greg. 110-18)

It is obvious from the poet's own words that the clothing in

this excerpt is not intended to be viewed as having any real

functional value, that its existence is purely on the symbolic

level. The man is finally "clothed" in hope and fear, the

two virtues which can offer the protection to his soul that

real clothing can offer to the body.

Twice in Gottfried's Tristan clothing is connected to

certain virtues. In preparation for his knighting, Tristan's

garments are prepared by hoher muot, vollez guot, bescheiden- heit, and hofscher sin: 14

si worhten alle viere vii rehte in ir maniere: der hohe muot der gerte, daz voile guot gewerte, bescheidenheit schuof unde sneit, der sin der naete ir aller cleit und ander ir seitiure, baniere und covertiure und anderen der ritter rat, der den ritter bestat.22

In this passage Gottfried is very close to Hartmann's prologue to Gregorius, except that instead of the salvation-oriented

Christian virtues of gedinge and vorhte he uses strictly knightly attributes. Following Gottfried's literary excursus

Tristan is "led in" by these same four virtues, and Gottfried speaks of two separate kinds of clothing: physical garments sewn by man, that is the real and functional clothing, and the figurative clothing with which a man is born, his virtues or his edelen muot:

ich meine aber an der waete, die mannes hant da naete, niht an der an gebornen wat, diu von des herzen kamere gat, die si da heizent edelen muot, diu den man wolgemuoten tuot und werdet lip unde leben: diu wat wart den gesellen geben dem herren ungellche. (Trlst. 4991-4999)

An even more striking example of Gottfried's an gebornen wat occurs somewhat later when Isolde sends Brangane away to be slain in the forest. When asked what she could have done to anger her lady so, Brangane explains that upon leaving Ireland, both she and Isolde took with them a pure white shirt. But

Isolde soiled hers on the journey and begged Brangane's so that she might be presentable for Mark on the wedding night. The anger, Brangane explains, must be because she hesitated before agreeing to lend hers. This tale is transparent to the audience who are of course familiar with the actions leading up to this episode, and the reader has no difficulty whatsoever making the proper equation of the pure white garment taken from

Ireland to Isolde's virginity, lost in the heat of. her love on the voyage. The tale is a fiction of Brangane's and the reason for Isolde's attempted murder is the substitution of her maid for herself on the wedding night; Isolde fears betrayal.

These examples which appear in literature contemporary with Parzival and Willehalm suggest that the non-literal and symbolic use of clothing was not ignored in Middle High German literature. There is furthermore a striking example in

Parzival where Wolfram explains the use of a garment as a symbol, one of the few explanations he makes. During Parzival' first visit to the Grail castle he is lent a cloak by Repanse de Schoye. When he relates this to Trevrizent, he is given the reason behind the loan:

do sprach aber Parzival 'wer was ein maget diu den gral , truoc? ir mantel le*ch man mir. ' der wirt sprach 'neve, was er ir (diu selbe ist din muome), sine lech dirs niht ze ruome: si wand du soltst da herre sin des grals unt ir, dar zuo min. . .1 -

The cloak is given him in symbolic recognition of his antici• pated status as the Grail king. It is a symbol which he is un• able to interpret in the same way that he is unable to fulfill the requirements for freeing Amfortas from his agony. 16

In view of the preceding examples, all showing that con• temporaries of Wolfram—and Wolfram himself in at least one instance—did not limit themselves to a purely literal use of clothing, it is certainly likely that Wolfram too made use of this variety of symbolism. Stylistically, Wolfram was ob• viously fond of obscurity, and indicated, at least at times, that anything that would give itself up to a literal interpreta• tion or to a superficial reading or hearing was not really worth writing. In the prologue, Wolfram indicates that calculated obscurity is a test of the wisdom of the audience and is indicative of one's desire to come to terms with the narrative, since only those who sincerely want to know will expend the effort to work through the deliberate difficulties:

diz vliegende bispel ist tumben liuten gar ze snel, sine mugens niht erdenken: wand ez kan vor in wenken rehte alsam ein schellec hase.

ouch erkante ich nie so wisen man, ern mohte gerne kiinde han, welher stiure disiu maere gernt und waz si guoter l£re wernt. dar an si nimmer des verzagent, beidiu si vliehent unde jagent, si entwichent unde kerent, si lasternt unde erent. swer mit disen schanzen alien kan, an dem hat witze wol getan, der sich niht versitzet noch verget

und sich anders wol verstet. (Parz. 1, 15-19; 2, 5-16)

It is scarcely likely that a writer as sophisticated as

Wolfram, writing in an age where symbolism was expected, missed so obvious and so useful a vehicle for symbolic utterances as

clothing. It is., however, a side to Wolfram's works which is little mentioned in the critical literature. Elfriede Bertelt

considered the question, but was convinced that with the ex•

ception of the use of armor on Good Friday, the change from

fool's clothing to the red armor, and the episode of Repanse's

cloak, clothing description in Parzival is not at all

symbolic and is limited to such functional aspects as might be

expected from the author of a courtly epic, "Von da ab ist

alles Suchen nach symbolischer Kleidung vergeblich, die anderen

Gewandschilderungen, so wohl in der Parzival- wie in der

Gawanhandlung sind zweckhafter Art und unabhangig von der

inneren Entwicklung der Heiden in den Lauf der Erzahlung

•4. -.24 eingestreut.

Other critics, without delving fully into the question,

have seen in Wolfram a greater use of clothing symbolism than

Bertelt. Walter Mersmann introduces a section on clothing and

armor in Der Besitzwechsel und seine Bedeutung in den Dich-

tungen Wolframs von Eschenbach und Gottfrieds von Strassburg with the rather general remark that a knight's possessions

(one must here assume his clothing and armor and perhaps weapons) offer significant information about the man and his

approaching milieu, "Aus den Bedingungen des Aufbruchs und den

Dingen, die der Ritter mitnimmt, darf man Wesentliches uber ihn 25

selbst und dxe ihn erwartende Welt entnehmen." Mersmann uses this general observation as a basis for an interpretation of the symbolic significance of certain exchanges of clothing which appear in Parzival. David Blamires2^ expresses the belief that simple changes of clothing have a non-literal 18 27 2 8 significance. Karl Lachmann and Peter Wapnewski touch upon 29 color symbolism, and Otto Simson mentions the possibility of

gem symbolism, although he believes that the gems in Parzival

exist to cast a reflection upon their bearers and not for any

innate significance. There are a handful of articles written

about various items of clothing mentioned by Wolfram, yet

they generally ignore the symbolic implications and concentrate 30 on historical facts. Hortzschahsky discusses Gahmuret's two emblems in light of the historical coat-of-arms of the 31

House of Anjou. George Timpson lists the various heraldic

references which occur in Parzival and hypothesizes that the

scarcity of such references results from Wolfram's use of a . . . . 32 source originating in pre-heraldic times. Christian Seybold defines the word achmardi and discusses it etymologically. 33

Julius Schwietering's article on helmet decoration is for the most part a factual discussion of the types of decorations used

on helmets during the Middle Ages. Although he mentions that

certain elements of the helmet could be symbolic, the only ex•

amples he gives of symbolic usage are the stones set in helmets worn in two of the Spielmannsepen. Berchter in Konig Rother wears Alexander's Paradiesstein and Herzog Ernst is responsible

for finding the Waise which graces the imperial crown.

With the exception of these and a few other works, the possible symbolic implications of clothing have scarcely been discussed in the secondary literature on Wolfram. The bulk of Parzival research to date revolves about a few key

areas of difficulty, all of which are of prime importance for 19

the understanding of the narrative itself. Possibly the most

important concept is that of the Grail. Wolfram is of little

help when he refers to it as ein dine (Parz. 235, 23) or as der

stein (Parz. 469, 28) yet makes it the most important element

of his hero's life, as Parzival tells Trevrizent, "min hohstiu

not ist umben gral;/da nach umb min selbes wxp" (Parz. 467,

26-27). Research on the Grail question has been concerned with

its history and possible sources, the use made of it in other

of the Grail romances of the Middle Ages, and Wolfram's own

calculated obscurity on the matter, including such confusing

areas as the neutral angels, the bleeding or bloody lance,

the Longinus legend, and lapsit exillis. Some of the more

recent investigations on the Grail question have been carried

out by Bodo Mergell,"^ Helen Adolf,^5 and Herbert Kolb.^6 One major difficulty in investigating the Grail is that it is vir•

tually impossible to discuss Wolfram's concept in a vacuum

because of the complicated history of the Grail legend, its

origins, and its extensive use in literature.

The question of Wolfram's source or sources is another area much discussed in the critical literature with the possibility

of Chretien de Troyes and the attempted identification of the

elusive Kyot; of the two possible sources Kyot is the most popular for purposes of speculation. In recent years the rela•

tionship between Wolfram and Chretien has been investigated 37 38 3 9 by A. T. Hatto, Margaret Richey, and Bodo Mergell. - Wolf• gang Mohr^ and Walter Schroder^ have written about the ques• tion of Kyot. 20

Quite a large body of research has been devoted to various ethical questions brought up by certain incidents in Parzival.

The spiritualization of the Arthurian world has occasioned several socio-theological investigations, among them works by 42 43 44 Walter Schroder, Alois Haas, and Benedikt Mockenhaupt.

One of the major ethical questions brought up by the narrative is that of Parzival's guilt, both real and implied, including the extent of his sins of omission and commission in the deaths of Herzeloyde and Ither, the offenses brought about by his ignorance such as the beating of Cunneware, Jeschute's treatment by Orilus, and the extension of Amfortas' suffer- 45 mg.

Wolfram's confusing language and style have attracted numerous linguists and stylists interested in his choice of words, his metrical scheme, and comparison with his contempor• aries as well as the development of the Middle High German language to his day. Some of his linguistic features, especially those found in the prologue, have produced single 46 obscurities which have intrigued researchers.

In addition to these, other popular areas for research are the role of women in the narrative, the question of

Wolfram's education with respect to his claim of being an anal- phabet, the geography of the poem, and the dating of the events in the narrative. There have also been attempts to present an 47 overview of the work.

The amount of research devoted to Willehalm has lagged far behind that devoted to Parzival. With this work, the major question is that of source, and the connection of Wolfram's version with others in the cycle concerning Guillaume is fre• quently discussed. The major questions of an interpretative 48 nature are the figure of Gyburg, the religious background to 49 50 the poem, and .the interpretation of the prologue.

Although one can really only speculate on the reasons that possible clothing symbolism and similar areas in Wolfram's works have not yet been investigated in detail certain points are fairly obvious. As far as Parzival is concerned it has been of greater importance to investigate certain features basic to the narrative; without an attempt to analyse the use of the

Grail, most other research in Parzival is futile. It is also very important to view a work in its proper perspective, in light of its antecedents, sources, and its position in broad groupings and cycles. This has been the case with Willehalm as well as with Parzival, as shown by the numerous works on sources and cycles, and on the Arthurian world in general.

One serious difficulty which confronts anyone wishing to investigate Wolfram is that he left no diary, letters, or notes. Even Gottfried, contemporary with Wolfram, commented on the need for a gloss, although he meant it as an indictment of Wolfram's style:

die selben wildenaere si muezen tiutaere mit ir maeren lazen gan: wirn mugen ir da nach niht verstan, als man si hoeret unde siht; son han wir ouch der muoze niht, daz wir die glose suochen in den swarzen buochen. (Trist. 4683-90) 22

There is, then, the problem of determining what Wolfram means if he chooses not to tell his audience, but this in itself does not make the discussion of Wolfram's symbolic usage impossible or futile, merely difficult. There is certainly much to be gained from it, although there is a very real danger that one may begin to find symbols where none exist. Henry

Kratz has mentioned this problem in connection with recent criticism:

Criticism in the last two decades has been grimly determined to find the most abstruse symbolism everywhere, and Parzival, with its reputation for obscurity and mystical profundity, has proved fair game. And in fact, how can anyone disprove that a certain object or event symbolizes what a critic says it symbolizes? I should think that one way would be to demonstrate that the theory as postulated does not fit in with the details of the story, that it is inconsistent or contra• dictory. I am not impressed by the contention of the Symbolists that in a work of art every detail does not have to be consistent. While we may grant this in principle, it certainly seems that if there are gross inconsistencies, a gross con• tradiction to the theory in the details of the work, then the theory is wrong. Or if the alleged symbolism presupposes ideas or information that Wolfram could not possibly have had, or if it is so far-fetched that no one could possibly be expected to understand it in the way that the critic professes to understand it, the theory is wrong.51

In discussing the non-literal use of clothing in Wolfram's works we shall be concerned not only with pure symbolism and its subsets such as allegory and metaphor, but also with

"significant" further ramifications of the object in question.

The discussion will center on the relation of this non-literal use of clothing to the work as a whole and will attempt to 23 remain consistent with the details of the narrative. The greater part of the discussion will concern Parzival because it offers the broadest scope of clothing styles and types to be found among Wolfram's works. The chapter on clothing in

Willehalm is included for purposes of comparison with Parzival; the bulk of this discussion is concerned with the significance of armor, because most of the events of the narrative take place on the battlefield. Titurel, because of its fragmentary nature, has been excluded, as have the poems attributed to

Wolfram, none of which mentions clothing.

There are various ways to tackle the problem of analysing symbols. J. E. Girlot, discussing this question, suggests a three-step process:

If we take any 'symbol"—for example, the sword, or the colour red—and analyse its structure, we shall see that it can be split up into both its real and its symbolic components. First, we find the object in itself, in isolation; in the second place we find the object linked to its utilitarian function, to its concrete or factual reality in the three-dimensional world—directly, in the case of the sword; or indirectly, giving colour, for example, to a cloak in the case of the colour red; in the third place, we find what en• ables the object to be considered as a symbol; that structure which we have termed 'symbolic function', or the dynamic tendency of the object to link up with its corresponding equivalents in all analogous series, nevertheless principally tending to show the particular metaphysical meaning. In this symbolic function we can still distinguish between the symbolic meaning and the general meaning, the latter being frequently am• bivalent and charged with allusions whose variety, however, is never chaotic, for it is marshalled^^ along the coordinate line of a 'common rhythm".

In our discussion we shall first be concerned with what makes certain garments, or aspects thereof, good candidates for symbol- ism. We shall define "symbol" very loosely as any object

that represents another object, quality, condition, relation•

ship, or gives the reader some signal that he should at this point recall these things. Our ultimate concern is to prove

through this investigation that Wolfram made use of clothing

symbolism in Parzival and to some extent in Willehalm.

There are various ways in which we can gain support for

our suppositions without having to turn to Wolfram himself for

confirmation, since this is all but impossible. Reference will

frequently be made to literature written by contemporaries and

immediate predecessors of Wolfram, assuming that a traditional

symbol will appear in more than one work, assuming too that

Wolfram was not completely original in his creation, that he must have drawn occasionally on tradition and custom, literary

and social.

Reference will also be made to liturgical practices which

are themselves frequently self-confessed symbols and non-

literal practices. The influence of the Church on the culture

of the Middle Ages cannot be disputed, and it is a logical

assumption that the Church's clothing symbolism and significance

was not wholly lost on the writers of the High Middle Ages,

especially in light of eleventh and twelfth century works on

the subject.

At times the investigation must restrict itself wholly to

the text in a search for differences in treatment of similar

situations by Wolfram. Since the discussion of symbolism is

essentially a subjective one, comparison within the work it- 25

self can be a tool in eliminating inconsistencies.

We shall, finally, attempt to produce a coherent, non-

contradictory examination of non-literal clothing and symbolic

usage, fitting it into the meaning of the passage where it

appears and the narrative as a whole. A twofold examination

of the symbol—in the immediate context, and in the context

of the entire narrative—will at times be the method adopted.

From this investigation we hope to gain a better under•

standing of certain passages in which these symbols appear as well as a better overall understanding of the works themselves

in the belief that each stage of progress beyond the literal meaning of a work adds to the overall understanding.

We have already defined symbolism loosely as the use of

any object or aspect to represent another object, quality,

condition, or relationship or to act as a signal to the reader

that he is to recall these things. In this sense our under•

standing of the term "symbol" includes various shadings of

representation. It includes pure, unambiguous representation, metaphor and allegory, and those situations in which an object

combines a real function with a symbolic value.

A poet can find symbolic traits in life wherever he may

seek them. A critic is much more limited; he must determine whether or not common concepts and objects are used to impart

a set of associations beyond their obvious and literal function

in order to determine their symbolic value. CHAPTER ONE

THE DEVELOPMENT OF SYMBOLS. MEDIEVAL CLOTHING AND ITS SYMBOLIC POTENTIAL

A rational explanation for the development and use of tradi• tional symbols can generally be found in an examination of their background and source. Because Western literature is strongly

Christian in character, many literary symbols spring from

Biblical allusion, with others resulting from physical resembl-- blance, language play, and association, among other possible sources. Symbols from Biblical allusion are numerous, espe• cially in medieval literature: Christ is the Good Shepherd, the vine, Alpha and Omega, and the Lamb of God. The Apostles are fishers of men, an adaptation of their actual occupation.

Ships are often used as symbols of churches or of the Church because of their physical resemblance to the building itself.

Language play is responsible in part for the use of such symbols as the Chi Rho, the first two letters of Christ's name in Greek, and for INRI which stands for Iesus Nazarenus Rex

Iudaeorum, supposedly inscribed on the cross at the cruci• fixion. The constant use of the fish as a symbol by the early

Christians was partially explained, partially occasioned by a

Greek phrase meaning "Jesus Christ, Son of God, Saviour"; the first letters of these words spell out IX9YC, the Greek word for fish. Association brought purple to stand for penitence,

26 since this is the color of the robe placed on Christ while he 53 was being mocked. The origins of Christian symbols are relatively easy to trace because Christianity is fairly "new" in the history of mankind, and the symbols show a total con• centration upon the history of salvation. Other types of symbols show more complex or more hidden beginnings, although they too arose from some form of rational experience. The purpose of a symbol is, after all, the easy recognition of that aspect which it represents.

In the creation and development of symbols, numerous qualities come into consideration. Symbols exist because of chemical/physical properties, for example, or by virtue of shape and structure, or even because of a third-party association.

The atomic structure of gold prevents it from tarnishing and ensures that it is found free in nature. Thus, because of its ability to remain pure and unsullied, gold became a symbol for this quality in a person, a noble, for example, who remains aloof from the common people or a person pure in spirit and untainted by the evil about him. Amber is easily given a static charge by stroking it upon a piece of fabric and, when charged, is able to attract lighter objects to itself. This same quality in chalcedony inspired a lapidarist to interpret it as a representation of God as the sun, for the warmth of God raises up the hearts of the faithful just as the stone raises 54 up pieces of straw.

Similarities in shape and structure give rise to a super• ficial resemblance between certain objects, and often because 28

of mere external resemblance, unrelated objects become con•

nected symbolically; once a resemblance has been established,

convincing arguments for their symbolic relationship are often

devised. Certain shapes are taken to represent less visible

conditions: circles are symbols of wholeness and of timeless-

ness and eternity because there is no apparent beginning or end

to a circle and no division exists in the shape. Woven

fabrics are created by meshing threads which travel in different

directions and came to represent the mixing of divergent factors,

people or ideas. Beaded necklaces also show this unity from

diversity. These examples illustrate the development of

symbolism from resemblance, a situation which is quite straight•

forward and generally easy to interpret and trace. Symbolism

developed from association is less straightforward, especially when the association is in the mind of one particular author.

Association is responsible for color symbolism: blood is red,

therefore any object that is also red is like blood and can be

used to symbolize it. Symbolism by association is not

restricted to situations where objects share a common quality

such as color but is also possible when two completely dif•

ferent objects are each related in some way to a third: A is

related to B which is related to C, therefore A is related to C.

Certain symbols evolve from fashion and style and can take

their symbolic meanings from this fashion, although their

symbolism can be extended by making reference to a pre-fashion

state. Footwear, for example, represents freedom or signifies

the freeborn because in some cultures (notably Roman) slaves 29 went barefoot while only the freeborn were shod. This cul• tural remnant exists in conjunction to an older symbolic meaning of footwear: shoes are "servants" of man in that they protect the wearer from soiling himself, becoming dirty them• selves in the process.

The following remarks are aimed at isolating general types of garments which appear in Wolfram's works and discussing the qualities of these garments which serve to make them successful vehicles for non-literal significance and symbolic use.

Any bodily covering devised by man can be viewed in at

least two different ways: man covers his body to protect it

from the effects of a hostile environment or to prevent its being seen through a sense of shame. In Biblical tradition,

clothing originated because of shame and a loss of innocence:

And the woman saw that the tree was good to eat, and fair to the eyes, and delightful to behold: and she took of the fruit thereof, and did eat, and gave to her husband who did eat. And the eyes of them both were opened: and when they per• ceived themselves to be naked, they sewed together fig leaves, and made themselves aprons.55

In Willehalm, Wolfram emphasizes the element of shame in de•

scribing Eve's loss of innocence:

'Ey vater h6h unde wert, daz dxn muot der tumpheit gert, daz du mich scheiden wilt von dem, der frouwen Even gap die schem daz si alrerst verdact ir brust, da was gewahsen ein gelust der si brahte in arbeit, in des tiuvels gesellekeit, der unser immer varet.. . ' 5° Scham is of course an important virtue in Wolfram's opinion,

"scham ist ein sloz ob alien siten" (Parz. 3, 5). Clothing

then provides actual physical protection as well as a shield

for human emotion, freeing man from a constant sense of shame.

The significance of clothing as physical protection is

seen best in garments such as cloaks and furs which are specif•

ically intended to shield man from his environment. There are

however other considerations in the development of garments which offer possible symbolic significance. Most garments worn

daily are influenced by the necessity of functionalism:, breeches replaced long dress-like garments because they allowed

a freedom of movement that was desirable. A sense of function•

alism was present in the development of garments which were

adopted for certain activities, but the restriction, however

strict, of certain types of garments to certain activities offers symbolic potential. Traveling clothing is directly

related to ease of mobility and hunting clothing represents

that particular activity.

Clothing offers an element of symbolic significance by virtue of being made out of colored materials. The origins of color symbolism are difficult to determine, yet it is cer• tainly one of the most widespread methods of symbolic repre• sentation if only because all objects have color. The seeds of color symbolism are in all likelihood found in optics and association. The spectrum results from light's breaking up into component wavelengths yielding various colors which have 31 psychological effects upon man:

To begin with, there is the superficial classifi• cation suggested by optics and experimental psychology. The first group embraces warm 'advanc• ing' colours, corresponding to processes of assimilation, activity and intensity (red, orange, yellow and, by extension, white), and the second covers passivity and debilitation (blue, indigo, violet, and by extension, black), green being an intermediate, transitional colour spanning the two groups. Then there are the subtle uses to which colour may be put in emblematic designs. The serial order of the colour-range is basic, compris• ing as it does (though in a somewhat abstract sense) a kind of limited set of definitive, distinct and ordered colours.5^

The psychological effects of color, that is, the existence to man's mind of particular colors that have a "warm" feeling and others that have a "cold" feeling, may result from the actual

characteristics of particular wavelengths. Infrared light is

indeed hot while ultraviolet rays do not feel hot even though

they too have the capacity to burn. The designations of warm

and cold colors may, on the other hand, have arisen merely

from association, just as the greatest part of general color

symbolism did. Fire is a collection of shades of red and orange

and yellow while ice and snow reflect various shades of blue.

Associative color symbolism is a very effective method of bringing symbols to the subconscious level. Certain facets of human experience—color, smell, sound--are retained by the

subconscious and remembrance of a situation can be activated by the presence of only one of its elements. Western culture

has certain standard color symbols: red symbolizes blood,

green is the color of new life in its association with new 32

shoots of plant life in the Spring, white represents innocence

because it is itself pure (optically white is the reflection

of all colors) and shows any blemish, black is evil because it

is the direct opposite of white and represents mourning because of its depth and the sombre mood it seems to cast upon man.

Black is no color at all, while white is all colors. Color

symbolism is extremely adaptable in the hands of a poet: he can draw upon the pre-formed associations of his audience and fore•

shadow subtly using color, or he can "color" certain situations

and later recall them by repeating the color. Color can also

link episodes if it appears as a significant part of each.

However much it might be decorated and embellished, armor has precisely one function: it protects its wearer during a battle. Obviously a great part of the symbolic value of armor results from this function, and its non-literal - significance is intensified or altered through the overtones of the particular type of battle being waged as well as through the overall view of physical combat held by the poet and his audience. It stands to reason that a culture which glorifies some aspect of battle—as for example the attitude towards the Crusades during the High Middle Ages, an overall glorification of battle for the purpose of releasing the Holy Lands from the hands of infidels— views armor as a positive symbol, while a basically pacifistic society sees it as a sign of war-mongering and hence views it in a very negative way.

There is symbolic potential in armor beyond that arising from its function. Armor is the great medieval leveler: be• cause it completely hides the knight, it functions as a dis• guise or a method of identification (an armored man is a knight). Heraldic arms, those identification signs which be• came a part of the knight's costume, are self-confessed symbols as well. There is furthermore a specific etiquette governing the actions of an armored knight, and adherence to or rebellion against this standard of combat is a significant feature.

It is obvious that a suit of armor can represent many things to many people, depending upon the particular point of view of the audience, and an author is able to use this by allowing the audience to "see" this item of clothing through the eyes of one or another of his characters. A suit of armor represents to Gregorius the way of life he has followed in his secret dreams, while the abbot can only view it as symbolic of a life inferior to that represented by his own kutte:

'...du bist vii wol geschaffen ze einem gotes kinde und ze korgesinde: diu kutte gestuont nie manne baz.1 'Herre, nu versuochet daz und gebet mir ritterliche wat: d£swar ob si mir missestat, so gan ich ir wol einem andern man und lege die kutten wider an. (Greg:" 1554-1562)

Wolfram, like many a poet of his time, was a knight by birth and by trade and introduces himself to his audience as one:

swelhiu min reht wil schouwen, beidiu sehen und hoeren, dien sol ich niht betoeren. schildes ambet ist min art: 34

swa* min ellen si gespart, swelhiu mich minnet umbe sane, so dunket mich ir witze kranc. (Parz. 115,. 8-14)

In keeping with Wolfram's own assessment of his knighthood as being of greater importance than his poetry, the illustrator of the Grosse Heidelberger Liederhandschrift shows him in full armor, an uncommon illustration for the knight/poets who appear in this collection. One may read into this a reflection of

Wolfram's pride at his occupation as well as a simple fact of medieval life—armor was important to the knight. As in virtually all medieval works dealing with knights, armor plays a very important part in Parzival and in Willehalm. In the course of the events in Parzival there occur battles at

Patelamunt and at Pelrepeire as well as numerous tournaments and examples of combat between two single knights. Willehalm is concerned almost entirely with the siege of Orange and the two battles, with a short interlude showing Willehalm attempting to raise a new army after the defeat of his first in the original battle.

Wolfram was familiar with chain mail rather than plate armor, since plate was a refinement to weaponry that came some• what after Wolfram's time, although he might have seen its origins in the reinforcing bands applied to the chain suit.

Chain mail was in use in Europe from about 900-1300,- and 1200 introduces a transitional period which lasted.for about two hundred years during which time progress was made on the refine• ment of technique which would later produce hammered plate 35 armor. As a naive boy, Parzival remarks on the many small rings which make up the clothing of the first knight he ever sees:

aber sprach der knappe san. da" von ein lachen wart getan. 'ay ritter guot, waz mahtu sin? du heist sus manec vingerlin an dinen lip gebunden, dort oben unt hie unden. alda begreif des knappen hant swaz er lsers ame fursten vant: dez harnasch begunder schouwen. 'miner muoter juncfrouwen ir vingerlin an sniieren tragnt, diu niht sus an einander ragnt.' (Parz. 123, 19-30)

This episode points out the general composition of the knight's suit--any number of metal rings were strung on cords of some sort, probably of leather which was more durable than any cloth, and pushed very close together, producing a surface with a maximum coverage of metal, yet pliable enough to allow move• ment by the wearer.

The chain suit of the knight consisted of the halsberc or haubert which was generally a hooded shirt-like garment falling about to the knees. The length afforded protection of the vital organs and the addition of the hood meant that there was a strip of mail protecting the neck which could not be detached from the suit as a whole, and a protecting-insulating layer to cover the head under the helmet. The hosen were more closely related to stockings than to trousers, for they covered the feet and stretched only to the thigh level where they were held up by the lendenier, a sort of garter which was not always reliable and yet was the only means of accomplishing the job at the time. It was vital for the knight to wear padding around critical areas since the mail suit protected him against cut• ting wounds, but could not do much against shock or pressure.

There was a huffenier about his hips and a senftenier reaching down to his upper thigh, both designed to cushion shock and protect further the area where the two main pieces of the armor came together. Beneath this suit the knight wore a soft silken shirt to protect his skin from the rough sharpness of the chain mail and a pair of heavy woolen stockings with padding about the knees; knees were always a trouble spot, easily injured and difficult to heal, and the knight needed extra padding to cushion them from the pressure of horses milling about and colliding with each other. Of course there were heavy shoes on top of the stocking-like feet of the hosen, gloves, and a visored helmet. There were various styles of helmets, and such an important piece of armor naturally underwent many refinements which were, if possible, immediately adopted, if they were shown to offer better protection than an earlier

style.

On top of all this the knight wore his kursit or wapen- kleit; both names appear to refer to the same item, a cloth garment, sleeveless, which was possibly originally adopted to help hide weaknesses or rust in the armor that could alert an opponent and reveal to him the best places to strike a blow.

This garment was frequently decorated with heraldic devices

and thus served as a means of identification of a totally

covered man. As identification this surcoat was of even more 37 value than the decorated shield: it is unlikely that a knight would have his clothing torn off, though he might well lose his shield or have it reduced to splinters during combat.

The surcoat was a favorite gift of ladies who wanted their chosen knight to look well in battle but might have been un• able to purchase a suit of chain mail for him. The price of a good suit of armor was about the equivalent of twenty oxen, hence armor was a gift of honor, a great prize to be taken in battle, and of course the richer the knight, the better his protection.

The surcoat and the shield were not the only decorative/ identifying items in the knight's costume. He also carried a banner decorated with his coat of arms, and although this could turn out to be a liability in combat when a knight needed one hand for his sword and one for his shield, the fluttering banner caused the horses of the enemy to shy. The shield, along with the coat of arms, also bore jewels if the knight or some patron were wealthy enough for this added expense. Often a decorative piece, the zimier, was attached to the knight's helmet; this was usually the chief figure to be found in the knight's coat of arms.

Thus the clothing worn by the armored knight was an odd mixture of practical protective clothing, decoration, and identifying items. It stands to reason that he wanted to present a dashing, attractive appearance while he participated in tournaments and while he rode off to war, even if during 38 real battles his concern for appearance was supplanted by concern for personal safety.

Non-literal significance is easily developed in the literary use of armor worn by medieval knights. One of these areas of significance is that of disguise or identification: the physical make-up of armor guaranteed that the wearer's features were completely hidden from all around him, enabling the suit to function as a mask, even though this was not its original intention. Masking results from the covering/pro• tecting function of the garment. To the symbolist, however, the mask has great significance:

All transformations are invested with something at once of profound mystery and of the shameful, since anything that is so modified as to become 'something else' while still remaining the thing it was, must inevitably be productive of am• biguity and equivocation. Therefore, metamor• phoses must be hidden from view—and hence the need for the mask. Secrecy tends towards trans• figuration: it helps what-one-is to become what- one-would-like-to-be; and this is what constitutes its magic character, present in both the Greek theatrical mask and in the religious masks of Africa or Oceania. The mask is equivalent to the chrysalis.58

In medieval literature, this disguising feature of armor leads to some very interesting situations. The situation known as the Verwandtenkampf results from the lack of recognition or knowledge of relationship of at least one of the participants 59 in the fight. Iwein, for example, is able to avenge himself on Kei for his insults because as the unknown defender of the fountain he can fight and unseat him. Normally it would be a grave offense for Iwein to challenge Kei and fight with 39 him. He can gain his revenge only in the guise of somebody else, by taking upon himself the secondary identity of the defender of the fountain. Indeed, he takes great joy in the opportunity:

nu kam her Iwein balde dort flz jenem walde ze velde gewalopieret, in engels wis gezieret. in enirte ros noch der muot: wan diu waren beidiu guot. sinem herzen liebe geschach, d6 er jenen halten sach, der allez guot verke*rte, do in got so gerte daz er im solte gelten sin ungeviiegez schelten und sinen tagelichen spot.

des lobete er got. (Iwein 2551-64)

Inherent in armor then is the ability to mask and to change

identity, and where armor is specifically shown to do this, the surrounding events take on a new dimension because of the alteration in the "identity" of the characters involved.

The obvious and immediate function of armor is itself open to alternate non-literal interpretations. There is of

course the bodily protection of the knight, but the protection

is not halted at the body—that which protects the body also protects the mind, if only by freeing it from fear of injury.

Indeed, bodily injuries are not the only type which can wound

a person; fear itself can be a very destructive force for a

fighter to experience.

There is symbolism and non-literal significance to be

found in actions as well as in objects,, and particularly so when there is a specific code or etiquette governing these 40 actions, for etiquette seldom results from necessity but rather 6 0 is evolved by society as a collection of refinements. The etiquette governing a knight's actions towards his own armor and that of other knights is similar in origin; the only actions that can properly be said to result from necessity are those concerned with the actual security of the pieces themselves.

We can assume with reasonable certainty that other actions con• nected with armor, customs governing where and when armor is worn and the attitude adopted towards the armor of another man or towards the armor of a dead man are themselves symbolic of a particular social attitude. There is no real reason to ven• erate a dead knight's armor, for example. In fact, there are occasions when this particular attitude has a negative value.

Yet adhering to a socially established custom of veneration shows one's acceptance of it—in this case, one venerates armor as a sign of one's respect or veneration for the warrior who wore it into battle and the deeds he performed while wearing it.

In addition, armor symbolism and significance shares in the general color symbolism of other clothing, for although the suit was fashioned out of chain mail, there were other fabric appointments which utilized rich fabrics and bright colors.

Although colored armor is not very common in courtly or heroic literature, it was certainly an historical fact: It is always a matter of some difficulty, especial• ly , in. the earlier examples, to tell what materials are intended in illuminated miniatures, for we find what appears to be plate armour painted brown or parti-coloured, and this points to the fact that armour of all kinds was frequently painted, even chain mail being coloured to suit the taste of the wearer, and also, a more important reason, to pre• serve it from wet and rust.°l

Ceremonies and other formalized occasions regulate activities for the sake of fulfilling some particular function, producing an effect, or acting in commemoration of an event.

Regular ceremonies exist in two major areas which are not necessarily mutually exclusive. There are those ceremonies which pertain to man and his concept of a supreme power and deal with his position in the universe; these are considered religious ceremonies. There are also those ceremonies which are concerned with man's position among his fellow creatures, ceremonies which are considered to be social ceremonies. The two can of course be united in one religious/social activity as occurs in cultures which accept a religious formalization of a condition to be legally binding as well, as, for example, in marriage. It is essential to the very nature of ceremonies and formal occasions that they be set off from the ordinary sphere of activity in some way. If they are conceived as a commemoration of some significant moment they must be directed to this end and include something of that moment within them.

Ceremonies intended to fulfill some distinct purpose, legal or religious, must be separate from ordinary activity so that their function cannot be reproduced by accident. The sacrament of Baptism, for example, combines the ordinary action of pouring water over the head of a child, an act repeated con• stantly during the child's early life, with a particular formula of words. Thus the sacrament cannot be repeated acci- 42 dentally for the two elements must exist simultaneously.

Although the major elements of a ceremony or formal occasion are the appropriate actions which are performed by the celebrant and participants, there are other facets present which are frequently designed to create a particular atmosphere rather than contribute to the ceremonial activities. Because these activities are meant to be set off specifically from the normal pattern of daily existence, the participants seek to place themselves into a different frame of reference by some sort of preparation, mental or physical or both. Common methods of preparation include meditation, the use of special objects dedicated to the performance of the ceremonial activities, or the alteration of the physical appearance of the participants which is meant to show the significance of the event. Cer• tainly the easiest means of achieving the alteration of appearance is the donning of special clothing, of at least one garment which differs visibly from ordinary clothing. Primi• tive societies celebrate birth, puberty, marriage, and death socially, and have for this a large variety of religious and social rites; but as a rule, the more complex a society becomes the greater the number of social events man finds to celebrate; and the more formalized a religion becomes, the more are the religious ceremonies which occur. An elaboration of cere• monial and formal clothing goes along with this increased

complexity and formalization.

During Wolfram's time ceremonial clothing as it appeared in upper levels of society and at court was connected very closely with the ceremonial garb of religious services, which had itself developed from the dress of the upper levels of society in its earlier days. Despite the fact that the

Catholic Church frowned upon the concept of earthly rulers as rex et sacerdos and even forbade the Byzantine emperors to use the title, kings were universally viewed as divinely 6 2 appointed and retained a priestly function. This borrowing was not entirely one-sided, though: Christ was represented pictorially as a king, having himself used the analogy while on earth.

The origins of ceremonial garments are frequently to be found in the ordinary style of dress existing at the time of the institution of the formalized ceremony, perhaps altered slightly and executed in finer fabrics than were used for normal wear. Where differences occur between royal clothing and liturgical clothing, social ceremonies basically follow the styles of royal clothing and religious ceremonies tend to follow the styles of liturgical garb. Nearly all the cere• monial activities which occur in Parzival have religious overtones, especially where they are directly connected to the

Grail. Few purely social activities exist in an age entirely dominated by the Church, for all human activity is ultimately connected to God and hence to the Church. Because, of this predominance of religious and quasi-religious ceremonies it is helpful to view some aspects of liturgical vestments as they existed in the thirteenth century. 44

Liturgical garments, which have not changed much since

Wolfram's day, had their origins in the formal clothing which existed during the early days of the Church:

Der Priester muss sich, bevor er an den Altar tritt, mit den liturgischen Gewandern bekleiden. Das natiirliche Empfinden hat von jeher auch schon die Glaubigen gelehrt, dass man zur gottesdienstlichen Feier in besseren Kleidern erscheint. Fur den zelebrierenden Priester hat das gleiche Gefuhl der Ehrfurcht vor dem Heiligen schon gegen Ende des christlichen Altertums zu einer besonderen liturgischen Kleidung gefiihrt. Sie war zunachst nur kostbarer als die gewohnliche burgerliche Festkleidung. Erst seitdem sich fur das burger• liche Leben eine neue, kurze Tracht durchsetzte, begann sich die liturgische Kleidung von der biirgerlichen auch in der Form zu unterscheiden; denn unsere liturgische Gewandung ist nichts anderes als eine stilisierte Form der Festklei• dung der ausgehenden romischen Kaiserzeit.^3

Liturgical garments are purposely given an overall symbolic meaning in that they show the priest in his function as repre• sentative of Christ, but each individual item is further endowed with a special symbolism:

Ein gewisser symbolischer Sinn liegt ja tatsach- lich in der liturgischen Gewandung. Darin, dass es nicht nur besser, sondern besondere, dem biirger• lichen Leben fremde, womoglich durch Kostbarkeit der Stoffe und Ornament gehobene Kleider sind, die der Priester anlegt, kommt zum Ausdruck, dass er aus der irdischen in eine hohere Welt iibergeht, von der nun ein Schimmer auch auf seiner Gewandung liegt. Die mittelalterlichen Erklarer haben sich aber mit einer so allgemeinen Deutung nicht begniigt, sondern haben in jedem Gewandstiick be• sondere Beziehungen zu jener Welt gefunden.64

The basic liturgical garment is the alb, a long white dresslike piece of clothing which symbolizes innocence in the purity of its whiteness, and is also interpreted as a sign of faith: So sliufet er danne in ein gewant, daz heizzet albe und ist lane unde ist genennet wiz und ist geworht in alien vliz. uzzen unt innan ist dehein ubel daran getan, daz nesol deheine wis da bestan.

So bezeichenet diu albe den heiligen gelouben. der geloube ist aver vii guot, der diu guoten were tuot

The alb is belted with the cincture which represents restraint 6 6 or daz reht, and the stole is worn around the neck, hanging down in front. The stole is a representation of immortality, the necessity for obedience, or the yoke of Peter: Diu stole ist lane unde breit, diu umbe sinen hals geit diu bezeichent noch Sante Peters joch, do er dar in gewaeten was, do er sane und las. der noch da inne gewaeten stet, wie saleclichen der vur sich get almitten in deme wege, daz er uns da mite zeichen gebe. The most visible and most variable garment worn by the priest is the chasuble, a garment similar to a cloak which is made of colored fabric and shows the particular liturgical color in use at the time of its wearing. It is a reminder of the purple robe Pilate had placed upon Christ to mock him and is also a representation of charity, the virtue requested in the prayers uttered while this particular garment is being donned.

It is also interpreted as signifying faith and hope along with charity. The other usual liturgical garments, the amice and the maniple, are given symbolic meanings as well, the amice signifying hope and salvation, the maniple reminiscent of the bonds with which Christ was tied while being scourged and 6 8 representing strength and endurance. It is not at all surprising that the styles of ceremonial

clothing which appear in Parzival should not differ greatly

from the garments adapted to liturgical wear. Obviously the

importance of the Church during the Middle Ages is responsible

for this, but it is also true that there exist in Western

culture relatively few styles of garments which can be adapted

to ceremonial purposes. It is a desirable feature of a cere•

monial garment that a large amount of uncluttered fabric be

available for any signs and symbols. There must also be ease

of donning, for only the chief celebrant can spend a greater

amount of time in robing which he can combine with mental

preparation for the ceremony. General participants do not

require so lengthy a mental preparation.

It is easily seen that a knight's armor and ceremonial

clothing have potential symbolic and non-literal significance;

this is a feature admitted by several poets. Logical extension

of this principle includes daily clothing in the list of

symbolic garments, and there are indeed certain features about

daily clothing which make its symbolic use quite likely.

Clothing in the Middle Ages was tied very rigidly to a

person's station in life; nobles were permitted to wear garments

and use particular fabrics which were not allowed to the

peasantry, and it was considered a legal offense for a person

to dress above his station although the nobles presumably had more leeway and could "dress down" if they so desired, even

though a good reason for doing so is difficult to imagine, 47 unless it were in the nature of a disguise. Every respectable occupation had a uniform of sorts which its practitioners wore, and it was illegal to wear the clothing which signified another trade. These "uniforms" easily identified a person as being

a dyemaster, carpenter, and so on, hence they functioned as

symbols of this occupation or identified the practitioner

symbolically. Clothing was a label, and occupation-oriented

clothing, once standardized, was difficult to change.

The literary use of daily clothing is useful for non-

literal and symbolic purposes because it offers a familiar

object that is still adaptable to suit various desires and

needs of the poet. It was easily recognized by every member of

the poet's audience, and yet he could, within certain limits,

change fabrics and colors where these were not legally deter•

mined and use these adaptations to deliver his message.

A noble who dressed in poor clothing or drab colors presented

a picture of incongruity to the medieval audience, as did the

peasant who had a preference for silk. Such incongruities

figure prominently in the late thirteenth century story of

young Helmbrecht who dresses well above his station and

violates precepts concerning clothing set down in the ninth

century, laws which restricted the peasant to rough shirts,

gray or black cloaks, short breeches, and heavy leather

shoes. Adopting the clothing not meant for his status is a

sign of Helmbrecht's aspirations to be better than he really 48

is, and he feels that by donning fine clothing he can accom• plish the transformation of self that he desires.

Because fabrics are dyed, color symbolism has its place in the use of daily clothing as it does in the use of armor and ceremonial dress. Peasants were restricted to no color at all— undyed fabrics, drab grays and black—but nobles had their pick of the spectrum and favored brightly colored clothing. All colors which appear in narrative poetry are considered to be the invention of the poet, and since he need not have mentioned color at all it is quite likely that the colors are meant to have some significance or symbolic value, something that is certainly well worth investigation.

Clothing shows variations within a person's particular social level as well as indicating his occupation, and it often illustrates specific occurrences in his life. When a woman is widowed, for example, she wears special clothing to illustrate her present state of mourning for her lost spouse.

The mourning dress is a variation upon her normal clothing, changed slightly perhaps in style, with a major alteration in color: she changes from any color at all to black. Her actual position or class in. life has not changed, merely her situation within it. This type of clothing is a sign of the death of her husband and of her sorrow for his loss and is recognized as such by onlookers. There exist also special garments designed for traveling and for participating in sports such as hunting, 1 . 49 all activities which require freedom of movement or at least intensify any discomforts caused by clothing, hence their major features show designs introduced for ease of fit and comfort.

These too became easily standardized: a hunting garment, for example, was recognized as such by anyone familiar with the sport. Garments existed not only to mark out basic general class distinctions on a visible and easily recognized basis, but also to indicate subtler changes of condition and to serve specific functions.

Variations in the basic dress styles were adopted, es- J pecially in matters of decoration, as travelers brought back with them knowledge of foreign styles. Crusaders returning from the East were especially effective in modifying contin• ental dress, introducing different fabrics as well as styles.

During the twelfth century and into the thirteenth, men wore a long garment, the bliaut, which consisted of a long skirt joined at a low waistline to a bodice section, the seams of the skirt being left open to display a tunic worn beneath and possibly to facilitate movement. Another garment, the cyclas, was adapted from crusading costume, and was basic• ally a long panel with an opening for the head, left open at the sides and reaching to about knee length. Hoods were worn by peasants for the sake of protection, by noblemen for the sake of fashion, although an uncovered head was also fashionable.

A peasant often had to resort to wearing two tunics for warmth whereas a nobleman wore a mantle wrapped about him. The major 50 changes in men's clothing brought by the thirteenth century were confined to devising various styles of surcoats. Costume did not vary much between royalty and noblemen, but royalty were distinguished by their costlier furs and richer fabrics.

Women also wore the bliaut with a very full skirt and very full sleeves. This garment was belted with a long girdle, wrapped several times about the body. Women also wore a cyclas or some other type of surcoat and used a mantle for warmth.

Headwear was more common among women than men and appeared in various styles. A shoulder cape was hooded and topped with a cap, or the mantle itself was hooded. The wimple, which was covered with a veil, was introduced into England late in the twelfth century. During the twelfth century, many women wore their hair in long plaits hanging at their sides. From the late twelfth and through the thirteenth century headdresses were adopted which bound up the hair, usually in a net or crespine. A coif, a sort of pillbox,hat, was worn on top the head and secured with a chin band. Since dress style was generally the same among the various strata of the nobility, rank came to be indicated by the headdress which was varied to 69 a greater degree than the body garments.

Any style of headwear has the potential for symbolic or non-literal significance by virtue of its position on or around the head, the repository of man's mind. Veils cover the head and hide the workings of the mind from outsiders, keeping the veiled person secluded and aloof. Moses veiled himself after speaking with God because his face shone so that people could not bear to look upon it, but the veiling deprived them of a significant part of his experience: Moses had seen God, but the people could not even see God's reflection in Moses'

face. The veil was removed when he returned to speak again with God.7^

Caps and headdresses of the sort generally worn by women

can also be used in connection with the question of identity,

again because of their position on the head. Headdresses

functioned as an advertisement of a lady's marital status

during the Middle Ages since matrons wore one type of headgear and maidens a different style. This was certainly

as effective as a wedding ring and considerably more notice•

able .

Headwear could also be used to delineate further an

identification once a primary identification had been made.

A knight wearing a lion on top of his helmet, for example,

came to be known because this particular figure was his, but it

also served to say that he fought like a lion. A married woman bowed to tradition in her headwear, but she was still cap•

able of placing it so rakishly as to suggest that though bound

she hardly considered herself restrained. A king who wished to

show his concern for poverty in his realm, or who perhaps was

deeply struck by the mocking of Christ, accepted his crown as

a sign of his divinely appointed office, but modified its style

so as to show his kingship was not concerned with glamor but

only justice. Crowns are the standard symbol of royalty and add the symbolic potential inherent to their structure and composi tion (i.e. circular items made of gold and set with precious stones) to that of their position which intensifies the idea of superiority. There are several possible variants to the typical style of crown: simple wreaths of flowers are one possibility, but perhaps the most memorable is the crown of thorns worn by Christ which combined the torture of spines pressed into the skin with the mockery produced by turning a sign of royalty into an instrument of punishment.

Cloaks and other similar garments are worn as protection from the elements, chiefly from cold. In fulfilling their function, they surround the wearer with a mass of fabric, adapting his own silhouette to one of their own making and totally shielding his appearance. Thus this type of garment stresses the very essence of dignity or superiority: it effectively cuts its wearer off from contact with his surround ings, the weather as well as other people. Because of its protective function, the gift of a cloak, especially the donating of one's own cloak, shows a concern for the comfort and well-being of the recipient. It can, considering the con• notations of superiority inherent in the style of the cloak, also be a sign of bringing oneself down to the level of the recipient, or of raising him to one's own level. There is a legend told of Saint Martin that, riding on a freezing day, he passed a beggar. He stopped and tore his own cloak in half, giving the poor man half and keeping the other for himself.

The story indicates the saint's concern for the well-being of even the lowliest of his fellow creatures and emphasizes the

total equality of all creation: just as it was not seemly

for the beggar to be freezing and the saint to be warm, so was

it also not seemly for the beggar to keep the entire cloak

and be warm while the saint froze. Cloaks and other external wrappings also take on further implications with respect to

the fabric used and its color. In fact, the color may well be

the author's prime concern and the- garment merely a way of

introducing a large patch of one particular color into a scheme.

Gemstones, always prized for their beauty and greatly

valued for their rarity, were considered to have certain

magical properties during the Middle Ages, properties attrib•

uted to them by Greek and Roman philosophers and retained or 71

embellished by medieval thinkers. Many of the magical

properties resulted from the physical and chemical properties

of gems, many of which were in fact known to the Ancients.

The hardness of certain gems was certainly evident, as were

electrical qualities, and the reflection and refraction of

light was not lost on even the most casual observer. Rarity,

great beauty, and specific properties, all of which are not

shared by the most common of objects, caused these stones to

be placed into a special category, and it is easy to see how

susceptible they became to being viewed as magical. Of course

the special properties assigned to gemstones were not strictly

limited to magical traits. Medieval thinkers viewed gems

symbolically and saw in them mystical associations with God 54

and the reflection of the underlying unity of all Creation.

That gemstones are mentioned in the Bible made these associa•

tions all the more probable to the medieval mind: Christ 72 compares the Kingdom of Heaven to a valuable gem, for example,

and the mystical revelation of heaven recorded by St. John in

the Apocalypse shows a city built on a series of gem founda•

tions, twelve stones which were then interpreted as signifying 73 the twelve tribes of Israel and the twelve Apostles. In the realm of magic, gemstones became a part of astrology by their con• nection to the months, each month being assigned a certain stone: Theophrastus and Pliny have described some gems of their time very imperfectly and confusedly; and their descriptions are so replete with vain fancies, that it is difficult to identify any from their descriptions. They attributed most wonderful powers to gems; gave fabulous descriptions, and the most singular and perverted views in regard to their origin; and it was said that they had great influ• ence upon health and beauty, riches, honor, and good fortune. They were called, when worn, amulets. They were brought into connection with the planets, the twelve constellations, and the seasons of the year; and a certain gem was worn each month, which was said to have during the term, its peculiar in• fluence and healing virtues.74 To some extent the supposed attributes of gemstones were codi• fied and expanded in lapidaries which were considered serious scientific works:

Die Kunde der Edelsteine hat das Mittelalter lebhaft beschaftigt. Ihre Kostbarkeit hatte die edlen Steine von je mit sagenhaften, magischen und mystischen Vorstellungen umsponnen. Orien- talisches, alttestamentliches und antikes Wissen und Fabeln um ihre Herkunft, Natur und Wirkung waren in die mittelalterliche Vorstellungswelt ubergegangen, in Isidors Enzyklopadie aufgefangen und in den Steinbuchern systematise!! dargestellt worden. Wie der Physiologus das Tier, so setzen die Steinbucher den Edelstein in Relation zu dem hochsten Gut, um daraus ihren Wert zu begrun- den.75

When gemstones appear in a work of fiction, there exist

several distinct possibilities for interpretation. They are

added at times as a means of exoticising the work, showing,

for example, the great wealth of a character or court or, in

the case of gems of great rarity, as an indication of the

exotic origin of the character wearing the gems. They are

also used for the sake of their color, either because of color

symbolism or for the sake of aiding the reader or listener to

visualize events better. They are also used to tie events

together by providing an easily retained key to one event,

repeating it later in another. In addition to these possibil•

ities there is also the likelihood that gems are added for

the sake of their medical or magical properties or for their

connection with a Biblical event, all of which were familiar to

the medieval audience.

There is frequently non-literal or symbolic significance

to be found in certain actions associated with clothing,

giving articles of clothing as a gift, for example, or offering

aid to someone in removing or donning clothing. Clothing gifts

take on their own significance in two basic manners: the

article itself is symbolic, either because of inherent function or form of the type of garment, its color, fabric, or method of construction, or it is significant because it unites other- wise disparate incidents through the presence of a single item common to the incidents. The relationship between donor and recipient is also frequently of great importance in deter• mining the non-literal impact of a clothing gift: gifts of clothing from mother to-son are different in significance from gifts of clothing between lovers.

Aid given in the act of clothing was important during the Middle Ages because of the type of clothing worn, especially armor. Some types of ordinary clothing, and certainly most parts of a knight's armor, were so constructed as to make it

difficult for the wearer to draw these garments onto his own body; for a knight to dress himself, or to undress himself, was a great feat. Therefore it was a basic rule of hospitality

for the host to provide his guests with a servant to aid in

dressing. The variations possible in this rather simple situ•

ation offer potential for symbolic and non-literal significance.

When the host himself offers his aid to the visitor a great

honor is accorded him, for the normal situation would have

a servant performing these services. If a host assigned this

task to a daughter, another great honor was accorded the guest.

More complex variations are possible: Enite tends Erec by

performing the menial tasks that a lowly servant should do

instead of being assigned to tend Erec's personal needs, a

situation which is used to emphasize the poverty of the family

and contrast Enite's beauty with her position.

Obviously customs so widespread as gift-giving and offer•

ing assistance in clothing functions appear in literature as functional events, more important for the progress of the narrative than for symbolic representations. Clothing is given to visitors and used as a reward; squires and servants are always present to tend to the robing and disrobing of the guest. In fact, this aspect of hospitality is so ubiquitous that its absence may be more important and glaring than its presence.

The preceding discussion has suggested some very basic ways in which the styles of clothing which appear in Wolfram' works can take on a non-literal significance. The following chapters will attempt to show specific ways in which Wolfram

imparts symbolic and non-literal significance to items of clothing in Parzival and in Willehalm. CHAPTER TWO

ARMOR

Wolfram's statement about his own profession sets the tone for the consideration of armor in his works, "schildes ambet ist min art" (Parz. 115, 11). The first personal non-narrative remark the poet makes about armor is to use it as a metaphor for knighthood. The use of armor throughout Wolfram's narra• tive combines the literal function of physical protection with a cluster of non-literal associations related to this function.

Armor is seen as disguise or a facet of true identity as well as a means of protecting more than the body. Symbolism arises with the use of the Wappen and the various decorations that exist for weaponry, as well as from the use of color, and there is non-literal significance to be found in the use of situa• tions involving courtly and chivalric etiquette.

Wolfram's use of situations emphasizing the disguising features of armor in Parzival serves to underline the series of . crises about identity through which the hero must make his way, concentrating chiefly-upon Parzival's naive desire for armor/ knighthood which obscures for him for some time the realization of his true state in life and his true goal. The red armor he acquires in the third book acts as a mask until he has brought his interior development up to the generally acceptable level of knighthood; thereafter it remains with him, a reminder of his

58 past, while he progresses even beyond the level of knight•

hood's earthly form.

The introduction of Ither von Gaheviez to the audience

suggests a distinction between the armor and its occupant,

"ez was Ithir von Gaheviez:/den roten riter man in hiez"

(Parz. 145, 15-16).

There is a difference between existence or true being

(sin) on the one hand and external appearance or name (heizen)

on the other. This is not very important where Ither is con•

cerned: once introduced he does not live for very long. The

question of true being as opposed to name or appearance does,

however, become valid later with Parzival and his career as

the Red Knight. Names are of course symbols and should be

recognized as such. There is a further significance in the

replacing of a person's name by a title or other designation: when Wolfram refers to Parzival as Herzeloyde's son he calls

to mind an entirely different set of associations than when he

calls him Gahmuret's son. On the simplest level reference to

Herzeloyde suggests Parzival's relationship to the Grail family while reference to Gahmuret indicates the set of values belong- 76

ing to knighthood and the heritage of Mazadan.

Parzival does not bother to ask Ither his name, even

though he agrees to carry a message for him. In this as well

as in his later actions, Parzival shows a lack of regard for

Ither's existence as a person; because his only thought is

for the armor, only Ither's external trappings carry any mean•

ing for him. Of course Parzival is somewhat influenced by the 60 fact that all he can see of Ither is his suit of armor, yet he behaved quite differently with Karnahkarnanz. During the episode in Soltane, Parzival spoke in terms of a man who wore 77 a suit of armor. Ither, however, is a suit of armor which happens to be worn by a man, and it is even in terms of the

armor that Parzival refers to Ither when he speaks to Arthur:

dem hcit ein ritter her enboten (den sah ich allenthalben roten),

er well sin duze biten. (Parz. 148, 9-11)

Parzival's demanding to be given this armor is an illustration

of his naivete, his lack of social grace, and of his total

inability to predict or examine the probable consequences of

his actions. He is an infant, released into a world of which

he has no knowledge.

Before slaying Ither, Parzival voices a "justification"

of the deed, "du maht wol wesen : Lahelin,/von dem mir klaget

diu muoter min" (Parz. 154, 25-26). This expression, however,

should be viewed as another of his childish deeds. In the

logic of a child, he sees Ither as an enemy, as much because

Ither possesses something he desires as because of Ither*s

blow. As far as he knows, his only enemy is Lahelin, hence

the equation is easily made. Obviously Parzival is furious,

and the reaction to the blow is immediate. No real thought

goes into the deed or the "justification," although it must

have crossed Parzival's mind that killing Lahelin is a justi•

fiable deed, the fulfilling of a promise made to his mother,

"diz rich ich, muoter, ruocht es got:/in verwundet noch min

gabylot" (Parz. 128, 11-12). At this point in his development, Parzival still knows very little of death. He can recognize it in the hunt of course, but the first human death he en- 78 counters rests in Sigune's arms and, although the scene evokes pity, it shows hardly any of the horror of death.

Parzival himself explains his strong desire for Ither's armor: '...owi wan het ich sin gewant enphangen von des kunges hant! s3 waer ich freuden riche: wan ez stet so riterliche.1 (Parz. 148, 15-18) Armor is the external symbol of knighthood, and the desire for knighthood is so strong in Parzival's mind that he finds his unknighted state almost unbearable: 1...der wile dunket mich ein jar. daz ich niht ritter wesen sol, daz tuot mir wirs denne wol. nune sumet mich niht mere, phlegt min nach ritters ere.' (Parz. 149, 12-16)

Parzival is unaware of the patience that he should be exhibiting to illustrate his worthiness of knighthood; in fact, he does not realize that knighthood is something he must earn. All he has been told about it is that it is given by Arthur, and he believes that once given the armor of a knight he will be a knight himself.

Ither's armor is exceptional in its color, and it is finally the red that makes Parzival demand this suit and none other. The first knight he meets, Karnahkarnanz, fits

Herzeloyde's description of God: er ist noch liehter denne der tac, der antlitzes sich bewac nach menschen antlitze. (Parz. 119, 19-21) Parzival mistakes this armored man, the brightest person he has ever seen, for God at first, and though the boy is told that he is not God but only a knight who is trying to do

God's will-, a remnant of his mother's teaching remains. He reports the incident to her:

'muoter, ich sach vier man noch liehter danne got getan: die sagten mir von ritterschaft...' (Parz. 126, 9-11)

The brightness of chain mail is equated in his young mind with

God, and since the boy is tenacious of his mother's advice, his first suit of chain mail, Ither's red armor, illustrates a distance from God, even the bright, shining, but simple God of the forest clearing. The armor suits Ither in light of his

fated style of life: for Ither the red armor signifies the excellence of the courtly world and knighthood. Parzival's

choice of this armor, however, is the second time he errs on

the side of the chivalrous when it is opposed to a religious way of life. The first is the mistaking of Karnahkarnanz for

God, but the most serious is Parzival's failure to ask the

question at Munsalvaesch in his attempt to follow Gurnemanz's 79

advice to the letter.

Arthur is placed in a difficult position by Parzival's

insistence upon the armor. He is torn between the desire to

please this appealing young stranger and the fear that Parzival 8 0 will be hurt in the outcome: Artus sprach zem knappen san 'daz harnasch hat an im ein man, daz ich tirs niht getorste gebn. . . ' (Parz. 150, 3-5)). That a knight such as Ither—or any knight, for that matter— would fight to defend his armor and the right to wear it is only natural. To make a gift of another man's armor, as is here the case, is a grave insult: coming from a king it is the equivalent of a sentence of death. Ither, equating his armor with his life, mistakenly assumes that Arthur has assigned this boy the task of punishing him for his offense:

der kiinec von Kukumerlant sprach 'hat Artuses hant dir irti"n harnasch gegebn, deswar daz taeter ouch min lebn, mohtestu mirz an gewinnen...' (Parz. 154, 11-15)

In this situation armor is a life sign in an extension of its physical significance for the knight. Ither is right to take offense at Arthur's misplaced largesse even though there was no malicious intent in it. Arthur merely wishes to put an end to an uncomfortable situation and is unfortunate in re• ceiving poor advice from Kei. As a king he must realize the importance of armor and the significance of his bestowing

Ither's as a gift, but he must be forgiven this momentary lapse in his affection for Parzival. Ither's relationship to Arthur at this moment presents an earthly parallel to Parzival's relationship to God at the start of the ninth book. Both are entrenched in a courtly ethic that says service shall be re• warded. Ither is highly offended that Arthur has so quickly transferred his favor to the young boy and has even encouraged him to take his valuable armor, destroying his knightly aura as well as his life, showing the cessation of friendship between king and knight. The association of armor with life is strengthened by Parzival"s own motivation in the death of

Ither: if killing Ither is the only way to get his armor, then Ither must die:

sin harnasch im verlos den lip: dar umbe was sin endes wer

des tumben Parzivales ger. (Parz. 161, 4-6):

It is literally the armor which brings about Ither1s death, that same armor that was intended to protect his life.

The death of Ither is the one single event which brings

Parzival into knighthood because it provides him with the external sign of the profession. Thus with the armor function• ing as the major symbol in this would-be initiation, the Ither episode functions as the initiation itself, a grotesque rite which brings about the transformation of the boy Parzival into the red knight. Thus the armor is in a sense efficacious: it functions as a symbol, but also brings about that which it 81 symbolizes. Wearing armor, Parzival is as much a knight as any other because he looks like a knight; he is never formally knighted.^

Parzival wins his first armor from an older male relative, perhaps meant here to function as a father figure and emphasize the achieving of manhood of the boy. The victory in this dis• pute emphasizes his own "worthiness" to be a knight: he proves himself a "better" warrior than one who is already, a member of the society he wishes to join, a fighter who is capable of con• quering his own "father." In this, he illustrates one of the prerequisites to membership: he is a brave and capable fighter. The proof, however, is carried out in a most uncourtly manner, so that while external requirements are satisfied, Parzival does not manage to fulfill internal qualifications. His entire knightly career is carried out under the burden of incomplete fulfillment, and he cannot be a knight in the true sense until he expiates the uncourtliness of the victory by which he won his admission. The possession of the armor does, however, alter the method of his attempts to some extent: Iwanet takes away his javelin after Parzival is dressed in Ither1s armor so that he can no longer perform such an uncourtly act.

The death of Ither is accompanied by certain sexual over• tones which emphasize the coming into manhood of Parzival, in however incomplete a fashion. His slaying bears a certain similarity to the first act of murder as Trevrizent relates to Parzival in the ninth book: Cain slew Abel, a blood relative, and when the blood touched the earth it took away her maidenhood:

diu erde Adames muoter was: von erden fruht Adcim genas. dannoch was diu erde ein magt: noch ha"n ich iu niht gesagt wer ir den magetuom benam. K&ins vater was Ada*m: der sluoc Abeln umb krankez guot. do uf die reinen erdenz bluot viel, ir magetuom was vervarn: den nam ir Adames barn. (Parz. 464, 11-20)

Figuratively, the death of Abel was the sexual coming of age of the earth; the death of Ither is, figuratively as well, the sexual coming of age of Parzival. His deed follows that of Cain in its object, slaying for the sake of possessions, and in 8 3 its victim, a blood relative. Parzival's own later descrip• tion of the deed sounds very much like a rape:

'...Ithern von Cucumerlant den sluoc min siindebaeriu hant: ich leit in toten uffez gras, unt nam swaz da. ze nemen was.' (Parz. 47.5, 9-12) Following the act, Wolfram for the first time refers to

Parzival as a man instead of continually calling him a knabe or knappe, as he had done up to this point, "gewapent reitz der

tumbe man" (Parz. 161, 17). Wolfram is not consistent in using this new appellation. In this situation, however,

Parzival is a man, even though he is still tump and incomplete, 84 because he has become a knight.

Once Parzival has been "initiated" into knighthood and has proved himself to be a "man" he is permitted to take upon himself the sign of his new manhood/knighthood, the armor he has won as the prize of his victory. The death of the red knight is inevitable: armor given as a gift is not a sign of manhood, but armor taken from a body, killed by one's own hand,

is. There is a distinct hollowness to Parzival's victory and

the acquisition of the sign of his coming of age, this knight's

clothing, for he has gone about it in a morally and chival• rously unacceptable manner: he has killed without proper cause, used a weapon forbidden by the code to which he professes ad• herence, and robbed a corpse of its clothing. Nevertheless, he has acquired a suit of armor. From this point on, the red armor has a dual function as far as Parzival is concerned, for it both hides what sort of man is inside and it represents his new knightly identity.

What the armor hides at first is the fool. Parzival, much to

Iwanet's surprise, insists on wearing the clothing his mother made under his newly acquired armor. This indicates that his desire for knighthood does not go so deep as to: make him alter interior actions just yet: he was content to gain the armor, outward sign of knighthood, by a method very much opposed to knighthood, and now he refuses to relinquish underclothing that does not go along with knighthood. Although externally he looks as fearsome and knightly as Ither did—armor does have this effect—internally he remains much the same foolish youth who left Soltane on a nag. The deceptiveness of these externals is emphasized when Parzival arrives at the home of Gurnemanz.

He looks like a knight, though he does not act entirely in accord with knightly precepts. His speech is still reminis-

A 85 cent of dirre toersche Waleise (Parz. 121, 5). When the armor is removed, Gurnemanz1 attendants are shocked at his strange underclothing. The thrust of Gurnemanz' teaching is to rdd

Parzival of this great disparity between inner and outer, not so much the disparity between his inner and outer clothing as that which is signified by the clothing: his inner and outer person. To be a knight he must learn to think and act according to knightly principles. Parzival is taught knightly arts and exchanges the fool's clothing for fine garments which suit his 8 6 body as well as his vocation. At this point Parzival no 68 longer declares that the clothing his mother made for him is good enough. He has moved from his mental infancy and childish attachment to his mother, the female influence, to a state of adolescence/manhood which is marked by the turning towards the father, here as another older male relative.

The new clothing that Gurnemanz provides does for

Parzival's appearance what his teachings do for his behavior.

It is Gurnemanz who christens Parzival with Ither's sobriquet, transferring the name and not conferring it upon him as a new title, "slnen gast des namn er niht erliez,/den roten ritter er in hiez" (Parz. 170, 5-6). The name does not come auto• matically with the armor: Parzival must first earn it by proving that he can be the type of knight Ither was, equally 8 7 adept at the knightly arts. Gurnemanz also provides rudi• mentary religious instruction (Parz. 169, 15-20) which is meant to help bridge the gap between Parzival and God suggested in his desire for Ither's red armor.

In many ways, Parzival's sojourn with Gurnemanz marks the real beginning of his knightly life, for it is here that he learns the skills and behavior that go along with ordinary knighthood. If putting on Ither's armor is a sign of

Parzival's desire for knighthood, the new name is a sign of at least a partial fulfillment of this desire. With the armor he takes on a new identity, one which now replaces his identity as a fool. He is Ither's successor, the red knight himself.

The name follows him through his adventures on the worldly/ knightly level, and those who see him refer to him not by his name but rather as the "red knight" or as "a knight who was wearing red." Since this is not his destined level of existence, however, so long as the name follows Parzival, it indicates more a lack of fulfillment than the achieving of a dream. Those characters who refer to Parzival as the red knight show themselves to be concerned solely with his actions on this one level, the form of knighthood represented by his armor.

It is as the red knight that he rescues Pelrepeire and marries the queen, and he is referred to as the red knight throughout the Gawain episodes, right up to the point at which his long search is ended. From the time Gurnemanz gives him the name, it is only Cundrie who takes issue with his right to it:

1...ir nennet in den ritter rot, nach dem der lac vor Nantes tot: unglich ir zweier leben was; wan munt von riter nie gelas,

der pflaeg so ganzer werdekeit.1 (Parz. 315, 11-15)

The armor, as it is worn by Ither, is symbolic of his having achieved his proper level in life: he was born to be a knight on the worldly level and he achieves excellence in his occupa• tion. At this point in the narrative, with Cundrie1s denunci• ation, it becomes apparent that Parzival, in attempting to be

Ither's replacement, is interfering with the proper order.

By devoting his energies to the goal of knighthood on this one level alone he is hampered in reaching his true state in life.

He is not destined to remain a member of Arthurian society, but instead is to strive to achieve his proper position in Grail society. Thus his appearance is a living contradiction, his outward appearance indicating something which is not substan• tiated by his internal make-up. Cundrie denounces him in words, but her own appearance is proof positive that externals are deceptive:

tavelrunder prises kraft hat erlemt ein geselleschaft diu driiber gap her Parzival, ^ gg der ouch dort treit diu riters mal. (Parz. 315, 7-10) "

The thrust of her denunciation is that Parzival, who looks like 89 a proper knight, is in fact guilty of a moral failing so 90 great that he no longer deserves recognition as a knight. His simple kindness has been corrupted by an overlay of external courtly ethics and etiquette. Cundrie herself shows that things are not always what they seem to be: she exhibits wisdom as well as compassion, both lacking in Parzival's actions so far, she serves the Grail, and yet she is the ugliest creature to grace Wolfram's narrative.

Parzival's armor is removed from him before his reconcili• ation with his wife. Aside from the obvious fact that a joyful reunion would be greatly hindered by a suit of chain mail, this small touch suggests that the years of questing on this particular level are ended; Parzival has come through his past and is now ready, along with his family, to begin a new phase in his life.

The wearing of armor is also instrumental from a narrative point of view in making possible the .Verwandtenkampf which appears in many medieval works. The fight with an unknown assailant takes two forms in Parzival, appearing as the fight 71 with a relative or close friend, and the fight with the in• correct enemy, both of which come about because of armor's disguising feature.. That a battle with a relative, even a distant one, is to be avoided in any situation is emphasized in the Gahmuret episode during a tournament. Gahmuret is about to be challenged by Kaylet, a cousin:

do kom gevaren Kaylet. von dem ke*rte Gahmuret: wand er was siner muomen suon: waz solter im do leides tuon? (Parz. 39, 11-14)

Kaylet is told by Gaschier that his desired opponent is

Gahmuret, and he too immediately drops any thought of fighting.

Gaschier, however, will not drop Kaylet's reins until he has uncovered his head:

'in laz ius niht, e daz min ouge alrerst ersiht iwer blSzez houbet. daz mine ist mir betoubet.1 den helm er im her ab do bant. (Parz. 40, 15-19)

Uncovering one's head during a battle situation or a tourna• ment is obviously a sign of surety. In effect it shows total trust since one is opening the most vulnerable spot to a potential blow. That Gaschier demands this sign lies in his betoubet condition, for nowhere is there any evidence that he 91 does not trust Kaylet's word; rather he does not trust his own perception.

This particular battle is easily avoided because Gahmuret knows his blood relationship with Kaylet and is able to recog• nize him on the field because he is familiar with the coat of 92 arms of his cousin. Both knowledge of the relationship and 72 ability to recognize a relative are necessary to prevent a

Verwandtenkampf, and whenever one does occur in Parzival it is because at least one of these facts is unknown to both par• ticipants .

When Parzival first leaves Soltane, he is not aware of any kinship ties except those to his mother. Yet even though he does not realize his relationship with Ither, he still sins against kinship by killing him, perhaps even more so because of the childish reason behind the deed, the desire for material goods. Familial ties are close in importance to the tie which exists between God and man, and Trevrizent tries to make

Parzival aware of the seriousness of the offense:

do sprach er 'lieber swester suon, was rates moht ich dir nu tuon? du hast din eigen verch erslagn. wiltu fur got die schulde tragn, sit daz ir bede wart ein bluot, ob got da reht gerihte tuot, so giltet im din eigen leben...' (Parz. 475, 19-25):

Parzival's inability to recognize kinship where it exists is a sign of his flawed state, the same state that keeps him from recognizing his ties to Amfortas or his relationship with God:

Das Verkennen des Blutsverwandten zeigt im konk- reten Geschehen, dass Parzival den Anspruchen der Verwandten-triuwe noch nicht gerecht zu werden vermag, und bedeutet in ubertragenem Sinn, dass Parzival die Gottes-triuwe in dem Verhaltnis der Menschen untereinander nicht zu achten weiss; und dies insgesamt zeigt den Beginn des Offen- barwerdens der Siindhaftigkeit Parzivals.93

This same situation is at the core of Parzival's fights with

Gawain and with his brother Feirefiz; armor is a vehicle that makes the inability to identify more plausible. At one point, 73 outside Bearosche, Parzival and Gawain come very close to fighting. Parzival is unknown to the townspeople:

den burgaern manege tjost da bot ein ritter allenthalben r&t: der hiez der ungenante, wande in niemen da bekante. (Parz. 383, 23-26)

Yet the clothing that hides Parzival's face is also a means of identification for Gawain, who recognizes his wapen and his concern for the Grail, and who utters a prayer in thanksgiving that they had not been brought to fight. Nevertheless, Gawain later manages to mistake him for Gramoflanz. Apparently the sprig that Parzival breaks from the tree Gramoflanz guards is a valuable sign of recognition to Gawain:

er het ouch gebrochen von dem bourn, des Gramoflanz huote, ein so liehten kranz daz Gawanz ris erkande. do vorht er die schande, op sin der kiinec da het erbitn: waer der durch strlt gein im geritn,

so muese ouch striten da geschehn, g4 und soit ez nimmer frouwe ersehn. (Parz. 679, 14-22)

There is at this point some question as to what Parzival is wearing. Following Cundrie's denunciation Parzival rides away from Arthur's encampment wearing what appears to be ordinary chain mail:

.Nu was sin ors verdeeket, sin selbes not erwecket. ouch het der degen wol getan lieht wiz isernharnasch an, tiwer an aller slaht getroc: sin kursit, sin wapenroc, was gehert mit gesteine. (Parz. 333, 1-7)

Kratz suggests this color change is "a mere lapsus on Wolfram's 95 . . part," an idea which is supported by the mention of Parzival during the Gawain episodes which immediately follow: Parzival is always identified as the red knight (Parz. 388,8: 392, 20).

This is not, however, the sort of lapse Wolfram is likely to make, especially in light of the constant stress on Parzival*s red armor. There is always, however, the possibility that

A 96

Wolfram meant wiz to be read "shining." In any case,

Parzival's color is present at the scene of Gawain's failure to recognize his cousin, "noch roeter denn ein rubbin/was sin kursit unt sins orses kleit" (Parz. 679, 10-11)

Even if Parzival has exchanged his red armor, he retains the red in the fabric trappings. Gawain is placing more emphasis upon deed than upon appearance which, normally, is an excellent course of action, yet in this instance he is wrong. It leads to a fight which brings shame to both of them.

It is likely that this is allowed to happen because both knights have yet a task to fulfill, Parzival on the level of the Grail: the release of Amfortas from his agony has not yet been brought about; and Gawain on the level of Arthurian society: the battle with Gramoflanz is yet to occur. Both of them are still permitted to make mistakes.

Parzival makes use of the difficulty of discerning the identity of an armored man in order to help eventually to put right the damage he has done by fighting and injuring Gawain: he fights Gramoflanz as well. His motivation in.this is open to question, for Arthurian circles consider it to be an improper act, and Arthur chides Parzival for this breach of conduct.

The fight was Gawain's and he did not wish to give it up: Artus/jze Parzivale sprach 'neve, sit dir sus geschach daz du des kampfes baete und manliche taete unt Gawan dirz versagte, daz din munt do sere klagete, nu haste den kamph idoch gestriten gein im der sin da het erbiten, ez waere uns leit ode liep. du sliche von uns als ein diep: wir heten anders dine hant disses kampfes wol erwant...' (Parz. 708, 1-12)

Thus Parzival, in deciding to take on Gramoflanz without

Gawain's leave, has really offended courtly etiquette. Arthur's description of him leaving as a thief is itself reminiscent of

Iwein's leaving secretly to find the magic fountain before

Arthur and his company are ready to leave. Still, Parzival's motivation is not marked by the hochvart demonstrated by Iwein.

He first offers to stand in for Gawain because he is responsi• ble for Gawain's weakened condition and he wants to prevent any attack on his cousin's honor, as well as atone for his part in the Verwandtenkampf. He offers himself as surety for

Gawain: Do truoc der starke Parzival ninder muede lit noh erblichen mal. er het an den stunden slnen helm ab gebunden, da in der werde kiinec sach, zuo dem er ziihteclichen sprach 'her, swaz min neve Gawan gein iwern hulden hat getan, des lat mich fur in wesen pfant...' (Parz. 693, 1-9)

Here, as in the earlier episode involving Kaylet and Gaschier, the helmet is removed to uncover the head when an offer of surety is made. When this is refused him, Parzival must resort to other methods to atone for his weakening of Gawain, who is certainly not angry at Parzival for this breach of etiquette.

He even admits that it would have been too soon for him to fight Gramoflanz in any case (Parz. 708, 17). If Gawain, who is most affected by this offense, does not wish to judge

Parzival too harshly, then Arthur is willing to forgive him as well. What is ultimately accomplished by this fight is to gain enough time for Gawain and Gramoflanz to be reconciled.

Thus Parzival is really instrumental in preventing a battle that would have brought misery to many.

It is odd, however, that Gramoflanz does not recognize

Parzival before they fight. He had seen him the day before and should have been familiar with his distinctive armor. His eagerness for battle prevents him from thinking rationally and, like Gawain before him, he is more willing to credit deeds than appearances. He is supposed to fight Gawain, therefore

Gawain must be the knight riding out to meet him.

Parzival's final battle with an unknown assailant is the most serious offense against kinship among these battles since it is with his half-brother. Their fight is one between well matched men, since both of them inherited their knightly side from the same strain, and neither can gain an advantage until an intervention from God--the breaking of Parzival's sword— stops the fight. God is at last exhibiting his mercy to prevent yet another shameful sin against kinship on the part 97 of Parzival, or on the part of Feirefiz. Parzival's meeting with his brother is a prelude to the final reconciliation with

Condwiramurs and his twin sons and the return to the Grail castle, where wrongs are set right by his Mitleidsfrage. Be• fore he will fully accept this stranger's identity, however,

Parzival asks to see his face, for he knows of his brother's pied complexion. Feirefiz assures him of his identity, and both remove their helmets and the hooded part of their hauberks, removing all barriers to recognition and reconciliation. They meet first as knights, where they share a common heritage, then, partially removing the outward signs of knighthood, they meet as men.

In order to prevent the confusion caused by unknown and unrecognizable knights, various types of identifying signs were developed, and during the Middle Ages their use was not restricted to the knight on the battlefield but was also employed by the nobles and the free born, especially land owners, as a sign of their social status. The knight's symbol was developed first, since armored knights were fighting long before this particular class structure became an established custom. A knight often simply transferred his own sign from shield to home when he became a landowner, but those who gained land without having been fighting knights had the option of devising their own signs. There is a line of development of this custom from the knight's symbol to that of the landed gentry although individual signs have a more complex development themselves. Socially these coats of arms were signs of nobility and therefore prized: 78

The importance attached to birth as the source of privilege was expressed in the transformation of the old individual signs of 'recognition' painted on the knight's shield or engraved on his seal, into the armorial bearings, sometimes transmitted with the fief but more often handed down, even without the property, from generation to generation. The use of these symbols of continuity, first seen in the royal and princely dynasties, where pride of birth was particularly strong, and soon adopted by houses of lesser rank, was regarded henceforth as the monopoly of the families classed as noble.

What originally identified a knight came also to identify heritage, yet it was still employed for its original function.

Because arms eventually filled two separate and distinct functions, then, it was not necessary for a knight to wear only his inherited coat of arms. This certainly identified his lineage, but it did not necessarily identify his individuality as a knight. He apparently had the right to adopt his own arms, although if he were the older son and inherited the property his individuality was often sacrificed and he bore the arms of the property and of his ancestors. A knight errant did not need to show his heredity, and there is an illustration of this flexibility in the Gahmuret episode: when Gahmuret leaves home he does not wear the arms of Gandin, his father:

nu erloubt im daz er mueze han ander wapen denne im Gandin da vor gap, der vater sin. (Parz. 14, 12-14)

In spite of its flexibility, however, the fact of arms was extremely important in its function of signifying free-born status. When Gandin's men come to receive their fiefs anew from his son, they request that he give Gahmuret land and a coat of arms to go with the land so that he would have absolute 79 proof of his status:

si gerten, als ir triwe riet, rich und arme, gar diu diet, einer kranken ernstlicher bete, daz der kiinec an Gahmurete bruoderllche triwe merte, und sich selben erte, daz er in niht gar verstieze, und im sines landes lieze hantgemaelde, daz man mohte sehen, da von der herre miiese jehen sins namen und siner vriheit. (Parz. 6, 11-21)

Proof of status often resides in symbols rather than in documents: symbols are convenient and comprehensible, portable and adaptable and are often developed for the purpose of re• placing documentation.

The Wappen are the most obvious of a knight's symbolic clothing and their very nature is to make use of a stylized drawing to indicate the knight's identity. The chivalric code made it essential for a knight to" know his opponent's status if he did not know his name: chivalry forbade fighting between knights and non-knights. The Wappen represent symbolism at its simplest and easily offered a poet writing of fictional knights a perfect vehicle for his own symbolic use. In

Gottfried's Tristan, for example, Tristan's coat of arms in• cludes the figure of a boar, chosen, Gottfried says, because of its mettle for fighting, its courage. The boar figures some• what later in a dream of Marjodoc: a boar rushes into the king's bedchamber and fouls the linen, a situation very like that in the palace because of the love affair between Tristan and the queen. Even without drawing on further associations 80 with this particular animal, Gottfried succeeds in drawing two episodes together by the use of the Wappen figure. His choice further fleshes out aspects of Tristan's nature and fate.

Although the boar appears as Tristan's shield figure, his helmet decoration is the figure of love's dart, aptly referred to by Gottfried as the foreteller of love, der minnen wisaginne

(Trist. 6595).

Gahmuret wears two separate coats of arms at different times during his life. The first he adopts shortly after his father's death:

der herre pflac mit gernden siten uf sine kovertiure gesniten anker lieht hermin: da nach muos ouch daz ander sin, ufme schilt und an der wat. (Parz. 14, 15-19)

The anchor is an excellent choice for a knight leading the sort of life Gahmuret wants to lead. On a very simple level, an anchor is connected to ships and sea travel, the very sort of travel that leads a knight to fantastic adventures in unknown lands. Gahmuret expresses his desire to travel to his brother;

"ich wil keren in diu lant./ich han ouch e ein teil gevarn

(Parz. 8, 8-9). Although the anchor suggests a settling down,

Wolfram remarks that Gahmuret's anchor emphasizes the fact that he did not settle:

sin anker heten niht bekort ganzes lands noch landes ort, dane warn si ninder in geslagen: der herre muose fiirbaz tragen disen wapenlichen last in manegiu lant, der werde gast, Nach dem anker disiu mal, 81

wand er deheiner slahte twal

hete ninder noch gebite. (Parz. 14, 29-15, 7)

Although the immediate reaction called forth by the use of the

anchor is its relationship to travel, one should certainly not

overlook a further symbolic use traditionally assigned to the

anchor. The Church had used it as a symbol of the virtue of hope, usage which dates back as far as the early Church. Hope

is characterized as an anchor by Saint Paul: That, by two immutable things in which it is im• possible for God to lie, we may have the strongest comfort, we who have fled for refuge to hold fast the hope set before us, which we have as an anchor of the soul, sure and firm, and which entereth in even within the veil.99

Gahmuret is described as one with high aspirations, gernden siten, and he attempts to put into words the feeling that drives him to leave the security that his brother willingly offers him for the unsure life that his travels will bring him:

min herze iedoch nach hoehe strebet : ine weiz war umbez alsus lebet, daz mir swillet sus min winster brust. owe war jaget mich min gelust? ich solz versuochen, ob ich mac. (Parz. 9, .23-27)

Gahmuret's high hopes and aspirations are reflected in his choice of the anchor of travel, the anchor of hope, as well as in his choice of green clothing, a color long associated with hope because of its presence in nature's life and rebirth.

When Gahmuret learns of his brother's death, he speaks of his anchor in its function as a symbol, "wie hat nu mins ankers ort/in riwe ergriffen landes habe!" (Parz. 92, 12-13). 82

He immediately stops wearing it and exchanges, his anchor for his father's symbol, explaining that his own sign no longer suits him:

ich sol mins vater wapen tragn: sin lant min anker hat beslagn. der anker ist ein recken zil: den trage und nem nu swer der wil. (Parz. 99, 13-16)

Both his aspirations to glory and his desire to travel for adventure are changed by the death of Galoes. Gahmuret has gained lands and wealth at home; the inheritance of familial land brings about responsibility and Gahmuret can no longer lead a carefree wandering existence. His acceptance of the responsibilities to his house is indicated by his willing acceptance of the house coat of arms and the disposal of his own. The anchor is the fitting sign for a recke, a wandering knight, an adventurer, less fitting for a ritter, and the panther, Gandin's emblem, is now sewn to Gahmuret's clothing.

When Orilus and Parzival fight, Wolfram mentions the figure on Orilus' shield, a dragon with ruby eyes. Orilus has shown himself to be a thoroughly unsavory character by this time: not only is his treatment of Jeschute needlessly cruel, he is also the knight who killed Galoes and Schionatulander.

It is easy, then, to read into his emblem the representation of evil. Biblically, dragons signify the devil, "And that great dragon was cast out, that old serpent, who is called the devil and Satan, who seduceth the whole world. "x®x Satan 102 took on the form of a serpent to tempt Eve and bring about the fall of man. Orilus' emblem is open to a deeper interpre- tation than this simple level of animal symbolism, however.

Parzival's hereditary coat of arms is the panther, whose sole 103 enemy xs the dragon, and even though he never wears it in the course of the narrative, the fight with Orilus brings out familial ties, and Parzival's heritage is certainly important in this context. Orilus and Lahelin are brothers, and both wear the dragon figure; it is by the emblem that Cunneware recognizes the presence of her brother even though she does not know which one:

bi den trachen ufem kursit erkande sin wol, wan ein strit: si sprach ' du bist der bruoder mm, Orilus, od Lahelin...' (Parz. 275, 21-24) Parzival's defeat of Orilus is in some respects a means of 104 avenging his family upon Lahelin. In fact, the kingdom Orilus offers as ransom is one of Parzival's own hereditary 105 lands, taken from him by Lahelin: 'min leben kouf ich schone. in zwein landen krone treit gewaldecliche min bruoder, der ist riche: der nim dir swederz du wellest daz du mich tot niht vellest...' (Parz. 266, 21-26)

Parzival does not appear to recognize this fact. In any case, his vengeance is gained unintentionally: his goal is to remedy Jeschute's miserable situation, not to regain his own lost property or win any other material goods.

Unlike the animal of his hereditary emblem, Parzival cannot conquer Orilus by breathing in his face: Orilus defends himself well. This does not, however, destroy the 84 validity of the emblematic and hereditary associations.

Parzival is fighting for "good" but he is not himself wholly good. That designation belongs to Christ who is ultimately represented by the panther. Similarly, Orilus is not wholly evil; his dragon merely underlines his evil aspects. The prominence of the dragon emblem during this fight recalls

Parzival's bravado during his first meeting with Jeschute:

'...ich bestiiende in doch durch aventiur, ob sin Stem gaebe fiur,

als eines wilden trachen.' (Parz. 137, 17-19)

The Wappen of the templars who serve the Grail bears the figure of a turtledove, an animal that represents a non- aggressive life, virtue, triuwe, and chastity. The Bestiary gives it the following description: It is truly believed that when a turtle-dove is widowed by the loss of her spouse, she takes a dread against the marriage bed and against the very name of matrimony. For the first love has deceived her by the death of her darling one, since he has now become unfaithful for ever, she grows bitter about love itself—which pro• duces more sorrow out of death than sweetness out of loving. So she refuses to repeat the experience, nor does she break the bonds of chastity or forget the rights of her wedded husband. She keeps her love for him alone, for him she guards the name of wife.1^6

The turtledove shows triuwe because she remains faithful throughout her entire life to her one mate, refusing to take a new mate even long after his death. Medieval man considered this type of faithfulness to be the most difficult to exhibit, especially considering the social fact that a woman had no legal protection after the death of her husband and needed to take a new husband immediately. The templars exhibit similar fidelity and chastity, only instead of remaining true to a mate, they serve an ideal and take no human mate at all; the Church is their one lovev. Trevrizent tells Parzival that the templars seek adventure "for their sins":

durch aventiur die alle mal ritent manege reise: die selben templeise, swa si kumbr od pris bejagent, fur ir sunde si daz tragent. (Parz. 468, 26-30)

This is more meant in the sense of a life-long attempt to atone for the humanly sinful condition rather than in expiation for any specific sin, as the continuation of Trevrizent's in• struction points out: vor siindebaeren schanden sint si immer mer behuot, und wirt ir l&n ze himel guot. (Parz. 471, 10-12)

The Wappen figure was assigned to the Templars by Amfortas, according to Trevrizent (Parz. 474, 2-8). Oddly enough, it is

TAmfortas who fails to live up to the values represented by the insignia in his fighting for "love."

Wolfram uses both Belakahe and Sigune as human examples of the ideals of the turtledove. Belakane the heathen remains true to her departed mate and is likened by Wolfram to the turtledove specifically because of her fidelity: ir freude vant den diirren zwic, als noch diu turteltube tuot. diu het ie den selben muot: swenne ir an trutscheft gebrast, ir triwe kos den diirren ast. (Parz. 57, 10-14) 86

Belakane is connected to the Grail community in an indirect

manner, for her son Feirefiz marries Repanse, one of the Grail

maidens. Wolfram does not refer to Sigune as a turtledove in

so many words, but all her actions correspond to the image of

this faithful bird, even to the extent of choosing den durrerf1

ast. She is widowed though never married, and her faithful•

ness to her lover even after his death rivals many a mate's

fidelity during lifetime. At one point, Parzival even finds

Sigune sitting in a linden tree just like the bird on the withered branch, "vor im uf einer linden saz/ein magt, der

fuogte ir triwe not" (Parz. 249, 14-15). The use of Sigune as

a turtledove figure has not been stressed by critics when dis•

cussing this scene. Julius Schwietering sees Wolfram drawing

upon facets of hermits' existence:

So ligt die vermutung nahe, dass Wolfram auch in dieser scene eine ganz bestimmte form des eremiten- daseins vorschwebte, das er dann zu fortschreitender lauterung der biissenden zum klausnertum steigerte. Wolfram schopfte diese vorstellung, iiber deren einzelheiten er keine rechenschaft gibt, diesmal nicht aus der wiirklichkeit sondern aus der legende, von deren stimmung die erzahlung von Sigune ganz durchdrungen ist. 10 8 He also points out the existence of Baumheiligen and the use 109 of the tree figure as a fairy tale motif. In a later work he refers to this scene as an early form of the Pieta represen•

tation. This second interpretation has become the most popular, but Konrad Burdach has suggested that the turtledove figure at

least deserves consideration: Liegt der beruhmten Szene im Parzival, die Sigune auf der Linde mit dem toten Brautigam 87

zeigt, die typische Pieta zu Grunde, wie schon vor vielen Jahren Wilmanns in seinen Vorlesungen ausgesprochen hat, so verdient diese tJberein- ^stimmung voile Aufmerksamkeit, und die Moglich- keit eines Zusammenhangs mit der Zweigsymbolik der Turteltaubenallegorie ist mindestens in Er- w'agung zu Ziehen.10

In light of Wolfram's use of the Wappen figure, this suggestion

is more likely than those arising from saints' legends and early

artistic representations, although Wolfram need not have

limited himself to merely one image. Sigune's connection to

the Grail community is more direct than Belakane's for she is

herself born into the Grail family, the great-granddaughter of

Titurel and the niece of Herzeloyde. She is served by the Grail

in that it provides her with food which is brought to her by

Cundrie, and she remains throughout the narrative an emblem of

fidelity of the highest order.

These two characters are shown by Wolfram to emphasize the

traits of the turtledove in order to call attention to the

qualities demanded of the Templars in their service of the

Grail. They must direct all their energy to the service of

one ideal alone, just as Sigune and Belakane direct their energy

to the thoughts of their lovers.

Feirefiz' helmet is adorned with the figure of a weasel which he bears durch prises Ion (Parz. 736, 9). This animal, 111 as Wolfram explains, is the enemy of poisonous snakes:

swelhe wurm sint eiterhaft, von des selben tierlines kraft hant si lebens decheine vrist, swenn ez von in ersmecket ist. (Parz. 736, 11-14) 88

This figure signifies the innate goodness of this heathen man.

Snakes represent evil in Christian society because of the con•

nection of serpents with the devil in the temptation of man.

Feirefiz, even though himself not a Christian, exemplifies

Christian ideals in his knighthood and is an enemy to evil, so much so that he wins praise from Cundrie at the same time that

she denounces Parzival. Feirefiz also distinguishes himself

by marrying into the Grail family, an act which is reminiscent of Gahmuret's marrying Herzeloyde.

Feirefiz calls himself the Angevin, after his father, al•

though he does not wear the panther that belonged to his father's family. He could scarcely have known of this emblem, since

Gahmuret did not himself adopt it until he became heir to the family's lands, some time after his desertion of Belakane.

In any case, the similarity of panthers and weasels is interest• ing: both are enemies of serpents, the weasel being the bane of any poisonous snake and the panther being the enemy of the dragon. If more can be read into Gahmuret's epitaph than the customary praise of a dead knight, then his own conquering of evil is bequeathed to both sons, "er hete der valscheit an gesigt" (Parz. 108, 27).

It has already been suggested that it is not a great step from showing actual bodily protection by means of armor to indicating emotional protection. The removal of the helmet to indicate surety is just one of these indications: by the removal of a physical barrier a knight shows the removal of a mental barrier. This action indicates trust: the removal of 89

the actual barrier which had existed between a knight and his counterpart leaves his body without defense against the con•

sequences of misplaced trust. The emotional connotations of helmet removal suggest a further significance of armor. The knight, enclosed in his armor, was effectively cut off from physical contact with others, and, by extension, from emotional contact. Armor functions as an effective barrier to

love.

This somewhat unusual view of the armored knight is sup• ported by the entire tradition of courtly love. A knight's duty is to serve his lady with hope for a reward, but no expectation of one. Traditionally a knight is consumed with

longing for his lady who does not even notice him, so to speak.

Armor is frequently used poetically to show the gulf which exists between the knight and the lady, especially in the knight's dilemma in trying to serve two separate masters, his knightly goals and his lady, should these conflict, as they

sometimes do. In a poem written by Der von Kurenberg, for example, a knight calls for his armor so that he can leave the

land and the lady who would force him to love where he would not:

Nu brine mir her vii balde min ros, min isengwant, wan ich muoz einer frouwen rumen diu lant. diu wil mich des betwingen daz ich ir holt si. si muoz der miner minne iemer darbende sin.x±2

This verse, which is not, of course, the conventional Minnesang tradition, shows a horse and armor representing a life that lies between:the knight and the lady, a calling that he uses to 90 his advantage to leave when his freedom is put into jeopardy.

Similar conventions are used in Crusading songs: a knight is torn between his calling to go on a Crusade and his love for his lady which makes him want to remain at home. Armor here is not mentioned, although occasionally the Wappen of the crusading knight, the cross, is pitted against the lady.

Courtly love conventions are gleaned from Minnesang, but they have their place in narrative poetry as well. Wolfram has created situations which, taken together, yield a picture of the good, bad, and humorous aspects of courtly love con• ventions. Relationships between Gawain and Obilot and

Parzival and Cunneware exist within these conventions and illustrate fruitful and uplifting acquaintanceships, but

Belakane, Obie, and Sigune all uphold the convention of the non- yielding lady with tragic results. Wolfram even pokes fun at courtly convention in Gawain's meeting with Antikonie.

Wolfram, being heir to these traditions, recognized the symbolic potential of armor in illustrating the complexities of the male-female relationship. For example, Gahmuret is not

Belakane's first suitor: her love was sought by Isenhart who died in her service. She explains that she was slow in grant• ing his wishes and that she wanted to test his love:

dem helde erwarp min magetuom an riterschefte manegen ruom. do versuocht i'n, ober kunde sin ein friunt. daz wart vii balde schin. er gap durh mich sin harnas enwec, daz als ein palas dort stet (daz ist ein hoch gezelt: daz brahten Schotten uf diz velt). (Parz. 27, 11-18) 91

For her sake, as a part of the "test," Isenhart disposes of

his armor. This can be viewed as a sign of his bravery, but

since it is really much more foolhardy than brave, this act is

likely an attempt to prove that he is really accessible to

love. Belakane states that she was testing him to see if he

could be her friunt, that is her lover, not her knight.

Belakane feels justified in demanding that he appear to her as

a man and not as a knight. She does not want his knightly

service with all its iron-clad conventions, as bound up in

tradition as the knight is in his suit of mail. Of course

Isenhart, being without his armor, is easily slain, and his men

accuse Belakane of his death. She is guilty in a way, for her

demands drive Isenhart to excess: because of his love for her he fails to adhere to the responsibilities of his knightly

calling, rather than finding in her love an impetus to knightly 113 perfection. Belakane wants him to be just a man to her.

She can love a man where she cannot love an iron suit, but he cannot leave knighthood totally and his life ceases to have meaning for him because of the conflict in his mind that plays his chosen love against his chosen career, "des lebens in da nctch verdroz,/mange aventiure suohter bloz" (Parz. 27, 21-22).

Isenhart attempts to combine two phases of life that should not be combined because their specific demands upon his body are mutually exclusive. He rides out seeking adventures as a knight should, but he follows strictly the demands of love, leaving his body undefended, and he dies. Belakane feels pain but no real guilt at having caused his death, even though Isenhart's men blame her for it, just as Sigune feels no real guilt at having been the indirect cause of the death of her lover. Both women are in a similar situa• tion in this one respect: both have made demands of their lovers, demands which ultimately resulted in their deaths. But to consider them wholly guilty of these deaths is to consider

Isenhart and Schionatulander as men with no free will. In both cases the men , chose to carry out the desires of their ladies.

In fact Belakane's wish was for Isenhart to leave knightly pursuits. He combined them of his own accord.

Belakane's situation after the death of Isenhart offers some interesting points. It is important that she does not make similar demands upon Gahmuret. Wolfram allows his characters to learn from the mistakes of others: Herzeloyde does not prevent Gahmuret from fighting in one tournament a month, having been warned by Gahmuret that Belakane's attempt to hold him home caused his departure:

der frouwen huote mich uf pant, daz ich niht riterschefte vant: do wande ich daz mich rlterschaft naem von ungemuetes kraft. (Parz. 90, 29-91, 2)

The truth of this warning is questionable. Wolfram mentions no such behavior on the part of Belakane but suggests

Gahmuret's restlessness results from his own inability to find activity, "daz er niht riterschefte vant,/des was sin freude sorgen phant" (Parz. 54, 19-20). Wolfram makes it clear that 93

Gahmuret would not have given into such a ridiculous demand as

Belakane made of Isenhart:

man bant von im den adamas, niwan durch des windes luft, und anders durch decheinen guft. (Parz. 75, 26-28)

Although Isenhart is not specifically mentioned, his action

is obviously in the poet's mind, guft—utter foolishness.

The image of armor acting as a barrier to love is to be

seen in the Gahmuret/Ampflise episode as well. After leaving

Belakane for the sake of knightly adventure, Gahmuret is

placed in the awkward position of having two queens quarrelling

for his affection, each claiming a legal right to him. One of

them is Herzeloyde, who has the better claim, the other Ampflise, the queen of France and a childhood companion of 114

Gahmuret. During the tournament at Kanvoleis, a letter is

brought to Gahmuret from the French queen. He had already had

his head uncovered for him because of the heat, an act that will

later be repeated, again because of heat, and will cause his

death. The reader has already been informed that Ampflise's

love had often brought Gahmuret into pain or danger: Nu was ouch rois de Franze tot, des wip in dicke in groze not brahte mit ir minne... (Parz. 69, 29-70, 1)

She appears at this point also in connection with danger,

danger not of her own making, however, but existing as a fore•

shadowing of the conditions of Gahmuret's death. He reads her

letter while he is partially unarmed, and when the hooded

part of his hauberk is removed from his head, Wolfram remarks upon his red mouth, "man stroufte im ab sin harsenier:/sin

munt was rot unde fier" (Parz. 75, 29-30). Thus once his armor

is partially removed Gahmuret presents the image of a lover,

no longer of a knight. He reads the letter which saddens him

for Ampflise writes of her pain in loving him. Yet once

Gahmuret finishes the letter, he is re-armed:

sin harsnier eins knappen hant wider uf sin houbet z6ch. Gahmureten truren flSch. (Parz. 77, 20-22)

His sadness dissolves as soon as his armor has been drawn

back onto his head. He is well practiced at shrouding himself

in his knighthood and thereby avoiding grief. In fact, the

only time Gahmuret willingly ceases knightly activity because

of grief is upon learning of the death of his brother (Parz.

80, 19-22). He steals away from Belakane for the sake of

knightly adventure, he protects himself from Ampflise's grief

and love, and he even attempts to convince Herzeloyde that he

is not a fit object for love, "kert minne da diu freude si:/ wan mir wont niht wan jamer bi" (Parz. 95, 9-10). This statement

is more than the plea of a would-be bachelor. Gahmuret

realizes subconsciously that knighthood and love are ill-joined

in him, perhaps even that within his armor lie the seeds of

death. Since his knighthood ultimately leads to death, an

intrusion by love can produce only sorrow.

The same image of armor blocking the power of love is

pursued in a lighter manner with Orgeluse, the proud lady whom

Gawain loves. When her attitude towards him changes from one 95 of cold disdain to sincere regard, Gawain, fired with passion, begs for the genade that is his proper reward for service.

Orgeluse, however, is not so willing:

si sprach 'an gisertem arm bin ich selten worden warm, da gein ich niht wil striten, irn megt wol zandern ziten diens Ion an mir bejagn...1' (Parz. 615, 3-7)

Love is described as "becoming warm on another's arm"; Wolfram uses this same phrase in reference to Parzival and Liaze:

bi sime herzen kumber lac anders niht wan umbe daz: er wolt e gestriten baz, e daz er dar an wurde warm, daz man ,d& heizet frouwen arm. (Parz. 176, 30-177, 4)

Orgeluse's reply indicates that she is not against bestowing her favors upon Gawain at some later date. But at this time, the sight of his armor prevents her passion from reaching the level of his. Her remark about never having been warmed by an ironclad arm is indeed a succinct expression of the rela• tionship between the lady and the armored knight. Between the two of them stands an entire literary tradition based upon the demand that the two not touch physically, and where the demands of hohe minne are broken, guilt at having broken the rules of the game sets in to divide the two further. It is sheer irony, though, that it is a knightly deed that is needed to break Orgeluse's icy exterior. Only combat with Gramoflanz, slayer of her lover Cidegast, can bring her to love any man.

For this reason she sends Gawain to pluck a wreath from

Gramoflanz' tree, hoping to incite the conflict, and her promise 96 of a reward is quite specifically one of physical love:

si sprach 1ir suit mir einen kranz von eines bournes rise gewinn, dar umbe ich prise iwer tat, welt ir michs wern:

so muget ir miner minne gem. 1 (Parz. 600, 20-24)

The situation has the marks of courtly love in all its tradi•

tion. The wreath is a sign of the physical reward and is

certainly meant as a marriage wreath. By breaking it from the

tree, Gawain is promising the ultimate in service to Orgeluse

and further guarantees knightly service in fighting Gramoflanz.

By fulfilling all these qualifications, Gawain is permitted to

hope for a reward which Wolfram, at least, believes he de•

serves (Parz. 601, 17-19). But Orgeluse is using Gawain to

achieve a vengeance of which she is personally incapable.

This would be acceptable only if she were honest with Gawain

from the beginning; instead she baits him with the request for

slight tasks and promises of favor. Her attitude towards Gawain

changes remarkably once he has arranged to do combat, as she

had hoped would happen: "... fur war mir iwer arbeit fueget solich herzeleit, diu enpfahen sol getriwez wip " umb ir lieben f riundes lip.1 (Parz. 611, 27-30)

Here she refers to Gawain as her friunt, her lover, a word which has much more overt physical overtones than her earlier

promise, a term used by Belakane in describing her testing of

Isenhart. Orgeluse really is warmed, mentally if not physi•

cally, an gisertem arm, but Gawain has finally felt the full

impact of her collected insults and he is offended, not because she has insulted him as a man, but because she has insulted knighthood itself with her deceptive tricks:

ob der schilt sin reht sol han, an dem h£t ir missetan. des schildes ambet ist s,6 hoch, daz er von spotte ie sich gezoch, swer riterschaft ze rehte pflac. frouwe, ob ich so sprechen mac, swer mich derbi hat gesehn, der muoz mir riterschefte jehn. etswenne irs anders jahet, sit ir mich erest sahet. daz lclz ich sin: nemt hin den kranz. ir suit durch iwer varwe glanz neheime riter mere erbieten solh unere. (Parz. 612, 5-18)

These are extremely strong words for Gawain to use towards his lady love, and justifiable only in light of her low treatment of knighthood. Gawain uses the figure of the shield rhetor- 115 ically to represent knighthood, a device used earlier by the poet in describing his own occupation (Parz. 115, 11). Gawain's armor, that is to say his knightly calling, prevents him and

Orgeluse from beginning their relationship on a sincere and honest basis. She takes advantage of him because of it, while he takes offense for its sake. It is not surprising that

Gawain's armor exists as an early barrier to a deeper, more mature love relationship, and the two must alter their precon• ceptions about the significance of armor before they can be united successfully.

Love is not the only type of interpersonal contact that armor symbolically prevents. In much the same way that chain mail insulates a knight from love, it can also shield him from friendship or distrust, or work to lock in hatred or distrust. 98

One need only recall the gesture used to establish surety—the removal of the helmet, showing that a knight is willing to establish closer contact with another knight.

The concept of Gastfreundschaft was important to the Middle

Ages and was strictly held. Kingrimursel1s refusal to remove his armor upon his arrival at Arthur's court is a serious breach of etiquette and indicates a refusal to accept Arthur's hospitality as well as a complete lack of trust on the part of 116 the armored knight. He is not accusing Arthur or any of his court except Gawain of treachery: he greets them in the established form. Yet he wishes no personal contact with them either, certainly not the contact involved in the acceptance of hospitality. Kingrimursel is grieving for the death of his lord, slain by Gawain, and he keeps locked within himself his sorrow and bitter hatred of Gawain. Removing his armor in acceptance of the hospitality of the court would not only bring about a profound alteration in his attitude—he would be faced with having accepted hospitality from Gawain as a part of the court—but also diffuse and defuse the hatred that is all the stronger for beingeconcentrated within the confines of his iron suit. He is bound by custom to avenge his lord and cannot do so without hatred and bitterness as an incitement. He specifically excludes Gawain from even his formal greeting of the court: swaz ich der hie gesehen han, den biut ich dienstlichen gruoz. wan einem tuot min dienst buoz^ dem wirt min dienst nimmer schin. ich wil bi sime hazze sin: swaz hazzes er geleisten mac,

min haz im biutet hazzes slac. (Parz. 320, 24-30) Because armor is so literally connected to a knight's life, it is not surprising to find a knight referring to his armor in terms of life and existence, or to find a facet of armor playing a key role in a life/death situation. The diamond helmet is among the articles of Isenhart's knightly equipment which are eventually given to Gahmuret:

der helm, von arde ein adamas dicke unde herte, ame strife ein guot geverte. (Parz. 53, 4-6)--

This helmet, itself a good companion in strife, is formed of a substance which represents qualities that mark good fighting companions and gives its wearer fortitude, "wer in tregt den sterkt er gegen seinem veint" (Buch der Natur VI, 3). The diamond is extremely hard, but its nature can be destroyed by goat's blood, "der adamas lat sich prechen an pockspluot"

(Buch der Natur VI, 3).117

The significance of Gahmuret's helmet is seen both in its material and in the use made of it, the fashioning of a helmet.

The significance of removing a helmet for surety has already been suggested; there is also significance in the two times

Gahmuret removes his helmet to cool off. The first time the helmet is taken off him durch windes luft, for the sake of the breeze. It is at this point that Gahmuret reads Ampflise's letter. The situation, however, is controlled from outside:

Gahmuret's helmet is removed from him, but it is also put back on him: 100

sin harsnier eins knappen hant wider uf sin houbet z6ch. Gahmureten truren fl6ch. man bant im uf den adamas, der dicke unde herte was: "i 118 er wolt sich arbeiten. (Parz. 77, 20-25)

The control of the situation enables the diamond to win in the 119 elemental conflict of fortitude and passion. This aspect of external control is absent the second time the helmet is removed, "sin harsenier von im er zoch:/des twanc in starkiu hitze (Parz. 105, 14-15). This time the helmet is taken off—by

Gahmuret himself obviously, since no squire is mentioned—for the sake of hitze, a word signifying passion as well as tempera• ture. The act is a negative rather than a positive one: at

Kanvoleis, Gahmuret had sought something (the air); here, his intent is to remedy a situation by ridding himself of something, letting the heat escape. It is this elemental lapse that allows the treacherous act of the heathen to take place. The conflict between fortitude and unbridled passion, illustrated so well in the destruction of the diamond by the hot blood, is already present in the participants in this scene, Gahmuret and his knighthood.

Passion is harmless as long as it is contained. The tragedy of Gahmuret's life is found in his inability to exer• cise maze. His warning to Herzeloyde that there is no joy to be found in loving him is especially apt in this context: his unbridled devotion to knighthood can only bring pain to those who love him for they must always have a secondary importance in his heart. 101

At Gahmuret's death, his helmet undergoes an alteration

in significance. It is engraved with his epitaph and

fastened to the emerald cross above his grave. Its failure,

that is, the failure of "fortitude" to accompany him into

battle, is a cause of death, so this grave marker shows cause

of death as well as the life style that led to it. The proxim•

ity of the helmet to the cross is important. Knighthood is a

Christian way of life—even though Gahmuret's service to the

Baruch hardly illustrates this—and its symbol above Gahmuret's

grave is blessed by the cross. More importantly, however:

just as Christ's entire life was a progress to the cross and

fulfillment of fate, Gahmuret's entire knightly career is an

inexorable progress towards fulfillment of his own fate.

Green is Gahmuret's color throughout the narrative, chosen by him at the same time as he adopts the anchor as the symbol

in his Wappen:

noch griiener denne ein smarat was gepriievet sin gereite gar, und nach dem achmardi var. daz ist ein sidin lachen: dar uz hiez er im machen wapenroc und kursit: ez ist bezzer denne der samit. (Parz. 14, 20-26)

The green of Gahmuret's clothing and riding gear intensifies the significance of the anchor sewn upon his surcoat, for both are traditional Christian symbols of hope, a virtue that has already been suggested in connection with Gahmuret's gernden siten. In the Church, green is used for services on

Pentecost, a time commemorating the spiritual rebirth of the Apostles and the actual birth of the Christian church.

Furthermore, Gahmuret's line produces a perfect secular knight

in Feirefiz and the Grail king, Parzival, new life in sons who fulfill the line of the father. In addition to this col•

lection of images, it should also be recalled that green is

certainly "elemental." As a color it illustrates a closeness

to things of the earth. If any one personal quality of Gahmuret 120 is memorable, it is certainly his sensual, earthy nature. 121

There is no question that Ither's armor itself is red

and not merely his surcoat and other fabric appointments, and

Wolfram lists one by one the red items he wears, his harnasch, here meaning specifically the parts made out of chain mail, his giigerel, covertiur, kursit, as well as shield and sword

(Parz. 145, 17ff). Wolfram places a great deal of emphasis on

this colored armor, and it becomes a means of identification of its wearer. Its redness first calls attention to Ither, who suits his armor so well that even his hair is red. The description is a marvelous narrative feature that makes the

audience notice Ither, who does come to occupy an important

ethical position in the narrative later because of Parzival's murder of him.

The very fact that Ither's armor is colored suggests young

Parzival's fundamental difficulty in distinguishing between what is properly courtly and what is properly religious:

this is the one suit of armor that does not completely fulfill

Herzeloyde's description of God. But the red of the armor is well chosen: red, the color of blood, is used by the Church to 103 commemorate martyrs. It suits Ither who is killed for the sake of his armor as well as Parzival, who kills for it. It also serves to indicate fervor, apt in light of Parzival's long search for the Grail and total faithfulness to Gondwiramurs.

As Peter Wapnewski explains, "Rot ist die Farbe des lebendigen 122

Diesseits, seines Glanzes wie seiner Sundhaftigkeit."

When Parzival rides away from Gurnemanz, dressed in his red armor and in possession of the proper knightly skills to

suit it, his view of his surroundings is considerably changed as a consequence of what has happened to him:

im was diu wite zenge, und ouch diu breite gar ze smal: elliu gruene in duhte val, sin rot harnasch in duhte blanc: sin herze d'ougen des bedwanc. sit er tumpheit ane wart, done wolt in Gahmuretes art denkens niht erlazen nach der schoenen IViazen, der meide saelden riche, diu im gesellecliche sunder minn bot ere. (Parz. 179, 18-29) Parzival's reaction is brought about by his heart, his heritage from Gahmuret. His world is colored by his first youthful experience with love and everything looks different to him.

There is a deliberate irony in this description, however, that suggests a deeper significance to Parzival's reaction than the results of love. After Parzival has confessed his great

failing to Trevrizent, that he is that unsaelec barn (Parz. 488,

19) who failed to ask the question, Trevrizent offers him some comfort: diu menscheit hlit wilden art. etswa wil jugent an witze vart: 104

wil dennez alter tumpheit ueben unde luter site triieben, da von wirt daz wlze sal unt diu grviene tugent val, da von bekliben mohte daz der werdekeit tohte. (Parz. 489, 5-12)

Trevrizent's speech repeats two elements of Wolfram's earlier

description of Parzival: the transformation of gruene to val and

the existence of tumpheit. The exhibiting of stupidity by those who should know better (alter as opposed to jugent) brings about

this transformation, the fading of what was once fresh and

green. Wolfram's irony is apparent here: Parzival cannot for•

get Liaze sit er tumpheit ane wart; but in reality, the only

stupidity Gurnemanz has exorcised from him is that which clouds

Gahmuretes art. The reaction of the love-sick boy is indeed

humorous, yet it conceals the shadow of an impending tragedy.

The momentary whitening of the armor, like the change of

scenery, is an illusion, a trick that conceals and perverts

reality. It is a prelude to Parzival's perversion of reality

that allows him to forsake his inborn tendencies and mistake the superficial aspects of Gurnemanz* teachings for their real 123

import.

Helmet decorations are similar to Wappen in that they

generally consist of the main figure of a knight's coat of

arms, attached to the top of his helmet. Frequently, however,

they exist as purely decorative features of armor. Feathers

are very popular as zimier and appear often in Parzival.

Gahmuret wears his anchor as zimier, "sinen anker uf dem helme 105 hoch/man gein der porte fueren sach" (Parz. 36, 16-17).

Later, after he acquires Isenhart's diamond helmet, he trans•

fers his own helmet decoration to it (Parz. 70,. 20-26).

Banners are used by the Church in representations of the

Resurrection, therefore they are to be taken as signs of victory, of the individual or of the Christian "army" as a whole. After Isenhart1s death, his men adopt an emblem which

they attach to a banner to show their animosity to Belakane.

Their emblem shows a knight stabbed through, which is meant

to represent Isenhart in his death. This they display to

advertise the fact that they blame Belakane for his death and

that they mean to extract vengeance for it. Belakane's people, on the other hand, choose a banner to "defend" themselves against the accusations of Isenhart's men:

unser vanen sint erkant, das zw^ne vinger #z der hant biutet gein dem eide, irn geschaehe nie so leide wan sit daz Isenhart lac tot (miner frouwen frumt er herzenot), sus stit diu kiinegin gemal, frou Belakane, sunder twa.1 in einen blanken samit gesniten von swarzer varwe sit daz wir diu wSpen kuren an in (in triwe an jamer hcit gewin) : die steckent ob den porten hoch. (Parz. 31, 1-13)

There is nothing difficult in either of these banners, meant

as they are to accuse and defend by symbols, both intention•

ally unambiguous. Isenhart's men show that they are driven by thoughts of their lord's death; Belakane's men show that

they believe that their lady upheld her oath and remained faith•

ful to Isenhart and is innocent of his death. The banner flown 106 by Isenhart's men is described merely as being bright, ein~ liehter van (Parz. 30, 25), the bright color meant to be eye• catching. That flown by Belakane's people is black on white, diametrically opposed colors calling to mind the underlying conflict between the desires and lifestyles of a knight and his

lady. The black of her figure is also the color of her skin and so an accurate symbolic representation. Black is also the Western color of mourning, and Belakane mourns for Isenhart and for his untimely death:

daz klag ich noch, vii armez wip: ir beder tot mich immer miiet.

uf miner triwe jamer bluet. (Parz. 28, 6-f8)

Cidegast, Orgeluse's lover who was slain by Gramoflanz, is

another knight whose passing is mourned by use of a banner.

Arthur himself describes it, a black arrow splashed with red,

the blood of a heart: diu banier hat enpfangen von zoble ein swarze strale mit herzen bluotes male nach mannes kumber gevar. (Parz. 673, 14-17)

Because armor during the Middle Ages was accepted as evi•

dence of the knightly status of the bearer and accompanied the knightly calling, a prestigious and regulated style of life,

armor too came to be closely regulated, with not only a

series of recommendations for the best possible mode of con•

struction but also of the etiquette that governed the actions of a knight towards his own armor and that of other knights.

Most precepts of etiquette incumbent upon the medieval knight

are to be gleaned from the literature rather than to be found in non-fictional works of the period. As may well be expected, narratives dealing in any length with the enfance of the hero

stress proper behavior, seen by the reader in the education

of the hero as well as in the reactions of other characters when an offense has been committed. Occasionally even the mention of a certain act is sufficient to brand it as an

offense against etiquette, assuming that only something unusual

is worthy of mention, the normal actions being expected both by

characters as well as by the audience. The reason for the

stress laid upon proper behavior to a suit of armor is to be

found in the symbolic value of the garment. If it were only a

suit of mail clothing, there would be no need to accord it any

respect. But the armor is the knight, it represents his life,

his calling, even his personality. To be disrespectful to a

knight's armor is to show that same disrespect to the knight

himself. Similarly, a knight wearing his armor is a sign of

all armored knights, and any act that shows an element of dis•

respect, of rebellion, or of generally uncourtly behavior

brings dishonor upon the entire knightly fraternity.

Although most elements of armor etiquette are not speci•

fically mentioned as such in Parzival, Wolfram indicates offenses

against acceptable behavior by allowing some character or

characters to take notice of what is happening, thereby calling

the reader's attention to the act. It is not usual behavior for

a knight to wear his armor during the celebration of the Mass,

for example. Even in heathen lands, Gahmuret takes along his

own private chaplain and observes this custom, drawing on his 108 armor only after the Mass has finished. Gawain too attends

Mass before he is to ride out to meet Gramoflanz, but though he leaves off the bulk of his armor, the others who are present at the service notice that he is already wearing his

iron leg coverings:

do der benditz wart getan, do wapent sich her GawSn: man sah £ tragen den stolzen sin iserine kolzen an wol geschichten beinen. do begunden frouwen weinen. (Parz. 705, 9-14)

Since this is the only garment Wolfram chooses to mention at

this point, it is as conspicuous a feature to the reader as it

is to Arthur's company, and the effect of this article of 125

clothing upon the ladies is not lost.

The absence of armor during the Mass is in no way to be seen

as an indication that knightly service is divorced from the

spiritual realm, but is directed at maintaining the attention of

the worshippers to the service. Gawain's armored legs are enough

of a distraction to bring tears to the eyes of the ladies present, who are thereby reminded that he is going out to fight

Gramoflanz and who allow their thoughts to dwell upon this

rather than upon the service. In a way the armored knight is

competing with God in his bright shining glory as well as in

his deeds, doing on earth what God would do were he present in

the flesh. There is certain danger in giving one's attentions

to a knight, who can be seen, rather than to a God who cannot.

The Mass is devoted to the service of God, and is therefore one

area where the knight must not intrude upon God's privilege. 109

Wolfram refers to Gawain in this scene as den stolzen, a formulaic epithet not necessarily pejorative, and yet possibly suggestive of the sin of pride, of placing oneself before God.

It is for much the same reason, to prevent the intrusion of knighthood upon God's privilege, that fighting came to be banned on holydays as an aid to their observance and as a means of controlling warfare:

Before the tenth century had closed, in Aquitaine and Burgundy several diocesan and provincial synods had anathematized military operations on the lands of the Church and of the poor. Their decrees solemnly pronounced that non-combatants (the clergy, women, children, and peasants) should be inviolate in time of war. Such regulations, endorsed by local rulers, were collectively called the Peace of God. The movement spread, and in the early decades of the eleventh century the Peace of God was reinforced by what was called the Truce of God, according to which military operations were to cease on Sundays and other church festivals.126

Parzival violates the Truce of God if not legally then certainly morally by riding in full armor on Good Friday. That he does not realize the day simply points out how far he is from God, and the armor expresses his bitterness and resentment. Wolfram stresses the cold that Parzival feels in his armor, although

Kahenis and his family, barefoot, appear not to be as uncom• fortable. Parzival's heart, frozen as it is against God, con• trasts with the passionate love of the penitent family who are even physically warmed in their devotion. Parzival's removal of his armor as he stays with Trevrizent is a prelude to his reconciliation with God, a necessary first step to permit him 127 to be warmed in God's love. 110

The rudimentary instruction that Parzival receives in the etiquette surrounding the use of armor is begun by Iwanet, who shows him how to draw the components of a suit of chain mail onto his body and tries to point out to him that his under 12 8 clothing does not quite suit his new armor. Gurnemanz

teaches him that he should wash off the rust from his body as

soon as he has removed his armor for, "des nement wibes ougen war" (Parz. 172, 6).

Rust was always a problem with armor, especially with

chain mail which, because of its construction, was more sus•

ceptible to rust than the later plate mail: the small rings

trapped moisture and offered a greater surface area to oxidi•

zation. The large number of recesses also made it more diffi•

cult to clear away all traces of rust once it began and therefore

allowed it to gain a foothold, weakening the armor. It is a

simple act of refinement for a knight to wash away traces of

rust from his face, and this, of course, helps support the

idealization of knighthood so important in chivalrous conven•

tion. Rust suggests the hardships of combat rather than the

glory, difficulties of which a lady need not know, Wolfram's

description of Antikonie contains a humorous comment on this,

"swa harnaschramec wirt ein wip,/diu hat ir rehts vergezzen"

(Parz. 409, 12-13).

One of the more sensible acts of hospitality a host

could offer his guest—means of cleaning his armor—is little

mentioned in the narrative poetry, although Isolde orders a Ill squire to clean and polish Tristan's armor while he recovers from the effects of the dragon's tongue (Trist. 10046-54).

The washing off of rust is the only aspect of etiquette that

Gurnemanz teaches Parzival specifically, and Parzival follows it throughout his adventures.

The ancient Greeks considered a warrior's armor to be the

spoils of war, the property of the victor in combat, and this custom is reflected in their literature. This is not the case

in the literature written in Middle High German, and the

courtly epic does not consider the robbing of a corpse to be

an honorable deed. The term applied to it, reroup, has dis•

tinctly pejorative connotations, although certain conditions

are considered extenuating. This is certainly in keeping with

the importance a knight placed on his own armor: Ither

equates his armor with his life (Parz. 154, 14). A slain

knight's armor was treated with almost the veneration accorded

to the relic of a saint:

Nor did his death terminate the honours which were paid to him. The solemnity and ceremonies of his funeral, expressed his merits and the public re• grets. A monument was erected to him, and the ornaments with which it was embellished, suiting his actions and history, inspired his posterity with"a generous emulation. The sword which he had carried to battle, the shield which had defended his body, and the other articles of his dress and armour, became the objects of respect and venera• tion. The most illustrious persons courted their possession, and churches were often esteemed the only proper repositories of these attendants of his victories and valour.129 112

Because Gahmuret"s body was buried by the Baruch, the shirt he was wearing when he was slain is taken home and buried along with the spear point that slew him:

die besten uber al daz lant bestatten sper und ouch daz bluot ze munster, so man toten tuot. (Parz. Ill, 30-112, 2)

Of the two incidents of reroup that Wolfram narrates, the one in Parzival is the result of ignorance, the one in Willehalm occurs under extenuating circumstances. Wolfram was not one to trifle with so serious an offense. Parzival robs Ither's corpse because he is ignorant of chivalry and untutored in the courtly ethic: in zoch nehein curvenal: er kunde kurtosie niht, als ungevarnem man geschiht. (Parz. 144, 20-22)

It is nevertheless an offense, and he repents of it later. It is odd, however, that he is aided in removing the armor by

Iwanet, who should exhibit a closer acquaintance with the chiv- alric code. One must assume therefore that Iwanet found himself motivated by circumstances that superseded chivalry for him.

As Henry Kratz suggests:

Rather, he seems impressed by Parzival to the point of subservience, even though the latter appears in fool's garb and is ignorant of the courtly manners that Iwanet possesses. He is of the breed of loyal retainers that great men so often attract. His attraction to Parzival is a sign of the latter's future greatness.130

In any case, Parzival did have the king's permission to take the armor. CHAPTER THREE

CLOTHING ON FORMALIZED OCCASIONS

The formal knighting ceremonies which occur in so many other

Middle High German narratives are conspicuously absent in

Parzival. In Chretien's version Perceval is dubbed knight by

Gornemant:

The lord, bending over, fastened on his heel the right spur, such was the custom for him who made a knight. Many squires were present, and each, as opportunity offered, helped in the arming. The lord took the sword, girded it on the youth, kissed him, and said that with the sword he had given him the highest order that God had made and decreed—namely, the stainless order of knighthood.131

Although this ceremony is not as complicated or as formal as

most literary knighting ceremonies, it nevertheless presents

Perceval with the clear legal right to his knighthood. Wolfram

completely omits formalized knighting of Parzival and yet it

is clear that the events at Arthur's court when he takes Ither's

armor serve to make him a knight, and in many ways the untu•

tored actions of Parzival subconsciously parallel the preliminary

actions of a young squire about to become a knight.

The actual knighting ceremony was a religious as well as

a social celebration and began with the confession of the

knight-to-be, for knighthood was a holy occupation, meant to

be entered upon in as stainless a condition as possible. He

spent the night in keeping vigil over his armor in the church

113 114 or chapel, leaving only when the priest entered to say the morning Mass. Parzival spends the night before his arrival at

Nantes at the home of a sullen and inhospitable fisherman. He obtains food and lodging for the night and the promise of direction to Arthur in exchange for Jeschute's brooch, and his excitement about his coming knighthood keeps him waiting eagerly for dawn so that he can start out on the final leg of

this journey:

Die naht beleip der knappe dci: man sah in smorgens anderswa. des tages er kume erbeite. (Parz. 143, 15-17)

Parzival's understandable eagerness is a gentle parody of the young squire watching over his armor: both Parzival and the

squire wait eagerly for dawn and the events it will bring, al•

though Parzival's situation is hardly that of a squire, nor is

the fisherman anything but a rude host.

It is Parzival's intention to find Arthur himself so that

the king may make him a knight; he does not realize that he

can be knighted by another lord for he was told by Karnahkarnanz

that knighthoodeame from Arthur: der knappe fragte fiirbaz 'du nennest ritter: waz ist daz? hastu niht gotlicher kraft, so sage mir, wer git ritterschaft?' 'daz tuot der kiinec Artus. juncherre, komt ir in des hus, der bringet iuch an ritters namn, daz irs iuch nimmer durfet schamn. ir mugt wol sin von ritters art.' (Parz. 123, 3-11)

Consequently he reports to Herzeloyde that it is Arthur who

shall make him a knight: 115

' . . .Artiis kiineclichiu kraft sol mich nach riters eren an schildes ambet keren.' (Parz. 126, 12-14)

Despite Parzival's obvious ignorance of knightly ways,

Arthur agrees to knight him. He promises him valuable gifts

and asks only that he wait a day so that there would be time

to prepare him. Arthur certainly means that time is needed to prepare for him the necessary clothing, both ceremonial and

armorial, for a day would hardly suffice to remedy all

Parzival's deficiencies; Gurnemanz needs two weeks to do this.

The knighting ceremony was normally accorded great pageantry

as a measure of its importance to the young knight, his

companions, and society in general, a society in which knight•

hood was a revered station in life. The ceremony was not to be taken lightly, hence expenses were not spared in the prepa•

ration of the new knight. As in most every celebration during

the Middle Ages, clothing played its part in knighting: the

knight's functional clothing, his armor, was blessed and made

ready for him to draw on for the first time as the one

visible sign of his exalted calling. He was also given fine

clothing to wear beneath the armor, for old or shoddy clothing was insulting to the new rank, the new knight, and the knighting

lord who was expected to provide this finery for the knight as

a sign of his own milte or largesse. There is, however, no mention by Arthur of giving Parzival the important knightly

education which occupies numerous lines in Tristan and which

is cited by the abbot in Gregorius in an attempt to dissuade

his pupil from seeking knighthood. Even Parzival interprets 116

Arthur's remarks about preparation to mean only external preparation, not education, for he replies that he wants no king's gift except the red armor he has just seen. His taking

Ither's armor functions as a formal entrance to knighthood, a baptism by blood, as it were. After Ither*s death, Iwanet twice corrects Parzival's misconceptions by referring to the precepts of knighthood, which he must now follow. The first concerns his clothing:

Iwanet sprach 'diu ribbalin sulen niht underem lsern sin:

du soit nu tragen ritters kleit.' (Parz. 156, 25-27)

There are two possible interpretations of Iwanet's statement.

Quite literally, he is attempting to dress Parzival in knight's clothing and rough untanned boots (and fool's clothing) do not belong with the costume. Parzival is offending Iwanet's courtly sensibilities. It is odd, however, that the matter should be important unless Iwanet's use of the word nu adds a further significance to his remark: Parzival must now wear knight's clothing because now that he is a knight he must follow the standard clothing styles of knights. Since the mere fact of wearing armor marks Parzival as a knight, it is quite likely that Iwanet is stressing a change in condition. It is unlikely that Iwanet would dress Parzival in knight's clothing without firmly believing he had a right to wear it.

Iwanet's second correction concerns Parzival ""s choice of weaponry, "ich enreiche dir kein gabylot:/diu ritterschaft dir daz verbot" (Parz. 157, 19-20) . Again there are two levels 117 of interpretation for Iwanet's words. Literally, Parzival's use of a javelin once he is dressed in armor cannot be per• mitted for the sake of the name of knighthood since he, as an armored man, is a representative of all knights. However, more importantly, the use of the javelin is forbidden Parzival by the rules of knighthood to which he must himself adhere

because he is now a knight.

The only one of Iwanet's corrections that Parzival heeds

is the external, immediately visible one, the forbidding of

the javelin, which serves to point out the one unquestionable

fact about Parzival's "knighthood": it exists for some time

only in the externals. This situation is prolonged; it

exists even after the sojourn with Gurnemanz where Parzival

learns many of the knightly skills he had lacked up to this

point, and Wolfram hints at his still externalized knighthood

as he rides away from Gurnemanz in the beginning of the

fourth book:

Dannen schiet sus Parzival. ritters site und ritters mal sin lip mit ziihten fuorte, 8w^ wan daz in ruorte manec unsiieziu strenge. (Parz. 179, 13-17)

Parzival's claim to knighthood, with the exception of his

noble birth, rests in his ritters site und ritters mal, both

merely external evidence. It is a point even Cundrie mentions:

tavelrunder prises kraft hcit erlemt ein geselleschaft die driiber gap h&r Parzivil, der ouch dort treit diu riters mal. (Parz. 315, 7-10) 118

His knighthood, a state unconferred upon him, must be gained and 'proved by Parzival himself.

Parzival's greeting to Gurnemanz, which is followed by a refusal to dismount, expresses in his childish attitude his belief that he had truly been knighted, even though the wording

indicates that this may not necessarily be so:

'mich hiez ein kunec ritter sin:: swaz halt druffe mir geschiht, ine kum von disem orse niht...' (Parz. 163, 22-24) Arthur bade him be a knight, but he did not make him a knight.

Parzival, who at this stage equates knighthood with knightly

appearance, feels it necessary to retain that which shows

him to be a knight: his armor and his seat on his horse. The

effects of Herzeloyde's protective behavior are apparent in

Parzival at this time. The denial of his birthright has made

him overemphasize external signs and made him believe he can

gain what he wants by taking it. Because he knows no more of

knighthood than the wearing of armor, he remains unconscious

of the interior preparation necessary before he can be anything

but a boy wearing a stolen suit of armor. He must pains•

takingly be taught even the most rudimentary aspects of

knightly breeding, from the proper way to draw on a suit of

chain mail to the proper manner of riding a horse. And yet he

is not lacking in skill or aptitude, merely the courtly veneer

of knighthood. He can, by himself, vanquish a trained warrior

and mount a horse unassisted in full armor, "der gewapent in

den satel spranc:/ern gerte stegreife niht" (Parz. 157, 119

132

28-29). He can ride long distances and he can keep hold of his shield. Gurnemanz's remark about his shield merely em• phasizes its appearance, not its functional value:

ich han beschouwet manege want del ich den schilt baz hangen vant denner iu ze halse taete, ez ist uns niht ze spaete: wir sulen ze velde cjahen:

da suit ir kunste nahen. (Parz. 173, 15-20)

There is an element of stress on the existence of two facets

of existence: the internal and the external, the functional

and the polished.

While Parzival's lack of preparation for knighthood exerts

a negative influence on his development for some time, the

fact that he must fight for everything that is his by right

increases his independence. By choice he takes his own armor,

by chance he finds the proper person to instruct him in proper

bearing. The manner in which he acquires his education and his

knighthood, for the most part independently, parallels the

direction of his life, for he remains then independent of any

earthly court. For the duration of his search for the Grail

he is only slightly connected to Arthur's circle; his search

is carried out alone. Each time Parzival attempts to connect

himself to some earthly court, events intervene to prevent his

doing so. He could have joined the Arthurian circle at the

time of his first visit, but his attention was drawn off by

Ither and the red armor, and then by the shame of Cunneware's

and Antanor's punishment. His stay at Pelrepeire is inter•

rupted by the desire to see his mother, a journey which leads

instead to Munsalvaesch. The second time he appears before 120

Arthur, as he is about to be welcomed into the fellowship of the Round Table, Cundrie arrives to denounce him.

Wolfram's deviation from Chretien in the matter of

Parzival's formal knighting places a somewhat different light on Parzival's knighthood itself. Because he owes no real

allegiance to any lord, he cannot be controlled or used. Any

deeds he performs are done quite independently, and the blame

or praise are his alone. It becomes apparent that Parzival's

independence is an important feature to his development. Be•

cause his loyalty is concentrated entirely upon the Grail,

and only after it his wife, there is no question of his repeat•

ing the sin of Amfortas or of misdirecting his energies. The

absence of the knighting ceremony also changes the character

of the clothing given by Gurnemanz from that which occurs in

Chretien's version. Gornemant's gift is standard of a lord

performing the knighting ceremony; the clothing gift of

13 3 i Gurnemanz has an entirely different function.

The events which Parzival witnesses at Munsalvaesch during

the evening of his first visit there are marked as ceremonial

by their distinctly ritualistic character, especially apparent

in the procession during which the Grail is brought into the

room and later removed. Just before the ceremony begins,

Parzival is given a cloak, the standard gift of host to honored

guest, but he is told that this particular cloak is not a gift

but a loan. Towards the end of the ceremony, just before the

participants leave, he is presented with a sword. These items

both have a special significance of which Parzival is ignorant, and he does not learn their full import until his visit with

Trevrizent. The actual ceremony begins with a ritualized mourning: a bleeding lance is carried into the hall, reminding

all present of the need for sorrow in its connection to

Amfortas* pain. Wolfram himself refers to this as a site

(Parz. 231, 19), a custom which is a part of the ceremony and obviously frequently repeated. The actual character of this mourning is unusual as well: it is a public expression of grief which knows no abatement or end as long as Amfortas1 pain

lasts. The circuit of the lance bearer is followed by the procession of the Grail maidens, carefully structured and

deliberately ordered right down to the grouping of maidens by

color, feasting (a common medieval ceremony), the presentation

of the sword to Parzival, and the recession of the maidens who quit the hall in reverse order from their entrance.

There are two features of this event which suggest that

its ceremonial character includes some aspects of clothing

symbolism in the garments described. Rituals and ceremonies

in general are accompanied by some type of special clothing which

takes on a non-literal or symbolic character if only in its

function of indicating that the events taking place are extra- 134 ordinary. Wolfram's lavish descriptions are intended to 135

point out the extraordinary character of the events. The

Grail ceremony also resembles a number of actual religious

rites which indicates that Wolfram was drawing on the general

nature of religious vestments and ceremonial garments and their

attendant symbolism. 122

There are far too many similarities between the Grail

service and actual religious ceremonies to ignore as coinci- 136

dence. In addition the garnet stone and two stools brought

in by the maidens are set up like an altar or sacrificial table

and basins of water are brought in so that the host/celebrant

can wash his hands. The feast which follows the Grail proces•

sion resembles the agape or love feast, the sharing of the

sacrifice or, in Christian societies, the communion.

It was certainly not Wolfram's intention to copy any one particular religious service in his Grail service: the events of the procession can be compared with equal success to

Christian and heathen ceremonies. The changes Wolfram made

from Chretien's service suggest that he was deliberately

attempting to make it unlike a specific Christian ceremony in

certain features, while retaining Christian elements in others.

Chretien's Grail is a ciborium, that vessel which holds the host, and yet Wolfram refuses to be so definite: his Grail

is a "thing" and a "stone"—the one element of the ceremony which is not minutely described. Even so, hecre.tains the host 13

image in the Good Friday visits of the dove sent from heaven.

The Grail also retains elements of fertility rites: it pro• vides the company with inexhaustable supplies of food and drink. Fertility symbol and Christian symbol are united at the

Baptism of Feirefiz where the Grail supplies the Baptismal water.

Most religious services have numerous elements in common: man is limited in his attempts to approach the infinite. It is 123 impossible to pinpoint the "one" ceremony Wolfram was drawing from, if indeed such a "one" ceremony existed. Intentionally, however, he made the Grail service as much like a formal religious ceremony as he could without coloring the interpre• tation of the Grail or its service with pre-formed religious ideals. Fashioning the Grail service in the mold of a religious ceremony points out the significance of the object and the society which cares for it. By making the Grail service religious without distinctly religious content Wolfram emphasizes the demands and rewards of Grail service. Because the elements of a formal religious ceremony are present, the clothing is created for the purpose of the service and the enhancement of its significance.

Parzival is handed Repanse's cloak when he is welcomed to the castle with the explanation that it is his to wear while clothing is being made especially for him. This was a standard practice during the Middle Ages and illustrates the extent of the concern for hospitality. There is, however, a certain emphasis placed upon the fact that the cloak is a loan and not a gift:

man truoc im einen mantel dar: den legt an sich der wol gevar; mit offenre snuere. ez was im ein lobs gefiiere. do sprach der kameraere kluoc 1Repanse de schoye in truoc, mm frouwe de kunegm: ab Ir sol er iu glihen sin: wan iu ist niht kleider noch gesniten. (Parz. 228, 9-17)

The fact of the loan, along with the fact that the cloak be• longs to the queen herself, suggests at this point that it is a significant garment. During the ceremony Parzival glances frequently at Repanse, conscious of the fact that she is carrying the Grail and that he is wearing her cloak:

dez maere giht daz Parzival dicke an si sach unt dahte, diu den gral da brcihte: er het och ir mantel an. (Parz. 236, 12-15)

This one garment creates an immediate bond between Parzival and the Grail through the figure of Repanse, but it is not until much later that Parzival and the audience learn its full sig• nificance : do sprach aber Parzival 'wer was ein maget diu den gral truoc? ir mantel lech man mir.' der wirt sprach 'neve, was er ir (diu selbe ist din muome), sine l§ch dirs niht ze ruome: si wa*nd du soltst da herre sin des gr&ls unt ir, dar zuo min. (Parz. 500, 23-30)

It is clear from this explanation that the cloak is produced for Parzival first of all as a sign of respect, not as an expression of hospitality, for Repanse believes that he is the one who will ask the necessary question, heal Amfortas, and take over the rule of the Grail kingdom. Its necessity, how• ever, lies in the ceremony about to take place, not in the expression of respect. Parzival must have a ceremonial garment to wear during his participation in the Grail ceremony, for he is expected to participate; he must wear something which sets his appearance apart from the ordinary, just as the question will set him apart from the ordinary. His ordinary clothing is not suitable: it is that of a worldly knight and has no ability to mark the importance of the events taking place, yet 125 the clothing he will wear as Grail king is not ready. The need for him, as a participant, to wear ceremonial garb is filled by the loan of a cloak. The fact of the loan and the unprepared special clothing also serves to underline the un• certainty about his position at Munsalvaesch. Parzival is meant to ask the question, and yet there is no positive indica-bor. tion that he will do so and perform his assigned part in the ceremony. His presence is still a test, and until he passes it, he cannot receive the reward and the specialized honors that go along with it. It is interesting that although the cloak is a loan, the sword is a gift, taken with him when he leaves.

The sword is a constant reminder of Parzival's need to fight 139 his way back to Munsalvaesch. Parzival remains a knight, hence he may retain the sword; but he is not yet king and must 140 leave the cloak behind. Trevrizent, however, tells Parzival that his acceptance of the sword without the reciprocal action, the question, is sinful (Parz. 501, 1-4), for this too was in- 141 tended for the king.

The procession of the Grail maidens is accompanied by long descriptions of their clothing. The fabrics mentioned are all exotic and luxurious and certainly included for their impressive effect; the Eastern origins of the fabrics point out the strangeness of the ceremony as well as the wealth of the company. All the Grail maidens wear wreaths of flowers 142 upon their loose hair, both signs of maidenhood, and both contributing a spring-like atmosphere to the procession. 126

The most important feature of the clothing of the Grail maidens is the color sequence. The first four who bring in candles and the two ivory stools which act as supports for the table are wearing brown; the second group of eight, bearing candles and the garnet tabletop, are wearing green; and the final group before the Grail are wearing gold. This last group brings in the ceremonial knives. The colors ascend from the depths of the earth, from the brown of the soil which is the

"deepest" of the colors, to the green of vegetation which rests somewhat above the brown earth, and finally, gold, the color 14 3 of the sun and symbolic of perfection. The group dressed in brown carries in the stools, the lowest spatially of the objects brought in as well as the least significant function• ally in the ceremony. The group dressed in green brings in the tabletop which is set on the stools, an article higher

spatially than the stools and more necessary to the ceremonial activities, even though the surface is not strictly speaking a participant in the ceremony as are the knives which are carried

in by maidens clad in gold. Hence each group is assigned

colors related both to the value of the objects they carry

and to their position with relation to the Grail, the maidens

in gold immediately preceding the Grail wearing the color which would be assigned to the Grail if it were to be given a

color: in other Grail romances, where it is represented as

the chalice used during the Last Supper and later used to

catch Christ's blood as he hung on the cross, the Grail is made out of gold. The colors in the procession are virtually 127 an allegory of man's life, from the dust from which he was created through his life and into his perfected spiritual state.

No color at all is assigned to Repanse: her existence is at the moment eclipsed by the article which she is carrying. It is difficult to hint at human perfection in the sight of a repre• sentative of divine perfection. Wolfram mentions the fabric of her dress, but does not describe it further, and the only description of Repanse herself is of her radiant face:

nach den kom diu kiinegxn. ir antlutze gap den schin, si wanden alle ez wolde tagen. (Parz. 235, 15-17)

The image is reminiscent of Dante's vision of the blinding light of Beatrice's face in whose reflection he views God:

My eyes were fixed with such intensity on quenching, at long last, their ten year's thirst that every sense but sight abandoned me. And as a man is blinded by the light when he has looked directly at the sun, just so I found that I had lost my sight. 44

The Grail itself rests upon a green cloth which emphasizes its function as a life force; even Wolfram's description of the Grail is couched in metaphors of plant life:

uf einem gruenen achmardi truoc si den wunsch von pardis,

bede wurzeln unde ris. (Parz. 235, 20-22)

Green is the color of the renewal of plant life whereas the

Grail can be seen as an agent of spiritual self-renewal as well as physically renewing force. Wolfram uses the concept of greening to illustrate spiritual renewal during Parzival's visit with Trevrizent as well (Parz. 489, 13-19). 128

Parzival"s visit with Trevrizent which occupies a central position in the narrative, halfway through the books which deal with Parzival himself, closely parallels the sacrament of

Penance in its formalized ritualistic state. The visit is preceded by Parzival's meeting with a group of penitents garbed in rough grey robes, barefoot in spite of the cold weather.

His conversation with them leads him to drop the reins of his horse and let it wander; the horse leads him to Trevrizent as if it knew what to do. The entire situation is directed by

God's hand, for Parzival deliberately charges God with the onus of directing the horse:

Er sprach * ist gotes kraft so fier daz si beidiu ors unde tier unt die liut mac wisen, sin kraft wil i'm prisen. mac gotes kunst die helfe han, diu wise mir diz kastel&n dez waegest umb die reise min: sS tuot sin giiete helfe schin: nu gene na*ch der gotes kur. ' (Parz. 452, 1-9)

In his uncertainty Parzival is aided by the grace of God, that same grace that is apparent in bringing a sinner to repentance, and he is directed to a place where he can free himself of the burden of guilt which he has amassed since leaving Soltane.

Parzival's first words to Trevrizent bear a great re• semblance to the formula uttered upon entering the confessional,

"do sprach er 'her, nu gebt mir rati/ich bin ein man der siinde hat'" (Parz. 456, 29-30).145 This verbal recognition of his sinful state fulfills the first prerequisite for forgiveness:

Parzival has become conscious of sin and is now seeking aid to change his condition, both mental states which are present during the course of sacramental confession. Parzival's confession of his failings is made to a person who has devoted his life to God and is more qualified to give advice and better suited to serve as a delegate of God in the forgiving of sins, in spite of his lay status.During the course of

the visit, Parzival learns the extent of his wrongdoing,

including his offenses against kinship in the murder of Ither

and the causing of the death of his mother, and he receives

advice from Trevrizent to help him live in accord with God's plan and to change his life. At the end of the visit, his sins

are ritualistically forgiven him by Trevrizent who offers

himself as mediator between God and man and as surety for

Parzival's change of heart:

Trevrizent sich des bewac, er sprach 'gip mir dxn sunde her: vor gote ich bin din wandels wer. und leist als ich dir han gesagt: belip des willen unverzagt.' (Parz. 502, 24-28) It is not strictly in the nature of sacramental con-

fession that special ceremonial clothing be worn, except of

course by the officiating priest in its later forms, however

certain types of garments are regularly associated with other

ritualized penitential activities, for example sackcloth.

Parzival is given a garment by Trevrizent before he is led

into the cave which constitutes Trevrizent's living quarters.

It is likely that there is a non-literal significance to be

found in this garment because of its connection with a formal•

ized action and because of the obviously important temporal

position of the presentation of the garment, immediately pre- 130 ceding the central events of the narrative, the reconciliation of the hero with God.

The Trevrizent episode is related to the events surround• ing the Grail in several ways. Parzival*s arrival at the cave is prefaced by Wolfram's account of Kyot, Flegetanis, and a very general outline of the story of the Grail; these few facts are fleshed out during the visit, when Trevrizent makes known to Parzival a fuller history of the Grail and explains the occurrences at Munsalvaesch. The ceremony, central to the understanding of the Grail for both the hero and the audience, is an essential one for the reconciliation, for as long as Parzival remains ignorant of the importance of the events he witnessed at Munsalvaesch he has no real impetus to reconcile himself with God.

Parzival arrives at Trevrizent's cave dressed in his armor despite the holy day, freezing physically because of the cold weather and spiritually because of his estrangement from God.

Warmth is one of the comforts provided him by his host, both physical warmth in the change from his armor and a sheltered place to stay and spiritual warmth in the comfort of the ritual of forgiveness which he carries out. Once Parzival has tended to his horse and enters the first of the two caves, Trevrizent offers him a cloak to replace the armor he has drawn off, giving him the opportunity to warm his shivering body. This cloak points out Parzival's slowly changing heart: he dons a garment belonging to Trevrizent before making his confession to him, paralleling a sinner drawing on a penitential garment, even though in this case the purpose of the cloak is to provide 147 comfort, not to punish the body. He is covering himself totally with a garment sanctified by its owner and divorcing himself from the earthly knighthood which he leaves off when 14 8 he removes the armor. Along with the change of heart, the cloak also shows the warmth of God's love flooding into

Parzival's heart and releasing him from the coldness of his hatred.

There is, however, more to the cloak than the representa• tion of the penitence accompanying Parzival's confession and the comfort of the reconciliation with God. Parzival is given this garment in the precise spot where he earlier swore an oath to Orilus to convince him of Jeschute's innocence. Where he had once himself exercised charity for the sake of Orilus

and Jeschute he is now treated with charity by Trevrizent.

Where he acted as mediator between man and wife he meets one who can act as mediator between God and man. The return to

this holy place is significant of the forgiveness of his past 149 knightly offenses as well as his spiritual wrongs. He had

here atoned for his wrong to Jeschute and attempted to set the

situation right again, but that act could not erase the memory

of the months she suffered because of his stupidity. Returning

to this spot, guided by the grace of God, is a repetition of

the first act of expiation. Parzival's first knightly offense

after leaving home was committed against Jeschute: this has

been set right, as have many other offenses, yet there is a 132 final forgiveness necessary, both for those wrongs of which he had remained ignorant as well as for those wrongs for which he had refused to acknowledge guilt. Necessary is Parzival's own confession and his ability to forgive himself.

The fact that it is a cloak Trevrizent offers Parzival is not unusual in light of the cold and Trevrizent's living con• dition, yet comparison of the other times Parzival is given a

cloak to this event indicates there is a non-literal signifi•

cance in Trevrizent1s act. Of the four cloaks presented

Parzival in the narrative, two are given in the world of knightly deeds, one by Gurnemanz and one by Condwiramurs, and two are presented him by representatives of a spiritual reality, one at Munsalvaesch by Repanse, and one by Trevrizent. Trevrizent's

cloak is also given concurrently with an explanation of the

significance of Repanse's which suggests there might be an

important connection between the two.

The second offering of a cloak within the spiritual or

Grail world, by repeating an earlier act, is indicative of the

fact that Parzival will be given a second chance. Wolfram has

already made a broad hint of this just before Parzival finds

Trevrizent:

hat er Munsalvaesche sit gesehen, unt den siiezen Anfortas, des herze do vii siufzec was? durch iwer giiete gebt uns trSst, op der von jamer si erl&st. (Parz. 433, 24-28)

At the same time as he warms his body in Trevrizent's cloak

and his soul in God's love, Parzival copies the earlier acts 133 that marked him out as Grail king without his knowing. This cloak he does not don for praise (Parz. 228, 12) but in all the humility of his need and in the state of mind that makes him worthy of another chance. Thus in addition to foreshadowing an ultimate success at Munsalvaesch, Trevrizent's cloak demonstrates the value of confession: past sins are forgiven and the future is given as an opportunity for improvement.

There are formalized aspects in Gahmuret's meetings with both of his wives, both beginning with a parade-like entrance into the city and a formal presentation of hero to queen.

There are, however, subtle differences in Gahmuret's appearance as he makes himself known to each woman. The only part of

Gahmuret's outfit that is stressed during his entrance to

Patelamunt and his later meeting with its queen is his coat of arms: as Gahmuret rides into the city, only his shield is mentioned on which the shape of an anchor is attached. When he meets Belakane, his clothing is described merely as tiwer and rich (Parz. 23, 1; 23, 3). The major impression Gahmuret makes on the reader who can "view" him only through Wolfram's descriptions is that feature emphasized by his coat of arms:

Gahmuret will not settle down. It comes as no surprise that he steals away from his wife as soon as he becomes bored: the life he leads is no secret.

In contrast to this introduction, Gahmuret presents a highly sensual picture as he rides into Kanvoleis. His boots are drawn onto bare legs and he is sitting on his horse in a 134 studied, casual fashion, one leg stretched out ahead resting on the horse's neck. His mouth is red, so red that it seems to be burning. He wears a green cloak and a white shirt. There is no mention of the anchor. The overall impression is one of a sensual, physical man, his sensual aspects heightened by

Wolfram's description of his position, the bare legs, one thrown carelessly on the neck of the horse, not properly set in a stir• rup. His red mouth is the burning mouth of a lover. Wolfram's mention of his white shirt, however, relates this scene to

Gahmuret's death. In combat he had begun to wear a white shift belonging to Herzeloyde over his armor, and it is a bloody, tattered white shift that is brought back to be buried.

Gahmuret leaves Herzeloyde not from boredom (that is, the anchor) but because of death (the white shirt).

Gahmuret's changing image accompanies his changing and increasing good fortune and success, especially with women.

When he arrives at Patelamunt he has already distinguished himself in fighting, to be sure, but when he arrives at

Kanvoleis he has already gained fame, a queen, and two crowns.

Because Cundrie's missions are special her bizarre costume functions as ceremonial garb for her. Her cloak on her first visit to Arthur's encampment is made of blue fabric, 151 an unusual color in Parzival; blue generally signifies triuwe and devotion which Cundrie certainly demonstrates, but it is also considered a heavenly color, the color of the sky, and as such is not unsuited to a member of the Grail company. 135

Her hat is lined in golden cloth (blialt), the same cloth that appears also in the Grail ceremony (Parz. 235, 10) and nowhere else in the narrative, and it is trimmed with peacock feathers. Another character who wears peacock feathers is 152

Amfortas, also a member of the Grail community. Wolfram's irony is present in both instances: Amfortas' use of this symbol of immortality and beauty is merely a bitter reminder of his constant agony; Cundrie1s use of the feathers is another way in which Wolfram pokes fun at her ugliness, all the while emphasizing the beauty of her character. Wolfram accomplishes two things by presenting Cundrie in this fashion: he points out her value both by stressing her own virtue and by linking her to the Grail company, and he presents the Round Table with a warning against further acceptance of situations at face value, a point Cundrie even puts into words. Arthur has accepted Parzival on the basis of his physical beauty and his knightly skill without bothering to probe deeper into his suitability.

Cundrie's second mission concerning Parzival finds her dressed differently. The emblem of the Grail company is dis• played upon her clothing, although it did not appear during her first mission. The golden doves against a black background emphasize Cundrie's devotion to the greater entity she represents. More importantly, she is veiled this time, her hideous countenance completely hidden. Wolfram suggests that she wears her hat for the sake of compliments, since she certain- 136 ly has no need of a sunscreen:

/v. wan daz si truoc gein prise muot, si fuorte an nSt den tiuren huot u*f dem Plimizoeles plan: diu sunne het ir niht getan. (Parz. 780, 23-26)

The veiling is important to her mission this time. She comes 153 not "unerbittlich wie die griechischen Eumeniden" but to bring him a joyous message. Asking his forgiveness in her own figure could not but remind Parzival of her earlier visit and of his own consciousness of guilt and the pain of the disgrace, with which he had lived too long.

The remaining "ceremonies" in Parzival are connected with

Feirefiz and occur in the vicinity of Arthur's encampment and at

Munsalvaesch. The first of these is the celebration of the re• union of the two half-brothers which is carried out in their reception by Gawain and their journey to Munsalvaesch, including the reception there. The second is the baptism of Feirefiz at Munsalvaesch.

Parzival's reunion with his brother begins with their battle as unknown assailants, leading to their ultimate recog• nition of their relationship, and it is interrupted by the arrival of Cundrie at Arthur's camp bearing news much happier than was brought during her first visit. As the brothers ride into camp, after having identified themselves to each other, they do not stop first at Arthur's tent, but ride straight to

Gawain's part of the camp for their reception. Despite the happiness of his reunion with Feirefiz, Parzival feels isolated from the generally happy atmosphere, a feeling that 137 made him ride out alone earlier. He can at least be certain of the reception that he will find at Gawain's tent. His action places Arthur in the position of taking his retinue to Parzival to participate in the merrymaking, according him a great deal of respect and emphasizing the fact that Parzival has indeed been forgiven his worldly wrongs by the king and is wholeheart• edly accepted into the Arthurian circle. It is certainly fitting, considering the position Parzival is about to take up.

Arthur's arrival also indicates respect for Feirefiz, a king in his own right, whose wealth astonishes even Arthur's court.

Wolfram describes Feirefiz' sumptuous clothing in great detail, descriptions which are certainly meant to help the audience visualize the wealth and magnificence of this king.

It also contrasts with Parzival's clothing and illustrates the very different situations of these two, despite their kinship.

Feirefiz is surrounded by luxury, content in his position.

He is married, though he does not yearn for Secundille and is willing to disassociate himself from her completely for the sake of Repanse. Parzival, on the other hand, is still attired in his battle-scarred red armor. He is oppressed by his misery, both for the Grail and for his wife.

During the celebration of the reunion at Gawain's tent, both brothers are given gifts of clothing by Gawain, here a

154 sign of his hospitality. Later, after Cundrie's announce• ment, both brothers travel to the Grail castle where, upon their arrival, they are given identical clothing: 138

ein kameraer "dar naher gienc: der brant in kleider riche,

den beiden al geliche. (Parz. 794, 18-20)

This is an odd touch. The castle is obviously awaiting

Parzival*s arrival in eager anticipation because of the mes•

sage which has appeared on the Grail, and one expects their greeting of their new king to show respect and indicate his

special position. Instead, Parzival is greeted in exactly the

same manner as the heathen stranger who accompanies him. He is not singled out by richer garments; Parzival was shown

greater respect on his first visit to the castle.

There are several possible explanations for this treatment.

Parzival and Feirefiz are, after all, half-brothers, exhibiting

the same heritage as far as their knightly skills are concerned.

Though Parzival is more important in the eyes of Christian

lands because of his heritage from the Grail line and his

Chris.tianreligion, Feirefiz is his older brother in an era when

age had privileges, and both are therefore worthy of great 155

respect and deserve equal treatment. It is also possible

that the inhabitants of the Grail castle intend to show

Feirefiz the honor befitting his royalty, even if it does

stem from heathen lands, and they express in their hospitality

a consciousness of his position. In a belief that all men

are alike in the eyes of God they greet all men—even their

king—in the same fashion. Feirefiz will be important in the

Grail circle, marrying into it through Repanse and carrying

God's message to far-off lands. It is certainly true, though,

that this reception is meant to be compared to Parzival's first reception at Munsalvaesch. This time there is no ceremonial

cloak, for there is to be no repetition of the ceremony and

no waiting for Parzival to fulfill his part in it. Not

even Amfortas retains any hope of being healed by Parzival:

ir schiet nu jungest von mir so, pflegt ir helflicher triuwe, man siht iuch drumbe in riuwe. wurde ie pris von iu gesagt, hie si riter oder magt, werbet mir da zin den tot und la*t sich enden mine not. (Parz. 795, 4-10)

The fact that Parzival, and Amfortas as well, will be given

another chance seems unknown to all at the castle despite the message written on the Grail. His reception almost belies

Cundrie's announcement. And yet Parzival had once before been greeted with great expectations and had failed the Grail

company miserably. Most important, however, is the fact that

although he has been named king by the writing on the Grail,

he has yet to prove himself, and thus has yet to be formally

chosen by the company. This "election" takes place after he heals Amfortas:

da ergienc do dehein ander wal, wan die diu schrift ame gral hete ze he\rren in benant: Parzival wart schiere bekant ze kiinige unt ze herren da. (Parz. 796, 17-21)

It is likely that the real reason Parzival is not greeted by

the company at Munsalvaesch as a king is that he is not yet one. The festivities of his attaining kingship of the Grail resemble those of earthly kingship: Parzival is greeted by his vassals, and the templars who attend remove the bulk of 140 their armor in honor of the day. The Grail company, in spite of its necessary earthly trappings, is still a spiritual com• munity, and armor, the sign of earthly knighthood, is not acceptable as a ceremonial dress for this particular ceremony.

The baptism of Feirefiz at Munsalvaesch is one of the few truly sacramental ceremonies which occur in the course of 156 the narrative. Baptism is ordinarily performed by a priest who pours water on the head of the person about to be baptized or immerses him in water and speaks a verbal formula 157 while doing so. The act is a symbolic cleansing of the soul, taken from the actual physical function of water in the cleansing of the body. Any attendant actions or preparation a not important and have nothing to do with the efficacy of the

sacrament, but from the early days of the Church it became customary to wear special clothing to signify the importance of the event taking place; this clothing was normally a white garment which would show the condition of the newly baptized 158

soul, cleansed of faults. Such a garment is put onto

Feirefiz after his baptism as a sign of his changed condition.

In this instance, Wolfram is borrowing directly from Church;

custom and making use of a tradition familiar to his audience

and all its symbolic connotations.

One rather interesting feature of this baptism is the presence of an aged priest who performs the sacrament and pro•

vides Feirefiz with counseling about the effects of water and

instruction in some aspects of his new faith. Once again a

grey old man is placed in the position of giving advice and instruction,XD3 and there are similarities between this cere• mony and Parzival*s visit with Gurnemanz and his encounter with

Kahenis, both of which were connected with some article of clothing as far as Parzival is concerned. The advice Parzival receives from both these old men is directed towards making his clothing appear correct for his station in life, the first time concerning his knighthood, the second time concerning the fulfillment of an ethical imperative. The baptismal garment placed on Feirefiz is significant of his new Christian status and indicates the direction his life must follow from this time forward, making the continued purity of his soul a goal in much the same way that Parzival's adoption of correct knightly clothing and proper observance of armor restrictions was made his concern by the advice he received from Gurnemanz and Kahenis. CHAPTER FOUR

DAILY CLOTHING

Wolfram is hardly lavish with his descriptions of normal

events. Margaret Richey points out that "his way is to single

out the most significant features and let them speak for the 160

rest." He is more fond of using an old narrative technique whereby he "describes" by depicting the effect one thing has

on its viewers. "^"^ He takes great delight, however, in focus•

ing upon the extraordinary: Cundrie's physiognomy, for

example, and the Grail procession. This technique is quite

apparent in Wolfram's use of daily clothing in Parzival. There

is very little difference in class among the characters in the narrative, and even differences in rank are relatively unim• portant. Descriptions of daily clothing seldom function for the sake of indicating class or rank, and the non-literal significance of such clothing almost always, exists on a very simple level. Where it occurs, it arises from two different types of situations: those in which clothing suits the situ• ation and is used for some purpose within the confines of its normal function, and those in which clothing does not at all suit the situation and is used to present deliberate incon• gruities . The one certain distinguishing feature of the clothing worn by royalty is the crown which indicates sovereignty. Its 142 143 symbolic value has been intensified by the metaphoric use of the word. Rule of a land is frequently spoken of in terms of 162 wearing a crown. Herzeloyde uses this image when she tells

Parzival that he is supposed to be the ruler of the lands taken by Lahelin (Parz. 140, 29-141, 1). Respect for a king and the rule he represents is spoken of in terms of respect 163

for his crown (Parz. 415, 21-22). In addition, the concept of the crown is used as an expression of certain spiritual

conditions: Sigune speaks of Parzival's attainment of the Grail kingship as the wearing of a "crown of bliss" (Parz. 254, 20-30)

the virtue of scham is described as der sele krone (Parz. 319,

10); and Obie insists that her vriheit is a crown sublime

enough for her.

Parzival's first meeting with Amfortas shows the Fisher

King fishing, and though he is participating in a sport, his

clothing, Wolfram says, is such, "daz ez niht bezzer mohte

sin" (Parz. 225, 11). Quality of clothing is an outward sign

of royalty, and Amfortas bears the appearance of a king, al•

though this is certainly a relative method of identification.

Instead of a crown, hardly suitable headgear for a fishing

expedition, Amfortas wears a hat trimmed with peacock feathers.^

These feathers, because of their great beauty and their variety

of colors,came to represent the concept of unity during the

Middle Ages and symbolized immortality, a state of utter

harmony and unity with supernatural power. They were also

viewed as a representation of eternal life in all its glory, 144

the transfiguration of the soul into a thing of beauty. The

"immortal" features of the peacock's flesh were also stressed,

"Augustinus spricht, daz des tSten pfawen flaisch ain ganzez

jar frisch beleib und niht vaul, als er spricht in dem puoch von der stat gotes. er spricht auch, daz des pfawen flaisch nummer vaul werd" (Buch der Natur III B, 57). There is certainly an element of bitter irony in the presence of this sign of immortality and eternal life upon the clothing of the Fisher King, however, for in the agony of his wound,

Amfortas begs for death and is kept alive by the Grail and the people who will not allow him to die. He exists in a state of unhappy immortality as long as he is kept in the presence of the Grail, but he experiences none of the glory of eternal life, only the eternal agony of his injury.

Amfortas wears furs at Munsalvaesch to help alleviate the cold of his illness, and the furs serve to illustrate his royalty: furs were valuable items during the Middle Ages, and

Wolfram remarks that even the poorest of these was worthy of praise. The furs serve as a constant reminder of the illness of the king and his need for their warmth, and the members of the Grail company are thereby reminded of the suffering meted out by God. This is one of the few instances in Parzival where furs are specifically mentioned for their warmth and not at all for their decorative function.

Condwiramurs' white hemde appears on two occasions: she wears a white shift when she goes to Parzival to beg his aid in 145

freeing her city from siege: - .

A A an ir was werlichiu wat, ein hemde wiz sidin: waz mohte kampflxcher sin, dan gein dem man sus komende ein wip? (Parz..192, 14-17)

Henry Kratz sees a pun in these words, "The double-entendre is due to the fact that words meaning 'fight' have connotations in the erotic sphere, sex relations frequently being pictured as a kind of battle."Whereas Condwiramurs' costume is kampf• lxcher in an extended erotic sense, it is also werlichiu wat, a 167

"protection" against that which it seems to invite. There is irony to be found in Wolfram's use of this garment for the queen: on one hand it suggests all the erotic overtones of slipping away in night clothes to a man's bed, on the other hand the reader is faced with the reality of Condwiramurs' wholly innocent intentions which render the erotic touch almost pathetic, especially in light of the problems con• fronting her city.

A similar double function of this same type of garment is present in the two meetings with Jeschute. When Parzival invades her tent she is sleeping in her hemde; Orilus refuses to allow her a change of clothing, so the second time Parzival meets her she is wearing the same garment, much the worse for wear. Orilus is punishing her "infidelity" by making her wear the garment in which she committed it, but she is completely innocent. Rather than an ever-present reminder of sin,

Jeschute's hemde is a constant proclamation of her innocence. 146

Parzival's reunion with Condwiramurs finds her again wearing a white shift. In one sense the tale has come full circle, and the union which began in Parzival's bed is taken up once more in Condwiramurs'. White is the color associated with Condwiramurs by Wolfram in the two scenes involving her hemde, and it is also a sign of his wife for Parzival. The suggestion of the color of newly fallen snow, a color which makes Parzival think of the color of his wife's skin, is so powerful that Parzival falls into a trance when he observes it marked with blood, the color of her lips (Parz. 283, 8ff.).

The snow/blood is her schin, her image, however lacking in sub• stance.

Ladies during the Middle Ages adopted special clothing

for travel since their usual style of dress was far too uncom•

fortable and cumbersome for the rigors of horseback or any other type of available conveyance. Wolfram mentions Cond• wiramurs wearing a reisegewant (Parz. 807, 27) on the way to

Munsalvaesch after her reunion with Parzival, removing it when

they have arrived at the castle. Although this is the logical

thing to do, the mention of the dress is a nice touch which

reminds the reader that both she and Parzival, who have been

in transit for so long, are finally "at home" and have reached

the destination towards which they have been traveling; they have fulfilled their joint destiny at last and have put an

end to the flux which marked their lives from the start.

Sigune is not the only character in the narrative to wear penitential clothing; Kahenis and his family, the penitents 147

Parzival meets on Good Friday, are all dressed in rough grey clothing in response to the sorrowful day:

im widergienc ein riter alt, des gart al gra* was gevar, da bi sin vel lieht unde clar: die selben varwe truoc sin wip; diu be^diu uber blSzen lip truogen^grawe rocke herte uf ir bihte verte. (Parz. 446,. 10-16)

Kahenis especially exhibits a very grey exterior with his grey beard and cloak, and Wolfram stresses the color, referring to him seven times as der grawe man or a variant thereof even 16 8 before his name is mentioned. Once again Parzival is placed in the position of listening to a grey wise man who will teach him zuht, as his mother advised him to do (Parz. 127, 21). With the exception of her advice on greetings and politeness, this is the only sound advice that Herzeloyde gives her son and he learns from not only grey men, as specified, but from a grey 169 woman, Slgune.

The clothing Kahenis is wearing was standard for hermits and pilgrims because it was the roughest which existed, sombre colors and unrefined fabric, the sort of clothing worn by the lowest peasant. It was a sign of humility, for it emphasized the lowliness of man when compared to God and the absence of class and rank before the Creator. The positive aspects of wearing such rough clothing for the sake of God are emphasized in a chapter of the Little Flowers of St. Francis: a young friar who had developed a great hatred for the rough habit of the Order had a vision of beautifully clothed saints 148 whom he questioned as to the identity of the brightest:

They answered, "Those are St. Francis and St. Anthony; and he the last of all whom thou sawest thus honoured is a holy friar that newly died, whom we are leading in triumph to the glory of paradise, for that he hath fought valiantly against temptation and persevered unto the end; and these fair garments of fine cloth we wear, are given to us by God in lieu of the coarse tunics we wore in the Order; and the glorious brightness that thou beholdest is given to us by God for the humility and patience, and for the holy poverty and obedi• ence and chastity we kept even to the last. There• fore, my son, be it not hard to thee to wear the sackcloth of the Order, that is so fruitful, be• cause, if clothed in the sackcloth of St. Francis, thou for love of Christ despise the world and mortify thy flesh and valiantly fight against the devil, thou, with us, shalt have a like raiment and exceeding brightness of glory."170

Kahenis and his family make their yearly pilgrimage in total harmony with this concept, humiliating their bodies so that they might exalt their souls. There is perhaps a further reason that penitents and pilgrims adopted the grey garment: medieval 171

legend described Christ's robe as a grey cloak, so penitents

sought to emulate his humility.

The appellation der grawe man serves to connect Kahenis to

Gurnemanz who first teaches Parzival the secrets of knightly bearing and etiquette. By riding in full armor on Good Friday,

Parzival is violating knightly zuht; Kahenis completes an aspect of the education begun by Gurnemanz, revealing to Parzival his wrongdoing and directing him to Trevrizent for the final

elements of education which he himself is unable to provide: A A '...ritet furbaz uf unser spor. iu ensitzet niht ze verre vor ein heilec man: der git iu rat, wandel fur iwer missetat. welt ir im riwe kiinden, er scheidet iuch von sunden.' (Parz. 448, 21-26) 149

Both Gurnemanz and Kahenis, the wise grey men, are steps toward Trevrizent and the completion of Parzival's ethical instruction.

Everyday clothing does not function well as a disguise: it cannot normally cover one's body completely and one's art 172 is always able to be detected: Parzival, although dressed in fool's clothing, is not taken for a fool; Kahenis' social status cannot be detected by means of his garments, but

Wolfram remarks, "ez mohte wol ein herre sin" (Parz. 446, 25).

Daily clothing can, however, function as an indicator of a change in condition or situation. In Jeschute's case, Wolfram uses the change her clothing undergoes as a simple expression of her husband's anger. As long as Orilus is pleased that his wife is behaving properly and remains faithful to him she is permitted certain amenities such as dining with him and being well clothed by him. These are all privileges contingent upon his pleasure and are all denied her upon his discovery of her alleged infidelity. The shabbiness that results from the constant use of one garment is an ever-present reminder of the condition of their marital relationship as well as a visible sign to Parzival of the pain his unchecked behavior has brought about. It also provides Wolfram with an opportunity for voicing his own opinion about well-dressed women: ich saget iu vii armuot: war zuo? diz ist als guot. doch naeme ich solhen blozen lip fiir etslich wol gekleidet wip. (Parz. 257, 29-32) 150

This is a restatement of a section of the prologue:

manec wi±>es schoene an lobe 1st breit: ist dli daz herze conterfeit, die lob ich als ich solde daz safer ime golde. ich enhan daz niht fur lihtiu dine, swer in den kranken messinc verwurket edeln rubln und al die aVentiure sin (dem gliche ich rehten wlbes muot). (Parz. 3, 11-19)

Both statements are warnings against accepting surface impres•

sions as valid. Jeschute, whose external appearance confirms

the punishment being dealt her by her husband, just as her appearance confirmed her "guilt," is innocent. This image is not confined to Wolfram, nor to narrative poetry for that matter. Enite is beautiful even when she is shabbily dressed, and Spervogel has a verse on the subject of well-clothed women:

Treit ein reine wip niht guoter kleider an, si zieret doch ir tugent, als ich michs kan verstan, daz si vii schShe sta*t gebluot also diu liehte sunne tuot, diu gegen dem morgen schinet fruo so luter und so reine. swie vii ein valschiu kleider treit, doch sint ir ere kleine.173 Since clothing, or rather lack of clothing, functions as a sign of Orilus' displeasure, he marks the reunion with his wife by covering her with his surcoat (Parz. 270, 11). By placing her under the protective influence of this article of clothing, he is showing that he is once more placing her under his protection and care, as a husband and as a knight. It is important to Jeschute that she be covered only by her husband's hand, or at the very least with his consent, hence 151 she refuses to accept Parzival's surcoat. Orilus finds her punishment suited to her crime: her "infidelity" was an indication that she was unwilling to accept his care alone, so he punishes the unwillingness by rescinding the care. The 174 effect is the same as if he were unable to care for her.

Parzival's own accomplishment in bringing about their reconcili• ation and clearing Orilus' head of the fog obscuring the truth

is a social parallel to what happens to him in the ninth book where, with the help of Trevrizent, he comes to recognize his own flawed state and reconcile himself with God. The two events of course take place in the same location: Trevrizent's

cave.

A bath and a change of clothing rank with food as the most common types of refreshment available to the traveler during

the Middle Ages, relieving him of the dust which accumulated

as well as easing the muscle soreness caused by riding. After

Jeschute's ordeal has ended and Orilus has been convinced of her innocence, they rejoin their company where baths are prepared for them. Jeschute is tended and beautifully cdressed

to make up for the complete lack of comfort she experienced during their wandering. The reconciliation brings celebration

for them and for their companions, and Jeschute is provided with greater luxury than she had known before the estrangement.

Wolfram, who was so vocal on the subject of gorgeous clothing obscuring a less than perfect character (Parz. 257, 31-32) here refuses to say more than, "Jeschuten wat man muose lobn"

(Parz. 273, 25). Wolfram describes her tatters because they 152

illustrate his point; he assumes, however, that his audience

can imagine her finery without any help from him, and he has no desire to draw the comparison between beautiful exterior,

flawed virtue to its logical conclusion. It is assumed by poet and audience alike that Jeschute is fully deserving of

the new clothing she is given if as nothing more than a reward

for her long and patient suffering.

Wolfram does not always use headdresses in the same way

they were used socially during the Middle Ages, that is as an

indication of status, but he often describes them for the sake of providing a mental or emotional barometer, an indication of changes in mood and condition. Condwiramurs binds up her hair as a sign that she has become Parzival's wife, even though the situation indicated by this sign—the consummation 175 of their union—has not occurred. Their night was spent in complete innocence. For Condwiramurs, however, the emotional commitment overshadows any physical commitment possible and she considers herself married: Den man den roten ritter hiez, die kunegl*n er maget liez. si wande iedoch, si waer sin wip: durch sinen minnecll^chen lip des morgens si ir houbet bant. (Parz. 202, 21-25) Orgeluse is another who makes use of her headdress to advertise 'lat• her mood:

Si hete mit ir hende underm kinne daz gebende hin u*fez houbet geleit. kampfbaeriu lide treit ein wip die man vindet so: diu waer vii li*hte eins schimpfes vro. (Parz. 515, 1-6) 153

Wolfram even interprets the action for the audience: she has

adapted her headdress from the proper and controlled style to a free-spirited variant merely by untying it. The strings,

instead of controlling and steadying, are placed out of the way, on top of her head where they are useless, incapable of performing their original function and detracting from the lines of the decoration itself. The act parallels her rebellious 176 strain and her own dislike of being controlled.

Clothing styles change somewhat with the changing age of the wearer, especially with women, and Wolfram uses this custom during an incident in the Gawain episodes. Obilot, even though she is only a child, gains the services of Gawain, but she is distressed that she is unable to give her knight some token to bear into battle. The solution is really quite simple: her father undertakes to remedy the plight by requesting her mother to give her a new dress: frouwe, sit irs uns bereit, ObylSt wil bezzer kleit. si dunket si's mit wirde wert, sit s6 werder man ir minne gert und er ir biutet dienstes vii und ouch ir kleinoete wil. (Parz. 374, 15-20)

If Gawain is going to fight in Obilot's service, it is necessary for her to bestow a kleinoete, some kind of token, upon him.

The most common of these was a sleeve of the lady's garment, and for this Obilot must have a new dress, made especially for this occasion. This is a sign of her "growing up" and goes along with her gaining a knight's service for the first time and her first private conversation with a man (Parz. 369, 4-5). 154

Having passed the point where she can be content with the society of dolls and children, Obilot's mind turns to other things and she is concerned with carrying out the proper steps involved in the grown-up activities which capture her mind.

The new dress is also a sign of great respect for Gawain; it is unthinkable to Obilot that her token be shabby, for Gawain is a great knight and deserves to serve his lady with pride.

Sleeves had a symbolic function during the Middle Ages because they were given frequently to a knight to carry in battle as a lady's token: their lack was as noticeable on the lady as their presence on the knight. The lady, upon the return of her knight, drew the sleeve back onto her arm to advertise the success of her knight. Though scarves, similar in size and shape and visibility on the knight, were also used as tokens, their loss was not so noticeable on the lady.

Twice at Munsalvaesch Parzival is witness to incidents where sleeves become bloodied. Immediately after his armor has been removed he is invited into the chamber where the host rests by 177 ein redespaeher man (Parz. 229, 4). Parzival, however, takes offense at the quality of the man's voice and in anger he clenches the man's hand in such fury that the blood rushes 178 out from under the nails and wets his sleeve. The second of these episodes occurs during the procession of the lance- bearer around the chamber; blood from the bleeding lance flows onto his hand and his sleeve. The image of the bloodied sleeve is a visual connection between these two events; both are con- 155 nected in addition to a violent act. Parzival causes the first because he believes he is being mocked and reacts to the insult with fury. The second is the expression of a violent grief resulting from the ongoing effects of a violent act:

der truog eine glaevin (der site was ze truren guot): an der sniden huop sich pluot und lief den schaft unz fif die hant, deiz in dem ermel wider want. da wart geweinet unt geschrit uf dem palase wit: daz vole von drizec landen mohtz den ougen niht enblanden. er truoc se in smen henden alumb zen vier wenden, unz aber wider zuo der tiir. der knappe spranc hin uz derfiir. Gestillet was des volkes not, als in der jamerce gebot, des si diu glaevin het ermant,

die der knappe brahte in siner hant. (Parz. 231, 18-232, 4)

In both situations, blood is present on the hand before it finds its way to the sleeve: the "jester's" sleeve is wet with blood from his own hand, and the lance bearer's hand is bloodied from the lance which he is holding in such a way that the blood must course over his hand to find his sleeve. Bloody hands, violence, and sorrow emphasize the fact that Parzival has caused unnecessary blood to flow for the second time since leaving his mother, both of them as a result of his inability to control himself. The bloody lance is a reminder of Amfortas" fighting a joust which he ought not to have fought, the involve• ment in adventures for the sake of worldly love. In terms of the ethics of the templars, his jousting was unnecessary and showed Amfortas' own inability to control himself. But Parzival causes the second bloody situation in a way as much as he 156 causes the first, this time, ironically, by exerting too much control over himself. He directly harms the "jester," but, more importantly, he fails to put an end to a sorrowful situ• ation and allows it to continue for some years. Because he is concerned more with his knightly appearance, he is directly responsible for much pain.

Although not officially a distinct part of a garment, items of decoration function as clothing and occasionally exhibit a value greater than their usual function. The most common items that occur in Parzival are gem-studded belts, rings, clasps and brooches. For the most part, this jewelry and decoration has a purely obvious function in the illustration of wealth and beauty. Occasionally, however, one particular item is given a significant role in the narrative and functions symbolically.

Part of the advice that Herzeloyde gives to Parzival before he leaves her concerns minne, earning the love of a woman who will then exert educative influence upon him, and the physical closeness that can grow between a man and a woman:

sun, la" dir bevolhen sin, swa du guotes wibes vingerlm miigest erwerben unt ir gruoz, daz nim: ez tuot dir kumbers buoz. (Parz. 127, 25-28)

Parzival is not yet sophisticated enough to realize that his mother's advice is meant to be taken any way but literally.

The ring she speaks of is the universal sign of love and mar•

riage, and Herzeloyde is attempting to tell her son that love has a positive influence upon a person. Following this advice 157

literally, Parzival snatches away Jeschute's ring and adds her brooch for good measure. The brooch is meaningless to him but

it does at least gain him a night's lodging. The ring, how•

ever, he keeps. He has no real need to trade it away, and his mother's words suggest it has a value greater than the cost of lodgings. His keeping it means that Jeschute is left without

the visible symbol of her marriage: Parzival destroys their

relationship and keeps the ring during the time it is destroyed.

The ring seals their reconciliation: it is returned to

Jeschute at the same time as Parzival's oath restores the

damaged union. Parzival stands like a priest at the simple

ceremony that reunites the couple, and he hands the ring to

Orilus to put on the hand of his rewon bride.

Sigune also wears a ring, set with a garnet that shines in

the dark when Parzival visits her. Wolfram explains that she wears it in memory of Schionatulander:

Parzivcil der wigant ein kleinez vingerlm da kos, daz si durch arbeit nie verlSs,

sine behieltz durch rehter minne rat. (Parz. 438, 2-5)

The ring is out of keeping with Sigune's garb as a penitent

since it signifies an earthly love relationship, a fact that

Parzival points out to her. Sigune's life, however, with its

total dedication to prayer, is a direct result of her love for

Schionatulander. In his death, he has become a link between

Sigune and God; her ring is ultimately a reminder of the pure

and holy love that binds her to God through Schionatulander. 158

At the sight of blood drops upon the freshly fallen snow,

Parzival falls into a trance, thinking of his beautiful wife and his longing for her. Nothing can free his mind from the hold of this vision as long as it exists to be seen. Even though the trance is twice broken by the turning away of his horse in a moment of danger, Parzival twice returns to the spot and re-enters the trance. Gawain, who approaches Parzival after he has beaten Segremors and Kei, does not wish to fight with him: when he realizes the reason for Parzival's state, he covers the blood spots with a scarf instead of beginning an attack, and this act draws Parzival back into consciousness.

When he realizes that he has lost sight of the image, Parzival cries out:

er sprach 'owe frowe unde wip, wer hat benomn mir dinen lip? erwarp mit riterschaft min hant din werde minn, kron unde ein lant?...* (Parz. 30 2, 7-10)

Knighthood, which won Condwiramurs for Parzival, has in a sense

taken her from him: on leave to find his mother, Parzival becomes caught up in both earthly and spiritual knighthood. In

a totally literal sense, the knight Gawain has taken the image

of Condwiramurs from him by his action in covering the ground.

Parzival's state of mind at this point has reversed his

two major goals: sine gedanke umben grcil unt der kiingin glichiu mal, iewederz wascein strengiu not: an im wac fur der minnen lot. (Parz. 296, 5-8) Wolfram laments the hold love has taken on Parzival's senses

and claims in his discourse to Frou minne that nothing can

break her power:

ir sit slSz ob dem sinne. ezen hilfet gein iu schilt noch swert, snell ors, hfich pure mit tiirnen wert: ir sit gewaldec ob der wer. bede uf erde unt in dem mer waz entrinnet iwerm kriege, ez flieze oder fliege? (Parz. 292, 28-293, 4)

Gawain's action in covering the image of Condwiramurs does not

eradicate it; it exists still under his scarf, just as the

hold of knighthood and the compelling search for the Grail can•

not break the hold of love for Condwiramurs. Gawain's action

merely helps Parzival reassign his priorities.

Gawain's use of a scarf lined in zindal has medicinal 180

overtones. Herbert Kolb points out that this particular

fabric was often used to bind wounds because of its ability to

hold moisture, and it is used by Arnive in tending Gawain's

wounds at the Castle of Wonders:

d6 nam diu alte kiinegin dictam und warmen win unt einen blawen zindal: do erstreich si diu bluotes rakl uz den wunden, swa decheiniu was, unt bant in so daz er genas. (Parz. 579, 11-16)

She eradicates the traces of blood from Gawain's wounds,

promising him, "ich senfte iu schiere" (Parz. 579, 23). Gawain'

earlier use of this same fabric was also used to "remove" the

traces of blood from Parzival's sight, and his action, "die

swanger liber diu bluotes mal" (Parz. 301, 30), is really quite

similar to Arnive's, "do erstreich si diu bluotes mal" (Parz. 160

579, 14). There is furthermore a play on the word senften.

Arnive promises to ease the effects of Gawain's wounds, but

Wolfram also points out that senfte is taken away by the power of love (Parz. 29 3, 16). Gawain, first the healer of the pangs of love, is later healed from the physical wounds caused by his adventures in the Castle of Wonders, itself representing aspects of "love."

Although it is a normal situation for a knight to carry into battle the token of the woman he serves, Gahmuret and

Herzeloyde carry this custom to excess. She celebrates his victories with him by wearing the white shift he has taken to battle. When she is told of his death, she has this bloody, tattered shift brought to her so that she can wear it, sharing his defeat as she had his victory. She is not permitted to keep it. If wearing this shift, a sign of death, is an expres• sion of her own death wish and the desire to be reunited with

Gahmuret, Herzeloyde is not allowed its expression just as the needs of her about-to-be-born son keep her from death.

Her retainers certainly see in her desire to wear the shift a dangerous excess of grief which they hope to stem by removing the means of expression she chooses.

The action of donning the garment would have physically enclosed Parzival in the heritage of his father. Its removal wrests Gahmuret1s knighthood from Herzeloyde just as Herzeloyde later wrests Parzival's own knightly heritage from him.

The denial of full expression of her grief contributes to the development of the excessive motherhood Herzeloyde feels for her son. External forces interfere with her attempt to deal with her grief as her instinct prompts her to. In calling for Gahmuret's death-shift, attempting to share his defeat, she hopes to come to terms with his death by enveloping herself in a physical sign of it, internalizing its reality through 181 vicarious experience. Instead of being permitted to mourn, her attention is shifted forcibly to the child, and all emotion earlier resting upon Gahmuret focuses upon Parzival. He be• comes for her a symbol of her own existence, and her own sur• vival depends upon her keeping him alive and healthy, even at the cost of cheating him of his destiny.

Parzival's fool's clothing is the most prominent example of abnormal clothing in the narrative. Because clothing during the Middle Ages was strongly regulated by custom where it was not regulated by law, it was an almost infallible indication of one's status and position in life. Herzeloyde decides to let her son ride off in the usual clothing of a fool, hoping that rough treatment will make him return to her. The simple clumsy garment she makes for him belies his true heritage: diu frouwe nam ein sactuoch: si sneit im hemde unde bruoch, daz doch an eime stiicke erschein, unz enmitten an sin blankez bein. daz wart fur t6ren kleit erkant. (Parz. 127, 1-5)

The nobility of course did not wear breeches; they remained for some time a mark of the peasant classes. The use of the sackcloth is found in the penitential garment as well; in both instances, fool's clothing and penitent's clothing, the intention is to use the poorest quality fabric possible. J'Ui

There is a possible "ennobling" of Parzival's garment because of the extended implications of sackcloth in its use for exalting the spirit while humbling the body. Wolfram carries this concept further in the actual constructing of the garment. Although it is not mentioned in the Bible, it was generally believed during the Middle Ages that Mary active- 183 ly participated in the constructing of Christ's robe. Her- zeloyde's constructing Parzival's garment herself is one of the many Marian images Wolfram applies to her. She nurses her own son, rejoicing in the sanctity of the act: /frou/UHerzeloyde sprach mit sinne ' diu hoehste kiineginne

Jesus ir bruste bot...' (Parz. 113, 17-19)

When Sigune reveals Parzival's name to him, she explains its meaning: der nam ist rente enmitten durch. groz liebe ier solch herzen furch mit diner muoter triuwe... (Parz. 140, 17-19) At the presentation of Christ in the temple, Mary was told, 184

"and thy;; own soul a sword shall pierce." Ither's exclam• ation upon seeing Parzival, "wol der muoter diu dich bar!"

(Parz. 146, 7) is strongly reminiscent of an exclamation made to 185

Jesus, "Blessed is the womb that bore thee." Wolfram was certainly not using these images to make of Herzeloyde and

Parzival figures of Mary and Jesus, but he did use them for the sake of their effect upon his audience and their contribution 186 to his characterization. This imagery is apparent in the use of the fool's clothing as well as its construction. 163

Herzeloyde hopes her son will be ill-treated by the world so

he will return home, "wirt er geroufet unt geslagn,/so kumt

er mir her wider wol" (Parz. 126, 28-29). Jesus of course

entered the world willingly to suffer blows and jeers:

Despised and the most abject of men, a man of sorrows and acquainted with infirmity: and his look was as it were hidden and despised. Where• upon we esteemed him not....He was offered be• cause it was his own will, and he opened not his mouth. He shall be led as a sheep to the slaughter and shall be dumb as a lamb befc-ge. his shearer, and he shall not open his mouth.

There is furthermore the use of royal clothing to mock Christ

during the Passion. The mockery was carried through by the

use of clothing which did not suit his literal status, royal

clothing for a carpenter who claimed he was a king, clothing,

however, which was in accordance with an internal spiritual

reality. The implications of this situation are inherent in

Wolfram's use of Parzival's fool's clothing, and he uses the

garment to stress the difference between literal or exterior

truth and internal truth.

Herzeloyde's trick is not successful: Parzival is not

taken for a fool. On the simplest level he is not mistaken for

a fool because he is not one, and the appearance of his body offers evidence more conclusive than his clothing. Jeschute

identifies Parzival to Orilus as a fool, but she remarks,

"swaz ich liute erkennet han,/ine gesach nie lip so wol getan"

(Parz. 133, 17-18). She senses the difference even if she does not have the perspicacity to recognize its full import.

Sigune completely ignores Parzival's clothing, even when she 164 recognizes him as her cousin. Ither comments only onbhis beauty, and Arthur is prepared to knight him immediately.

Parzival's body is almost an artistic achievement, "got was an einer siiezen zuht,/do'r Parzivcilen worhte" (Parz. 148, 26-27).

The only reaction he draws is laughter at the incongruity between his external fool's identity and his obvious rank.

Iwanet laughs at the naive abruptness of his speech (Parz. 147,

24) and Cunneware at the sight of his person XParz. 151, 19).

Although the fool's clothing is completely incongruous with the literal reality, it does correspond to an internal reality. For all his beauty and noble birth, Parzival is a fool in the ways of the world. He does not suffer (as a literal fool), but others suffer because of him (the internal fool). When Parzival draws on Ither's armor over his fool's clothing Wolfram is given a further opportunity to exploit the interplay between the internal and the external. The armor becomes the externalization of the literal truth, the fact of Parzival's knightly heritage; the fool's clothing be• comes internalized, under the armor, and expresses an internal reality, the lack of education, Parzival's tumpheit. The two garments point out the distinction between his heritage and his upbringing. The exchange of the fool's clothing for courtly garments is concurrent with the beginning of the education that exorcises the tumpheit on the courtly level. CHAPTER FIVE

GEMS

It was a common belief during the Middle Ages that gems had special powers of a magical or medicinal nature:

Ez ist auch ain gr6z fra"g, von wannen und wie so grdzeu kraft und so gar wunderleicheu maht den stainen kom, wan zwar si habent groz kreft zuo des menschen gesunthait und zuo andern dingen. nu spricht unser puoch ze latein, daz menschleicher vernunft unbekant sei, von wannen die stain die kreft habent, si habens dan von got, wan all kreft koment von got, sam Aristotiles spricht in dem puoch von den iibernaturleichen dingen, daz ze latein haizt liber metaphysice. (Buch der Natur VI)

The andern dingen of this statement certainly includes "power" of a mystical nature, and gemstones were given allegorical in• terpretations in the numerous lapidaries of the Middle Ages.

Wolfram's acceptance of the power of gems is indicated in several passages in Parzival. The Grail Company use a car• buncle in one attempt to heal Amfortas' wound, for example, and in describing Feirefiz' outfit, Wolfram mentions gems which increase the heathen's strength and spirits:

daz ander waren steine, die mit edelem arde reine in hSchgemiiete lerten und sine kraft gemerten. (Parz. 743, 5-8)

The gems which adorn Amfortas' bed at Munsalvaesch have medicinal powers as well as "spiritual" powers:

165 166

Etslecher l£rte hc-hen muot: ze saelde unt ze erzenle guot was da maneges steines sunder art. vii kraft man an in innen wart, derz versuochen kund mit listen. (Parz. 792, 1-5)

In addition to stating the inherent powers to be found in gems,

Wolfram uses gems metaphorically in his prologue:

ich enhan daz niht fur llhtiu dine, swer in den kranken messine verwurket edeln rubl^n und al die aVentiure sin (dem gll*che ich rehten w^bes muot). diu ir wipheit rehte tuot, dane sol ich varwe prueven niht, noch ir herzen dach, daz man siht. ist si inrehalp der brust bewart, so ist werder prls dci niht verschart. (Parz. 3, 15-24)

The import of this pronouncement is that articles of value must

be treated accordingly, as must articles of little value.

The symbolic implications of gems in Parzival are enhanced by the possibility that Wolfram meant the Grail to be viewed 188

as a gemstone. Unfortunately Wolfram did not himself choose

to draw a strong connection between the Grail and the gemstones

he mentions in the narrative. If he meant the Grail to be a

gem, it was certainly as a one-of-a-kind stone for which no

comparison existed.

Gemstones in Parzival have one obvious use: they are men•

tioned for the sake of illustrating wealth and magnificence.

This is the literal function of gemstones in the narrative and

draws upon their great beauty and value. To this literal use

Wolfram adds several non-literal functions: medical use of gems

is not found frequently in Parzival, but it does appear occasion•

ally, usually for the sake of emphasizing certain points; gems

are used metaphorically, both for their value as well as for their color; and scenes and concepts are linked together by

the use of certain gems.

The Grail Company, hoping to cure Amfortas, remove a 189

carbuncle from the forehead of a unicorn, stroke his wound with it and even insert the stone into the wound. One can see

in this attempt the uncommon nature of the wound, bringing with

it the use of uncommon remedies. The only way a unicorn can

be caught is if it is lured by a virgin, "so" vaeht man ez mit 190

ainer kauschen juncfrawen" (Buch der Natur III A, 67). The

gem itself is explained by Konrad von Megenberg to signify

sapientia, but it also appears adorning Mary's garment in the

Rheinisches Marienlob where it has slightly different connota•

tions :

De echte stein is ein Carbunkel, de nachtes schint ind 's dags is dunkel. he ziret sere din gekleide, wand he is zeichen diner barmherzicheide. One can detect two separate sets of associations in the use of

this stone on Amfortas' wound. The unicorn which is the

source of the gem can only be taken by a pure virgin: there is

a certain amount of stress then on purity and a virginal love, which is the antithesis to Amfortas' sin, "Amor was si*n krle" 192

(Parz. 478, 30). The "remedy" which had been attempted

just before the use of the carbuncle had also stressed this

antithesis: the pelican exhibits a pure love by dying for its young. The use of the carbuncle to illustrate barmherzicheide

in the Marienlob suggests a second association. Parzival is 193 . . chastised by Sigune and by Cundrie for failing to exhibit 168

erbarme, for this would have cured Amfortas.

The play on opposites which Wolfram demonstrates with 194

respect to Amfortas1 wound can be seen in the use of the

carbuncle as well. This gem shines more during the night than

during the day, and its purity and klcirheit are used in opposi•

tion to the qualities of the wound, "diu wunde was et liippec var" (Parz. 483, 4).

Although gems are used in comparisons primarily for the

sake of their color, they still call up the specific associ• ations of the qualities of the gem, and when the relationship is expressed in the comparative form (i.e. bluer than, redder than) it suggests an intensification of the qualities.

Wolfram twice uses gem color comparisons in his descrip• tions of Cundrie. During her first visit to Arthur's encampment, the blue of her cloak is spoken of as bluer than lapis lazuli: ein brutlachen von Gent, noch plawer denne ein lasur, het an geleit der freuden schur: daz was ein kappe wol gesniten al nach der Franzoyser siten: drunde an ir lip was pfelle guot. (Parz. 313, 4-9)

This is the only intensification Wolfram uses in his lengthy description of Cundrie, otherwise she has hair as soft as a pig's bristles, the nose of a dog, the teeth of a boar, and so on. This is furthermore the only mention of lapis lazuli in the entire narrative, an uncommon gem emphasizing the un• common nature of Cundrie and of her mission. Lapis lazuli is distinguished by being described as himelvar and offers a= remedy for melancolia.^J Wolfram is perhaps being ironic in his connection of this gem to Cundrie: his description of her

is punctuated by references to the sadness she brings with her:

ir maere tet vii liuten leit. (Parz. 312, 5)

Artus her si brShte pin. (Parz. 312, 18)

vii hoher freude se nider sluoc. (Parz. 312, 30)

The blue of lasur, the blue of heaven, is furthermore suggestive 196

of the virtues so emphasized by her peacock plumed hat.

During Cundrie's second visit to Arthur's camp, Wolfram

uses a gem color comparison to describe her eyes:

ir antliitze ir habt vernomn: ir ougen stuonden dennoch sus,

gel als ein thopazius... (Parz. 780, 18-20)

The color is striking at once and is certainly mentioned for

the sake of yet another laugh at Cundrie's hideous face.

Cundrie's yellow eyes, however, were not mentioned during her

first visit, even though Wolfram points out that they have not

changed color. Their yellow shines out along with the gold

in the Wappen of the templars, also mentioned here for the

first time in connection with Cundrie. Konrad von Megenberg 197

mentions that the color of the topaz resembles gold.

Topaz is one of the gems mentioned in the vision of the

Heavenly Jerusalem, and was interpreted allegorically as the

representation of the repentent sinner:

Nu sul wir werden inain, waz pezaichenet der stain also mare? ainen offenen suntare. den riwent sine sculde, unte er gotes hulde mit noten gewinnet, also daz viur brinnet uz tern chofer daz golt: so wirt ime got vii holt 170

unt minnet in mere den ander bezzere. :nach dem himele ist er gevare, swen in sin muot treit dare ^gg alsam e ze den sunten, e in di riwe ervunten.

Parzival, whose progress has been that of a repentent sinner,

hears the news of his ultimate success from topaz-eyed Cundrie;

mit noten he has finally won gotes hulde.

When Gahmuret rides into Kanvoleis, Wolfram emphasizes the

redness of his mouth by comparing it to a ruby:

sin munt als ein rubin schein von roete als ober brunne: der was dicke und niht ze diinne. (Parz. 63, 16-18)

Thissimple comparison is heightened in its effect by the extended meaning of the ruby: according to the Marienlob, it typifies the sort of burning passion motivating the martyrs:

di krone si is.rot ind schin, si dregt den vurgen edeln Rubin. he is beide vurich inde rot, he bezeichent der martiljen not, di rot des roden bludes vlut, ^ ^gg dat blut entfengt der minnen glut.

Gahmuret's sensuality and knightly passion are evident in the red of his mouth. His son's passion is also emphasized by the same gem color comparison, "noch roeter denn ein rubfc&n/was sin kursit unt sins orses kleit" (Parz,, 679, 10-11). The son exhibits the passion of the father, but father and son direct it in different ways. Gahmuret's passion is a personal one, devoted to the satisfaction of interior desires and personal whims. Parzival's passion is externalized in that it is directed first of all towards his knightly quest. The ruby-red appears in his armor, not on his person. Parzival's "redness" 171 or passion is ultimately "redder" than that of his

father.

Belakane's crown is formed of a single ruby just as

Gahmuret's helmet is made of a single diamond. The gem indi•

cates the wealth and magnificence of Belakane's lands and it

also lends a distinctly exotic touch for the sake of Western

audiences, accustomed to the golden crowns of their own sov•

ereigns. Both these gem headpieces are of heathen origin

(Gahmuret's helmet originally belonged to Isenhart). The ruby

crown is translucent and [Belakane's head can be seen through it,

"ir krone ein liehter rubi"n:/ir houbet man derdurch wol sach"

(Parz. 24, 12-13). This translucent gem is recalled at

Gahmuret's death when a ruby, also translucent, is set over his

body:

vor jamer wart vii liuten we. ein tiwer rubin ist der stein

ob sivme grabe, da* durch er schein. (Parz. 107, 6-8)

The color of the ruby has significance in its use for

Belakane's crown and for Gahmuret's gravestone. Belakane has

caused Isenhart's death and bears the shadow of blood on her

person, even though her part in the death was unintentional.

Gahmuret's grave stone repeats the color of his blood, the

blood that stained his shirt, and the goat's blood which

softened his helmet and permitted his fatal wound.

For the heathen side of Gahmuret's family, rubies are

participants in important events. They are present at the begin•

ning of love between Gahmuret and Belakane and they mark the

death of the father. They also mark the beginning of the Christian life of the son: the baptismal font at Munsalvaesch where Feirefiz is baptized is also formed of a single ruby.

Gahmuret did not wish to deny his son his heritage and in his

farewell letter to Belakane he claims his yet unborn son and

relates his heritage; the baptism is a fulfilling of his son's destiny and marks the change in faith which was given Belakane

as a possible condition for the return of the father. Each of

these incidents in Gahmuret's heathen family involves a joining

of Christian and heathen forces. The ruby crown marks the love

and marriage of heathen queen to Christian knight; the grave

stone marks Gahmuret's body, a marker provided by the heathen

in whose service the Christian knight died; the baptismal font marks the change in faith of Feirefiz from heathen to Christian.

The ruby is a significant gem for the Grail circle as well

as for Gahmuret's heathen family. It is the one gem worn by

Amfortas during the Grail ceremony which Parzival witnesses at

Munsalvaesch, although it is not mentioned during Parzival's

second visit to the castle. It recalls the blood which appears

during the ceremony, the blood and agony of the wound Amfortas

bears as well as the blood of the lance brought in before the

Grail. Parzival's second visit, during which Amfortas' ruby

is not mentioned, is accompanied by an abundance of new life to

the company in the arrival of Parzival's sons and the departure

of Repanse with Feirefiz bearing the promise of a son as well,

new life which removes the shadow of blood from the company. A second ruby appears during the Grail ceremony, forming the hilt of the sword presented to Parzival.This weapon is also marked by the general aura of destruction and repair: the blade of the sword shatters at the second blow but is rejoined by the power of a spring at its source. This quality of destruction and repair permeates the entire Grail company:

Amfortas is wounded but can be healed, Parzival fails in his mission on his first visit but is given a second opportunity to fulfill it. The ruby hilt in addition echoes the color of

Parzival's armor.

Amfortas is not the only member of the Grail company to display a ruby: the handle of the whip Cundrie carries during her first appearance is formed of this gem. The instrument itself is not common in the narrative: it appears twice as a whip and once in a metaphorical statement made by Kei, "sol iemen bringen uns den kopf,/hie helt diu geisel, dort der topf'J (Parz. 150, 15-16). It is possible to view Cundrie' s whip in a metaphorical sense as well for there is a possible relationship between her appearance and mission and a concept which notably appears in Dante's Purga'torJo. As Dante enters each cornice, the level of each particular sin, he is met with the "whip'.' to that sin, examples of opposite virtues meant to

"whip" the sinners on to follow the examples given. He is told, for example;:

This circle purges the guilt of Envious spirits, and for these 2Q_ who failed in Love, Love is the lash that scourges... 174

Cundrie's appearance in the sixth book is directed to do some• thing of this sort, to act as a "whip" both by informing Par•

zival of his faults and to give example of the virtues against which Parzival had sinned in his failure to demonstrate pity for Amfortas. Cundrie herself is moved to tears by the mere recollection of his plight:

Cundri" was selbe sorgens pfant. al weinde si die hende want, daz manec zaher den andern sluoc: grOz jamer se uz ir ougen truoc. die maget lert ir triuwe wol klagen ir herzen riuwe. (Parz. 318, 5-10)

Forming the handle of the actual whip she carries is the same stone worn by Amfortas, reflecting his mortal anguish for which

Cundrie denounces Parzival. It is also echoed in Parzival's armor and his sword, articles which are features of his mission and representatives of his failure as well as of his destiny.

Gahmuret's grave is also marked by a cross carved from an emerald, placed there by his Christian retainers but paid for by the Baruch. Gahmuret's own color reappears above his body, the gernden siten of the knight translated into a sigh of

Christian salvation. Despite his service of the heathens,

Gahmuret's soul is assured of salvation:

diu manliche triwe sin git im ze himel liehten schin,

und ouch sin riwic pihte. (Parz. 107, 25-27)

Trevrizent's reliquary is carved from a green stone, quite probably an emerald, which was given him by Gahmuret: er gap sin kleinoete mir: swaz ich im gap daz was sl^n gir. mine kefsen, die du saehe (diu ist noch griiener denne der kle) 175

hiez ich wurken tiz eim steine

den mir gap der reine. (Parz. 498, 7-12)

The origins of the stone in Gahmuret's possession and the

stress placed on its color, greener than clover, increase the

likelihood that the stone is meant1to be an emerald. Only

three gems are specifically mentioned with respect to Gahmuret:

the diamond, the ruby, and the emerald. Furthermore, of the

gems sharing the color green, only the emerald is described as "greener," der ist griien ob alien griienen dingen" (Buch der 202

Natur VI, 67). These two emeralds mentioned specifically

in connection with Gahmuret are gems of a "secular" origin

put to a "religious" use. The stone given Trevrizent was a

gift from a knight pleased to have met his brother-in-law, but was fashioned into a container for relics. The cross above

Gahmuret's grave was provided by a heathen but fashioned and

set there by Christian knights. There is here a merging of

secular and religious that is frequently found in other

elements in the narrative. Parzival, for example, begins his quest as a knight seeking membership in the fellowship of the

Round Table, looking for secular adventure; his knighthood becomes a spiritual mission. The secular and the religious merge in Parzival's oath, to Orilus as well. He uses a religir ous article, Trevrizent's reliquary, to verify his words and to repair the damage he has done in his courtly ignorance, and his oath offers surety on courtly and on religious levels: min lip gein werltlicher schame immer si gewenket und al min prls yerkrenket. dirre worte si mit werken pfant 176

min geliicke vor der hoehsten hant: ich hctnz del fur, die treit got. nu mlieze ich f lustecl^tchen spot ze beden l&en immer han von slner kraft, ob misse-tian disiu frouwe habe, do" diz geschach daz i'r fiirspan von ir brach. (Parz. 269, 12-22)

In the creation of this reliquary, Wolfram is drawing upon two further features of the emerald: the gem was considered an aid to eyesight, as Konrad von Megenberg states, "er sterkt daz gesiht und klaert diu augen" (Buch der Natur VI, 67). It was also believed to be a proof of chastity, "wenn man pei dem stain unkauscht, so pricht er" (Buch der Natur VI, 67). When

Gahmuret gives the stone to Trevrizent it is as a result of his having recognized kinship to his wife despite all

Trevrizent1s denials. Recognition is a tribute to Gahmuret's

"eyesight." Wolfram also stresses Gahmuret's chastity, making it the first quality he chooses to mention (Parz. 5, 22). Both extended implications of the gem are also present during

Parzival's oath, to Orilus. Orilus believes what he can see, that his wife had a visitor during his absence, and he cannot

"see" beyond this, accepting as valid her infidelity. Par•

zival's oath "opens his eyes" to the truth of the situation, and Jeschute's true chastity is verified, "wiplxcher kiusche lobes kranz/truoc si mit armuete" (Parz. 260, 8-9).

The presence of the garnet forges a link between the Grail service and Sigune's reclusive life. During the service it appears as the ceremonial surface placed upon two ivory sup• ports and later reappears in the ring Parzival sees shining on 177

Sigune's hand. In both situations the stone is a bitter com• panion to the pain of its beholders, for it was believed to bring cheer, "er verjagt trauren und gibt dem muot fraud"

(Buch der Natur VI, 38). The only measure of joy that the

Grail Company and Sigune can find is in the Grail or the dedi• cation to God through the beloved.

Long lists of gemstones are included in the narrative for the effect of their names on the audience, and Wolfram plays these scenes off against each other. Feirefiz' shield with all its gem-studded brilliance is a poor second to Amfortas' bed which bears fifty-eight different gems. There is too a deliberate contrast between this bed and the Lit marveile, as there is between the Grail Castle and the Castle of Wonders:

Amfortas' bed is the resting place of a sexually wounded man, virtually forced upon him because of the nature of his sickness while the Lit marveile, sought for the sake of adventure, can 203 only permit a sexually normal or superior man on it. In the course of the adventure Gawain rescues his relatives, as 204

Parzival eventually does for Amfortas at Munsalvaesch.

The profusion of gems in the Castle of Wonders suggests

Wolfram was perhaps drawing from descriptions of the Heavenly

Jerusalem. Only about half the gems of the Castle of Wonders overlap with those of the heavenly city, however, so the parallel is not deliberately one of gems and their significance but rather of effect. Clinschor's creation is a splendid but perverted earthly paradise. CHAPTER SIX

GIFTS OF CLOTHING. OFFERING OF AID AND ASSISTANCE

A number of medieval clothing customs are related to the giving of gifts as a sign of milte or as a Botenbrot and to the neces• sity for aid in the removing or donning of certain types of clothing, particularly armor. The majority of clothing gifts and instances of aid are representative of social custom and are to be taken at face value. Certain features, however, can bring with them a symbolic significance and an indication that the scene must be evaluated for its non-literal value. Among these extraordinary features are a close relationship between donor and recipient, either blood relationship or emotional attachment; possible significance of color; or unusual elements present in the gift-giving or in the aid, its absence when it should have occurred, for example, or its performance by some person other than the most likely.

When Gahmuret announces to his brother and mother his plans to leave his father's lands and to seek adventure as a knight errant, the question of property is raised. As the younger son he has no claim to the lands or to the varnde habe of his father, but he does request four additional squires from his brother, adding that they should be "mit guoter zuht, von hoher

178 art" (Parz. 8, 5). His brother, distressed that Gahmuret will

not stay with him, offers him much more so that he can maintain

himself at the proper level:

ich bin dir herzenlichen holt. lieht gesteine, r6tez golt, liute, Wctpen, ors, gewant, des nim sS vii von miner hant, daz du na"ch dlnem willen varst unt dine mildekeit bewarst. (Parz. 9, 5-10)

Gahmuret is understandably appreciative at this generosity

since it aids him in his aspirations:

welt ir und diu muoter min mir teilen iwer varnde habe, s8 stlge ich uf und ninder abe. (Parz. 9, 20-22)

His mother adds to Galoes' gifts lengths of rich fabric,

phelle and samit. These parting gifts and Gahmuret's request

illustrate an important facet of his personality: he is very

concerned about the impression he creates. His request for

squires is marked by his desire that they be well-mannered and

in keeping with his own desired position, that they aid him in

creating his own impression. The gifts of his brother are all portable, as suits a knight errant, and they represent the

physical outfitting of Gahmuret: clothing, adornment, horses

and weaponry, along with certain valuables which can, if need

be, be used for currency. All of these gifts are concerned with creating an impression of wealth and splendor and sup• porting the impression with the demonstration of one of the

important knightly virtues, mildekeit.

Gahmuret's mother tailors her gifts to his desire for minne: 180

1 sit du na*ch hoher minne wendest dienest unde muot, lieber sun, la dir min guot uf die vart niht versmahen...' (Parz. 11, 10-13)

The silken and velvet fabrics are chosen for their part in improving his knightly, physical appearance and aiding him in the winning of a lady's favor. In a culture concerned with external evidence, a knight who looks good is_ good. This stress on clothing and appearance creates the impression that Gahmuret is a dandy and suggests an excessive love for adornment; it also suggests that he has a deficiency in another of the knightly virtues, maze. This deficiency does appear in his unchecked searches for adventure even when the duties of family responsi• bility should temper his desires. The concern for appearance demonstrated by the preponderance of clothing mentioned as he sets out on his original search for adventure establishes

Gahmuret's concern for the appearances of knighthood, a feature that is inherited by his son. Parzival's original desire to seek knighthood is inflamed by the sight of a knight in the external glory of his clothing.

Gahmuret's meetings with Belakane are marked by the presence of his anchor: he wears his own clothing, not clothing provided by his hostess. The presence of his anchor throughout the scenes with Belakane is a warning that there is no stability to be had in this union, that Gahmuret will once more leave on his quest for adventure.

It is unusual that clothing is not provided for Gahmuret at his arrival as a sign of hospitality and an expression of 181 welcome by his hostess. It is quite possible that Belakane is unfamiliar with the custom: she does express some concern as to the proper manner in which to greet the newcomer to her lands:

daz het ich gerne erfunden £: op mirz die mine rieten, ich soit im ere bieten. gerouchet er mir nShen,

wie sol ich in enph&hen? (Parz. 22, 10-14)

Her question as to the face-to-face formalities of greeting can certainly extend to the niceties of the gift of fresh clothing.

The only clothing gift that Belakane makes to Gahmuret is very indirect and occurs without her knowledge. The knightly equipment which once belonged to Isenhart and was removed at

Belakane's request is transferred to Gahmuret at sea, Gahmuret offering to act as surety to Belakane for its arrival since it was originally destined for her. As her husband, he can claim ownership of this equipment which includes the diamond helmet.

Thus Belakane's "gift" to Gahmuret is that of knightly clothing, suitable for a man who devotes himself to the pursuit of knightly goals. That Gahmuret becomes possessor of the knightly equipment ofilsehhart merely reflects the situation: he has himself taken Isenhart"s place in Belakane's heart, as a knight and as a lover. Gahmuret's final tragedy is already apparent; Belakane's "gift" is an unwilling participant in

Gahmuret's death.

Gahmuret is not given a gift of clothing by Herzeloyde either. At first this is a reflection of his position in her 182 lands: he is merely a participant in the tournament, not a guest in her home. In fact, when Herzeloyde visits his tent after the vesper games she remarks that he is "host" within his own tent, "ir sit hie wirt da ih iuch vant:/sS bin ich wirtin uberz lant" (Parz. 83, 13-14). Gahmuret does not at all pre• sent the image of a guest to whom an expression of hospitality is due. The first item of clothing to be exchanged between the two is a piece of knightly equipment:

der tiwer w&penroc im wart durchstochen unde verhouwen: den truoger fur die frouwen. er was von: golde dennoch guot, er gleste als ein gluendic gluot. (Parz. 81, 18-22)

Gahmuret's intention at Kanvoleis had been merely to parti• cipate in the games, not to vie for the hand of the queen.

Knighthood is uppermost in this presentation to Herzeloyde of

Gahmuret's wapenroc, and it foreshadows the presentation to

Herzeloyde later of the bloodied shift Gahmuret wore. The shining glory of the wapenroc, gleaming despite its tatters, is a marked contrast to the pathetic garment Herzeloyde later receives. Gahmuret's death is as present at this exchange as his departure was at his meeting with Belakane.

Parzival indicates his desire for Ither's armor in terms of giftgiving when he appears before Arthur. He expresses the wish that he had received it from the king's hand, "owi wan het ich sin gewant/enphangen von des kiinges hant!" (Parz. 148,

15-16). Kei's suggestion that Arthur use Parzival to smooth over the problem Ither has caused also makes use of terminology 183

connected with the giving of gifts. He warns the king that it would be ungenerous to refuse this request:

1 ir waert ein kiinec unmilte, ob iuch solher ga\be bevilte. gebtz im dar,' sprach Keye san, 'und la"t in zuo zim ftf den plan...' (Parz. 150, 11-14)

That Arthur can bestow the armor as a gift in keeping with the

necessary milte is a reminder that knighthood too is Arthur's

to give, and yet both the gift-giving and the knighting are

grotesque parodies of what they should be. The ramifications

of being given a gift and then told or even permitted to go

forth to take it are as incongruous as Parzival's process of

becoming a knight. Instead of being given the outfit proper

for a new knight immediately before the dubbing ceremony

Parzival takes his "gift" and runs off without the proper cere•

mony. Knighthood is hereditary, but because of Parzival's

abnormal upbringing he is forced to labor to earn it. The

"gift" of Ither's armor is indicative of this situation: he

is given the right to the armor, but he must take it away from

Ither by his own power.

One of the benefits Parzival receives from his visit with

Gurnemanz is the gift of new clothing which replaces the un•

comfortable and embarrassing (although not to him) fool's

clothing made for him by his mother. In the morning upon

awakening he is provided with a white tunic and scarlet hose

which he wears while he is taught the necessary knightly skills

by his host as well as with other garments to complete his

outfit. Gurnemanz makes this gift because of his concern for 184 the duties of a good host as well as out of kindness to his young guest whose own garments are so peculiar. This gift is particularly significant, however, both in the act of change from one type of clothing to another as well as in the colors of the various garments.

More than anyone else, it is Gurnemanz who changes Par• zival from the naive "fool" into a knight by teaching him the niceties of knightly behavior which even his innate strength and ability cannot replace. It is Gurnemanz as well who con^ vinces Parzival that it is not necessary for him to preface every remark with mention of his mother's instructions, that he can carry his mother within his heart without constantly talking about her. The clothing Parzival is given marks this teaching: he leaves off the fool's garb which tied him to his mother by being a garment she prepared as well as the means by which she hoped to bring him home, and he takes on the dress appropriate to a knight and in keeping with the new skills he learns from his host. Both the teaching and the change of clothing bring about a transformation in him, and yet both merely capitalize upon traits inherent in Parzival, developing the already present capabilities. He is born with the strength and capacity for knighthood: this is his legacy from his father. But he also possesses great physical beauty which the fool's clothing cannot obscure and which the new clothing given him by Gurnemanz sets off to the best advantage. 185

Gurnemanz1 clothing gift repeats the two colors usually associated with Parzival in the narrative. The red of the hose replaces the red of his armor, retaining the suggestion of bloody deeds and fervor intermingled, surmounted by a white tunic. Parzival's innocence, though stained, is still an im• portant feature and is suggested in the relative positions of these colors. Wolfram plays on the effect of the colors 205 later, as Parzival rides away from Gurnemanz. The roc and mantel Gurnemanz provides, however, are interesting in another way: brun scharlachen wol gesniten, (dem was furrieren niht vermiten) beidiu innen h'armin blanc, roc und mantel w&ren lane: breit swarz unde grit zobel dervor man kSs alda*. (Parz. 16 8, 9-14) Sable is not often used as clothing ornamentation: it appears 206 most frequently in the figures of Wappen and in use as coverlets. There are, however, three incidents where sable trimmed garments are mentioned by Wolfram and the sable de• scribed as being black or black and grey: the first is Gah- muret's entrance to Kanvoleis (Parz. 63, 23-24); the second is when Parzival is given sable trimmed clothing; and the third is during the Grail ceremony on the warm clothing Amfortas wears. These incidents are related by more than the presence of the sable. Amfortas needs his furs because of a wound resulting from improper participation in worldly knighthood;

Gahmuret's entrance is the prelude to his marriage to Herzeloyde which is ended so suddenly by a wound suffered in combat. Of 186 this union is born Parzival who dons sables in the course of 207 his courtly education, as a result of which he fails to heal the fur-covered /Amfortas.

Despite the privation Parzival witnesses at Pelrepeire he finds that its inhabitants are still capable of offering the normal courtesies to a guest. He is given a cloak, certainly at the wish of the queen, although Wolfram uses an impersonal construction to report the gift: man b£t im einen:'mantel san, gelich also* der roc getcin, der £ des an dem helde lac: des zobel gap wilden niwen smac. (Parz. 186, 7-10) It is while wearing this garment that Parzival is led in to see

Condwiramurs. Wolfram mentions two significant features about this cloak: its suitability in light of the clothing gifts given him by Gurnemanz, and its newness. That the cloak should suit the clothing given to Parzival by Gurnemanz suggests a similarity in function that Condwiramurs and Gurnemanz share.

Gurnemanz is Parzival's first real educator and guide, and the clothing he gives is a mark of the transition from Dummling to knight. Condwiramurs also has an educative, guiding function to fulfill with Parzival, even though it is not as formal as the training in knighthood. Her presence does initiate him into the closeness at which Gurnemanz had once hinted:

Gurnemanz im ouch underschiet, man und wip waern al ein. si vlShten arm unde bein. ob ichz iu sagen iruieze, er vant daz nahe sueze: der alte und der niwe site wonte alda in beiden mite. (Parz. 203, 4-10) . 187

Condwiramurs in many ways supplements and completes the educational process.

The "custom" which Parzival learns is described as being both old and new. The distinction between the old and the new is brought up in reference to the cloak presented Parzival as well. Walter Mersmann sees the cloak as belonging to a greater scheme of events which brings about the replacement of Liaze with Condwiramurs:

Die Mantelleihe steht in dem grosseren Zusammenhang des Gedenkens an Liaze, das den Eingang des IV. Buches fiillt. Diesem von dem Ankommling gleichsam Mitgebrachten tritt Ne'ues entgegen; £ und niuwe stossen aufeinander, wobei der zuriickliegenden Liazeminne die Bedeutung eines erweckenden Vor- klanges auf das wilde niuwe der vollkommenen Minne Condwiramurs1 zukommt. In dieser Begegnung ist Altes, aus der Lehre der Mutter und Gurnemanz1 Bekanntes, vorhanden (bes. 203, 2ff.) und ist in der gegenwartigen Erfiillung doch niuwe:. 208

White is a color also associated with Liaze during Parzival's departure in the trick of his eyes, but the white of Liaze is given over to the red and white of Condwiramurs. Clothing changes follow this pattern: as the new follows the old,

Parzival's new cloak covers and so supersedes the older cloth• ing given him by Gurnemanz which is associated with his daughter. Yet the clothing is at least partially cumulative: there is not always a total change of garments involved, but often merely a placing of new garments atop older ones.

Parzival's fool's clothing is replaced by Gurnemanz, but his armor is not. Condwiramurs replaces Parzival's cloak but not his other garments. Similarly, Parzival is not given a new set of garments at Munsalvaesch on the grounds that they are not 188 yet ready for him, but he is loaned a cloak which covers his other garments. The experiences are cumulative as well:

Parzival learns the beginnings of love and of the pain and sadness of love with Liaze and he finds their culmination with

Condwiramurs. This pattern of old being covered by new but not totally replaced is repeated at the Grail Castle: Amfortas is succeeded as king by Parzival but he is not wholly replaced in the Grail community, he does not die, but he is healed and lives on in a different capacity.

The major clothing gift to Parzival is made by Cunneware, and in this case it is in all likelihood the donor who is the most significant factor in the gift-giving. Parzival is

Gawain's guest at Arthur's encampment, and as host Gawain should have provided him with a change of clothing. And yet it is

Cunneware who sends for clothing, giving Parzival the garments originally intended for her lover Clamide. This fact is in• dicative of the closeness and affection which exists between these two. It is an affection which cannot be altered even by

Clamide. Cunneware is important to Parzival as well: with the exception of his wife, he serves no other woman but Cun• neware. They are, in many ways, kindred souls. In Parzival's presence Cunneware suffers a severe physical beating for which

Parzival is responsible and for which he makes amends. Cunne• ware, on the other hand, is present at Cundrie's denunciation and suffers for his sake, attempting to ease his pain with her affectionate aid. The hero who refuses his kiss to all 189 ladies, parts from Cunneware with a kiss:

d& kuster an den stunden Cunnewcirn die cl&ren magt. alsus wart mir yon ir gesagt. da ergienc ein trurec scheiden

von den gelieben beiden. (Parz. 333, 10-14)

The offering of aid and assistance in the removing or in the donning of certain articles of clothing is another normal sign of hospitality, just as is the offering of fresh cloth• ing to the weary traveler. Aid is rendered necessary by the difficulty experienced by a knight handling his own armor un• aided; it is also a necessity in the case of injury and can thus be viewed as the normal state of affairs in a situation that would not have ordinarily warranted it. Gawain1s armor is removed from him by a group of ladies after his adventures with the Lit marveile, but since their aid is not of the ordinary variety (they would not be undressing him were he not severely wounded or had they male servants to do the task for them) great care is taken to see that modesty is not done injury: do gebSt si an den stunden vier frouwen daz si giengen unt sin harnasch enpfiengen, daz siz sanfte von im naemen, unt daz si kunden raemen

daz er sich des iht dorfte schemen. (Parz. 578, 12-17)

In the normal situations where aid is offered in cloth• ing, women are frequent participants, but their participation is marked by one of two features: the aid is given as a sign of the greatest of intimacy such as is present between a husband and a wife, or the aid is a sign of great service and so 190 great respect, especially where it is coupled with affection.

Gahmuret's union with Belakane is begun with her assistance in his disarming:

entwa*pent mit swarzer hant wart er von der kunegi"n. ein declachen zobelin und ein bette wol geheret, dar an im wart gemeret ein heinlichiu ire. (Parz. 44, 18-23)

Before leading the hero off, Belakane calls to his attendants that he will be well taken care of by her:

we wie getriwe . ir knappen sltl ir waent verliesen disen man: dem wirt Sn iuch gemach geta*n. nemt sin ors unt fuert ez hin: s^Ln geselle ich hie bin. (Parz. 44, 12-16) In carrying out the duties of a geselle, normally a companion at arms, Belakane functions in a different capacity, becoming 209 his lover. The service she offers him changes its character according to the person performing it. Done by a squire it has the nature of the duty a lesser performs for a greater. Done by a woman it is a favor, a sign of love, or a means by which a lady repays her knight's service.

A similar situation occurs between Gahmuret and Herzeloyde after the judicial verdict is handed down and Gahmuret is awarded the queen's hand. Herzeloyde invites him to give in to her wifely tending: diu kiinegin zir friunde sprach 'nu habt iuch an mine phlege.' si wist in heinliche wege. juncfrouwen unt diu kiinegm in fuorten da* er freude vant und al sin truren gar verswant. (Parz. 99, 30-100, 2; ---100, 8-10) The inviation obviously includes both the lovemaking which imme

diately follows as well as the small favors a wife does for her

husband, including the tender removal of his armor. Gahmuret

is referred to by Wolfram as Herzeloyde's friunde, a term as

charged with sexual connotations as Belakane's use of the term

geselle although even more straightforward.

After her assertion that she will marry Parzival,

Condwiramurs helps in the removal of his armor. It is an action prompted by the same feelings which led her to announce

her intention of marrying this one man: her love and her grati

tude. After Parzival's great efforts on her behalf, it is the very least she can do personally to express her thanks.

The aid Cunneware gives Parzival in his arming is due him,

she says, because he was instrumental in bringing about her betrothal to Clamide:

frou Cunneware de Lalant in fuorte da se ir poulfin vant, sin harnasch hiez si bringen dar: ir linden hende wol gevar wapnden Gahmuretes suon. si jach 'ich solz von rehte tuon, sit der kiinec von Brandigan

von iwern schulden mich wil han...' (Parz. 332, 19-26)

Her next words, however, suggest that the arming is more than an expression of gratitude at her betrothal, "grSz kumber iwer werdekeit/git mir siufzebaerez leit" (Parz. 332, 27-28).

Cunneware's loving tending of her knight is one way in which she can ease the pain of Cundrie's words.

Gawain is given aid by Bene, the daughter of the ferryman with whom he stays during his adventure at the Castle of Wonder 192-

That she is permitted to become so intimate with the knight is indicative of the great respect and admiration her father has for Gawain; Wolfram remarks that he would not have minded had the two shared an even closer relationship:

innen des jgienc. ir vater zuo. der liezez Sne ziirnen gar, ob diu maget wol gevar ihts da waere betwungen, und ob da was gerungen: dem gebcirt se gellche, diu maget zxihte riche, wand si dem bette nahe saz. daz liez ir vater ane haz. (Parz. 555, 18-26)

Throughout, there is great stress on the respect Bene has her• self for Gawain; even when the knight begs her not to trouble herself about him, her reply indicates that she is proud to be able to serve him even in this small way:

'got iu des danken miieze,' sprach Gawan,, 'frouwe, es ist mir not: wan daz manz iu von hove gebSt, so dient ir mir ze s£re.' si sprach 'ich diene iu mere, her, nach iweren hulden dan von andern schulden.' (Parz. 549, 16-22)

These instances of offering of aid in arming a knight are all indicative of respect, even when they are done by a wife out of love and duty. This situation makes Parzival's experi• ences with aid at Munsalvaesch that much more striking.

Parzival's arrival at the Grail Castle is marked by the great respect with which he is met: vii kleiner juncherrelin sprungen gein dem zoume sin: ieslichez fur dez ander greif. si habten sinen stegreif: sus muoser von dem orse sten. in bei ten ritter fiirbaz gen: 193

die fuorten in an sl*n gemach. harte schiere daz geschach, daz er mit zuht entwapent wart. (Parz. 227, 19-27)

The pages who rush to his aid in this reception, like all the residents of Munsalvaesch, are acting under the assumption that they are greeting their new king, the man who will cure itoif cartas. Even after Parzival's failure to participate in the

Grail ceremony in the proper manner, he is still treated with the same respect, perhaps because the pages believe there is yet a chance that he will demonstrate the necessary compassion.

As Parzival is led to bed pages rush to help remove his clothing:

junch£rren snel und niht ze laz maneger im dar naher spranc: si enschuohten bein, diu waren blanc. ouch zoch im mer gewandes abe manec wol geborner knabe. (Parz. 243, 14-18)

This treatment is obviously meant to contrast sharply with the total absence of aid the next morning when the hope of a cure for Amfortas is totally dashed. Parzival awakens wondering where the pages are and who will help him dress. He finally dresses himself and runs in a rage through the empty castle. The residents are demonstrating a complete lack of respect for him by their absence, an attitude which is echoed in the voice that calls to him as he leaves:

'ir suit varen der sunnen haz,' sprach der knappe. 'ir sit ein gans. moht ir geriieret han den flans, und het den wirt gevraget! vii priss iuch hat betr&get.' (Parz. 247, 26-30)

Parziva.l's reaction to this lack of attention is anger as was his reaction to Ither's blow and later to the seeming absence 194

of God's mercy. The image of Parzival left alone to arm him•

self, unattended and shown the lack of respect for his

failure is carried through the narrative. Wolfram accentuates

the sadness in Parzival's inability to participate in the

general Arthurian merrymaking at the end of the fourteenth book by showing Parzival stealing away alone, arming himself

as he had done as many times before:

er grief da sin harnasch lac, des er dicke al eine pflac, daz er sich palde wSpnde drin.

nu wil er werben niwen pin. (Parz. 733, 21-24)

Parzival's ability to arm himself is one of the skills he must learn, another aspect of his paternal heritage kept from him. He cannot even remove Ither's armor from the corpse let alone put it onto his own body. His acquired ability in arm• ing himself is one representation of the skills he has learned and the proficiency he has gained in knightly deeds. That he has been forced to arm himself frequently captures in one poignant image the effect of the experience at Munsalvaesch;

Parzival's solitary arming and departure from Arthur's camp is really one of the more moving moments in the entire narrative. CHAPTER SEVEN

PERSONAL CLOTHING IN WILLEHALM

Because of the general structure of the narrative, the bulk of clothing symbolism which appears in Willehalm is connected with armor; since all but a few scenes take place on the battlefield there is less opportunity for Wolfram even to mention other types of clothing. In general the ways in which Wolfram makes use of the symbolic potential of armor in

Willehalm parallel those used in Parzival.

The use of armor as a disguise is readily apparent in

Willehalm and is done intentionally by the hero. The loss of so many of his men and especially of Vivianz angers the Markgraf so that he kills Arofel, despite the heathen's pleas to be spared. Although the situations are vastly different, this act still has a good deal in common with Parzival's slaying of

Ither. Both "justify" the deed with the thought of somebody else: Parzival suggests that Ither may be Lahelin, and

Willehalm thinks of his dead companions. Both Arofel and Ither are worthy of being mourned by ladies after their deaths, and in both cases Wolfram himself indicates his sadness at the loss. And Arofel's armor is the prize for Willehalm, just as

Ither's was for Parzival. Willehalm's motivation in com• mitting this re*roup is, however, not precisely the same as

195 196

Parzival1s, who himself admits he slew Ither for the sake of

his armor. Willehalm kills because of his grief, and he takes

the armor not because of his greed—he is already armed--but because of the battle situation in which he is trapped. The

armor is much better than his own, and although the thought

is not specifically mentioned as a reason for taking the heathen's armor, it does allow him to escape alive from the heathens by providing him with a disguise. The disguising

aspects of the armor become apparent only later, however, and the only factor actually mentioned while Willehalm is stripping

Arofel's body is that the heathen has better armor:

der marcrave ninder flSch, e daz er von im selben zoch harnasch daz er e4 hit an: ein bezzerz daz der tote man gein im ze strlte brahte, balde er des gedahte,

mit zimierde leit erz an den lTp. (Wh. 81, 23-29)

Wolfram also declines to mention just when Willehalm catches sight of the armor and whether or not it is a motivating factor in the slaying, although Willehalm's state of mind sug• gests that he needs no further impetus than the death of 210

Vivianz and his other men. Robbing the corpse of its armor, while not absolutely necessary for Willehalm's survival, is still valuable to him. In a battle situation, poor armor is little better than no armor at all, and Willehalm's own armor is certainly battle worn. This theft is easily exonerated by the extenuating circumstances and its value as a survival tool. It is quite likely that Willehalm decides to make full use of the disguising possibilities of the heathen armor only from the time he draws it on. The only danger that faces him is from the heathens, who present a formidable threat against which Willehalm stands alone. The only way in which he can survive is to escape from the battleground unseen or undetected, and he signals his own intention of making full use of the possibilities of disguise by adopting the heathen tongue:

swaz der gein Oransche lac, der marcrctve einer klinste pflac,

daz sin munt wol heidensch sprach. (Wh. 83, 17-19)

The disguise is effective: it enables him to free a number of

Christian prisoners from the heathens (Wh. 91, 12-17) and it even convinces Gyburg that there is a heathen riding outside the walls of Orange, forcing her to demand a sign of true identity before admitting Willehalm into the city.

The acceptance of Willehalm's disguise by those who meet him causes the heathens to lose a glorious prize of war, the

Markgraf, as well as numerous prisoners and brings Gyburg into the position of having kept her husband a while longer from the comforts of his home and his wife. On one level, then, it indicates the deceptiveness of surface impressions, but, more importantly, it reflects Wolfram's main thought in this work.

He frequently attempts to emphasize common humanity and the brotherhood of man. He expresses sorrow that the heathens should be condemned to hell merely because they lack baptism, and he uses Gyburg-';s speech to point out that even Christians have a heathen part to them: 198

wir ha*n fur war bekennet, swaz miieter her sit Even zit kint geb&ren, cine strit gar heidenschaft was ir geburt: etsllchz der touf het umbegurt. getouft wip den heiden treit, swie dez kint der touf hab umbeleit. (Wh. 307, 16-22)

Willehalm exemplifies this dual condition in his disguise just as Gyburg does in her life. His use of the armor of a heathen merely underlines the closeness of the condition of the two men, despite the faith that separates them. The taking on of Arofel's armor, which reflects in some measure the taking on of the heathen's identity has the possibility of an instructive effect for Willehalm. By the close of the second battle he has adopted a different attitude towards the heathen men which his slaying of Arofel and others during the first battle could not foreshadow. Having once "been" a heathen, even only in the externals, makes it less likely that he can remain vindictive, especially once the second battle has been fought and is finished. His experience in the "skin" of a heathen helps bring him closer to the depth of understand• ing that Gyburg, once heathen now Christian, has. It is significant that while the first battle was more the fight between individual men over a question of a personal nature, the second battle is one between two different religions.

Willehalm's changed attitude is certainly a reflection of the poet's own personal view of the heathens. In many parts of the narrative, Wolfram is wrestling with a concept of human dignity which conflicts with the demands of his material. 199

His early descriptions of the heathen hordes emphasize those traits that show them as so many bloodthirsty animals:

des vole was vor und hinden horn, cine menschri*ch stimme erkorn: der don von ir munde gal sam die leithunde oder als ein kelber muoter liiet. (Wh. 35, 13-17)

Their leather armor and incomprehensible language mark them as less than human. The animalistic impression is Wolfram's own concept of the way in which the heathens appear to the

Christians, and reappears in Willehalm's curse after the first battle:

ir gun£rten Sarrazin, ob be*diu hunt unde sWin iuch truegen und da* zuo diu wip sus manegen werli^chen l'ip, fur Wcta: moht ich wol sprechen doch daz iwer ze vii waer dannoch. (Wh. 58, 15-20)

Wolfram himself is unable to carry this impression through, just as he is unable to share completely the point of view of his heroes:

die nie toufes kiinde enpfiengen, ist daz siinde, daz man die sluoc alsam ein vihe? grozer siinde ich drumbe gihe: ez Ist gar gotes hantgetftt, zwuo und sibenzec sprache, die er hat. (Wh. 450, 15-20)

So, for example, he can represent Tybalt dressed entirely in white clothing (Wh. 366, 4-13) as if in illustration of

Gyburg's own assessment of her former husband:

diswar ich liez ouch minne dort, und grozer richeit manegen hort, und schoeniu kint, bi einem man, an dem ich niht gepriieven kan daz er kein untSt ie begieno? sid ich kron von im enpfienc. (Wh. 310, 9-14) 200

It is ultimately only the religion of the heathens which separates them from the position of the Christians.

Willehalm's new armor causes another relative, this time his brother Arnalt, to fail to recognize him and leads to a

Verwandtenkampf. Arnalt is acting in the name of the king in attempting to take prisoner the man who has slain the toll collector. Willehalm is not mistaken for a heathen despite his armor—city dwellers were less likely to be familiar with

subtle differences in armor—but he does appear as an unknown knight who is seeking to escape by confusing his pursuers with the royal battle cry. Willehalm unseats his brother and only

Arnalt's crying out his name saves his life. He recognizes

Willehalm by his voice whereas Gyburg, who had every reason

to suspect trickery on the part of the heathens, demanded a more definite sign of identity, the sight of his face. This

battle does not command the horror-stricken reaction that

Parzival's battles with Gawain and Feirefiz did. There is

certainly great dismay on both sides:

'...waz wunders kan mir got beschern! hie muos ich mich min selbes wern, d6 ich zer tjoste gein dir reit: mit mir selbem ich da streit.' (Wh. 119, 15-18)

But neither knight wastes any time lamenting the fate that

brought them to fight, despite the seriousness of the battle.

However serious, the results of the first battle with the

heathens and the danger facing Gyburg alone at Orange are much

more important. This Verwandtenkampf commands action instead

of lament. 201

The most common Wappen symbol used in Willehalm is the cross worn by Willehalm's men. This is certainly not the emblem of any one particular knight but rather is representa• tive of the common purpose of the army in the same way it was worn by the armies during the Crusades. The cross represents

Christianity and it is worn by the Christians in these two battles, indicating that the strife is ultimately one of religious significance, not of personal matters. Wolfram's description of the symbol during the first battle leaves little doubt that the knights who wear it are Christianity, an identi• fication that foreshadows the slight change in direction from the first to the second battle, from Christians fighting a personal battle to Christians fighting for Christianity:

man moht an Willalmes schar grazes jamers nemen war. sine helfaer heten niht vermiten, beidiu geslagen und gesniten uf ir wapenllchiu kleit was Kristes tot, den da versneit diu heidensch ungeloubic diet, s^n tot daz kriuze uns sus beschiet: ez ist sm verh und unser segen: wir sulens gelouphafte'npflegen, Sam taten die getouften dort. (Wh. 31, 21-32, 1)

Every heathen blow fells not an ordinary knight but Kristes tot, even though these Christian knights fight for Willehalm, not specifically for Christ. The second battle shows

Heimrich, Willehalm's father, with numerous crosses sewn upon his garments fighting a number of heathens who are wearing upon their clothing symbols of earthly love. What these symbols are is not important, and Wolfram does not even bother 202 to enumerate them or describe them except in passing. They are obviously being used for the contrast they provide: the

Christians wear the sacred emblem of Divine love while the heathens profane their efforts with earthly infatuations.

Heimrich's success against his opponents is meant to show the success of Christianity. It is not Heimrich who fights but the kriuce he wears:

Cernubile mane kriuce vant gesniten uf ir waete, die mit riterllcher taete sinem puneiz vor gehielten und da mane houbet spielten, daz die zungen in den munden deheine krie enkunden. (Wh. 408, 8-14)

Wolfram introduces a particularly interesting feature about the heathen forces during the first battle; the majority of the heathen fighters wear no armor at all:

si mohten under hundert man einen kume zi*ser han: des wart ir lieht anschouwen ungefouge verhouwen. si Wcirn ir lebens milte: swa mans ane schilte traf, da spiarte man diu swert so, daz manec heiden wert da der orse teppech wart. (Wh. 20, 13-21)

Wolfram does not mention anything similar about the Chris- 211 tians, obviously intending to contrast Christian and heathen values. The lack of armor and the lack of value placed upon human life thereby contribute to the impression of heathen fighters as savages which Wolfram creates in some instances, only to destroy in others. Their weapons are frequently kiulen 212 and kolben instead of the more sophisticated and more acceptable swords used by the Christians. Much of their armor 203 is leather, not only less sophisticated than chain mail, but also one step closer to animals. And yet Wolfram describes the heathens as worthy men and indicates genuine remorse for the death of many. His eulogy for Tesereiz (Wh. 88, 1-14) rivals that of Willehalm for the death of Vivianz (Wh. 62, 11-19), and he describes the heathen in terms suitable for a Christian saint. The only reason the heathens are less than the

Christians is that their religion is less than the Christian faith. Like their weaponry it is less refined, less sophis• ticated, and ultimately less valuable. The courtly connota• tions inherent in the word milte are an odd contrast to the definitely uncourtly customs of the heathens in general.

Arofel was earlier seen to parallel Ither as far as the fate of his armor is concerned; here, considering the protec• tive function of armor, the parallel can be drawn even further.

In both cases, armor is in some way responsible for the death:

Ither's because of Parzival's desire to possess it, Arofel's because of an unlucky accident with the straps that fasten his mail leggings:

daz ors mit hurte in naher truoc, daz die riemen vorme knie br&sten dort unde hie: ame lendenier sie entstricket wart von der hurtecllchen vart, Diu iserhose sane uf den sporn: des wart sin blankez bein verlorn. (Wh. 78, 26-79, 2)

Willehalm is able to defeat this magnificent fighter because his unprotected leg is easily hewn through and he is no longer able to fight. It is a matter of luck for Willehalm, since 204

Arofel proves to be a worthy opponent and would have been very difficult to defeat:

wand er mit strite kunde und niemen fur sich gunde deheinen pris ze bejagenne. (Wh. 78, 5-7)

Ironically, at the critical moment when he meets Willehalm,

Arofel's fine armor fails him, offering him no more protection than the light garments of the other heathen fighting men, and yet it later lends itself to use by the opposing side and provides the means for Willehalm's escape. Those who depend upon superficial aid and external support such as that offered by fine armor or false gods are lost, while those who trust in their faith in God and their own ability are more likely to be saved.

Wolfram specifically mentions the fact that Willehalm's father Heimrich fights with an unprotected face, an unusual situation because the medieval knight covered any part of his body susceptible to injury and did not leave his face open.

Although helmets in the early stages of their development did not offer complete facial protection, by the time Wolfram was writing they had been refined to afford more complete coverage. Just the fact that Wolfram mentions the unprotected face indicates that it is unusual and worthy of note: Heimrich was undern ougen bloz: diu barbier ez niht umbesloz: sin helm et hete ein nasebant. (Wh. 408, 5-7)

This potentially dangerous lack of covering, unlike the same situation with the heathens, does not permit harm to come to 205

Heimrich. His powerful fighting keeps the enemy at a distance from him and does not allow any man to come close enough to take advantage of his uncovered face. The helmet worn by

Heimrich is an early style, less protective, and yet the heathen Arofel, with the very best of armor, is slain because of an accident with this armor, while the Christian Heimrich, with a less effective protection, suffers no harm. Ostensibly he is aided by his God who has a substance and a power which the heathen gods cannot match.

Willehalm retains his armor as a symbolic protection during his journey to the king to seek aid. He is treated badly by the French people in general and by the king and queen 213 xn particular. The emotional blows suffered at the hands of the French people wound Willehalm deeply and he can expect the same treatment from the royal family. The night before his audience at court Willehalm spends with the merchant Wimar who is surprised to find his guest donning armor in the morning.

Willehalm explains that he feels he needs his protection to survive the audience: dS sprach Heimriches suon 'nu seht, ich wSpen disiu bein: ich pin ouch worden des enein, daz ich diz harnasch an wil legn, ob ich vor stichen od von slegn, deste baz iht muge genesen. soit ich in dirre smaehe wesen, dar zuo dunk ich mich ze wert. mir waere diz und elliu swert ummaere um mich gebunden, ob mich liezen unde funden in spotte die Franzoyser gar.' (Wh. 137, 8-19) 206

While Willehalm dons armor to speak to the king, Gyburg and the ladies left behind at Orange wear armor to help in the defense of their city, fighting as skillfully as men. Willehalm, upon his return, is understandably pleased to see this sign of bravery, and Wolfram contrasts the behavior of the ladies to courtly custom with a humorous aside:

Gyburc diu triwen riche stuont dennoch werllche, si unt ir juncfrouwen. der wirt wol mohte schouwen harnasch daz er an in vant. da der lendenierstric erwant, etlichiu het ein semftenier, der noch ein solhez gaebe mier, daz naem ich fur ein vederspil. (Wh. 231, 19-27)

The vederspil image is common in courtly tradition as a repre• sentation of the lover. In contrast to this is Wolfram's own remark in Parzival that a woman who becomes soiled with the rust of armor forgets what is "proper" behavior (Parz. 409,

12-13). The poet is perhaps once more complaining about the treatment he has received from courtly women: the prize in this case has certain erotic overtones which are not so appar• ent in the falcon image.

Vivianz and the knights dubbed along with him are given gifts of clothing by Gyburg before they go out to battle, garments made out of very fine cloth dyed brown and red.

Vivianz is wearing the red garment during the battle in which he is slain:

brunez scharlach von Gint, daz man heizet brutlachen, daz hiezs iu alien machen; daz dritte kleit scharlachen rot. in dirre wirde bistu tot. (Wh. 63, 22-26) 207

Gyburg's color choice—and Vivianz' for that matter—is cer• tainly apt for this situation. Vivianz dies a true martyr for

Christianity. The cloth of the garment, brutlachen, emphasizes

Vivianz' knightly condition. He is so young, Willehalm mourns, that he did not even have a beard. He had no lady for whom to fight, so his life and his death dedicate him in his youth• ful chastity to the ideal for which he perishes.

Wolfram seldom mentions individual helmet decorations in

Willehalm. For. the most part he uses zimier to illustrate one aspect of the glorious appearance of knights which is greatly muted by the slaughter which occurs during the two battles.

Arofel's men are described only by their zimier:

dS kos man ufme gevilde manec zimier wilde, der diu rlterschaft erdahte, die Arofel brShte. (Wh. 29, 27-30)

The decorations of the Christian army before the second battle are so beautiful that Rennewart, enthralled by the picture, forgets his staff once again. His childish excitement leads to his first manly duty, for it is returning from fetching the staff that he meets those knights who chose to avoid the battle. If the forgetting of the staff is a test of his man• hood, as he wonders:

waz ob mich versuochen wil der aller wunder hiit gewalt,

und ob min manheit siT bait? (Wh. 317, 28-30)

Rennewart passes it admirably.

Willehalm's men carry a banner during the second battle marked with a gold star on a blue background, reminiscent of 208 his personal conception of the God for whom he is fighting,

"dem der der sterne zal weiz" (Wh. 466, 30). The death of

Vivianz is as much caused by a banner adorned with a Cupid figure as it is by the Minneritter Noupatris. The imperial banner, carried away in a sack by the fugitive army, is shown the lack of respect that is shown the entire empire by these knights. It is adorned with a cross, and this symbol of the triumph of Christianity is eventually carried into battle by the group led by Rennewart, the forces most responsible for the Christian victory in the second battle.

The interlude at court offers Wolfram the opportunity to inject elements of formalized or daily clothing into the nar• rative. Willehalm's entrance into court in full armor is a deliberate contrast to the festive occasion and emphasizes the critical situation at Orange as opposed to the luxury and ease of the court where a carpet of roses is spread for the guests (Wh. 144, 3-5). It is also a visual commentary on the rule of the king: Willehelm points out that it was he who secured the king's position:

daz riche stuont in miner hant: ir w&rt der selbe als ir noch sit, do ich gein al den fiirsten strit nam, die Iuch bekanten und ungern ernanten daz si iuch ze herren in erkiirn. (Wh. 145, 20-25)

Loys could not maintain this rule without the help of the armored knight, just as he could not have gained it in the first place without the backing of Willehalm, who appears before him armored during the festivities. This situation emphasizes 209 the unfairness of Willehalm1s treatment by his sovereign, and it can only call forth speculation about the qualities a monarch should exhibit, qualities not found in the king and 214 queen at Willehalm1s arrival. Willehalm's reaction to his sister's refusal of aid is a deliberate statement of her un- suitability to rule, "die krone err von dem houbte brach/und warf se daz diu gar zebrast" (Wh. 147, 16-17). Because she 215 violates the demands of rule Willehalm removes from her head the symbol of sovereignty and destroys it. Alyze, on the other hand, does not need to wear a real crown to achieve the appearance of this sign of sovereignty:

mit spaehen borten kleine, die verwiert wSrn mit gesteine, het ieslich drumel sin sunder bant, daz man niht ze vaste drumbe want, als ez ein krSne waere. (Wh. 154, 15-19) Alyze possesses all the innate royalty her mother occasionally lacks; Wolfram refers to her as des kuneges tohter (Wh. 154, 1) , indicating her royal heritage not only by introducing her as the daughter of the king, but also by referring to that parent 216 whose own royalty is inborn, not assumed. Only two women are given full descriptions in the nar- 217 rative: Alyze and Gyburg. Wolfram's efforts are directed to portraying both these women in a positive light. Gyburg's own crown was given up for the sake of Willehalm and

Christianity, an earthly crown for the sake of a heavenly crown; and yet her deed, from a heathen point of view, has brought

shame to her royal position. Ehmereiz tells Willehalm: 210

'...mir stuend diu krone al deste baz, hetez Arabel niht verworht: daz hat min scham sit dicke erforht.' (Wh. 75, 18-20)

The crown as an external symbol must be supported by the internal capacity of its wearer.

Finery at Orange is used to represent an important social situation: Gyburg tells her ladies to dress in their best clothing for the sake of the knights who have arrived to defend the city. They are to act as if they had experienced no cares in the defense during Willehalm's absence. In short, the ladies are to uphold social conventions which dictate that a knight fight in the service of a lady who is "incapable" of warlike deeds. Gyburg herself can give up the burden of respon- *. 218 sibility for defense of the city along with her wapenroc and take on once more the normal duty of the lady, "diu wipllche giiete/git dem man hohgemuete" (Wh. 24 8, 1-2) . The restoration of the social order is marked by the restoration of normalcy in clothing.

The lengthy descriptions of Alyze and Gyburg have many features in common. Both women make an entrance after the arrival of guests during a scene where hospitality is an important question, either the lack of it at court or Wille• halm' s efforts to provide it at Orange. Both descriptions are vague with respect to the specifics of dress but concentrate instead upon impressions. Alyze is diu junge reine sueze clctr

(Wh. 154, 9) and Gyburg has a siiezen lip (Wh. 248, 24) and stands claerlich aldci (Wh. 248, 25) . Both these interludes are used to provide relief from the prevailing activity and 211 attitude, for the knights as well as for the audience. Alyze more than atones for her impolite mother, Gyburg makes amends for greeting her husband dressed in armor. More importantly, however, both women are balsam for the war-weary hearts of the knights who behold them:

Alyzcdiu saeldenbaere, man moht uf eine wunden ir kiusche han gebunden, da daz ungenande waere b1... (Wh. 154, 20-23)

si bejagt et al der herzen gunst, des libes ougen an si sach.

swes ouge denne drunder dranc,

der sah den blic von pardis. (Wh. 249, 6-7; 14-15)

Gifts of clothing and the offering of assistance in arming and disarming are used in Willehalm in very much the same way as in Parzival. After the first battle, Gyburg care• fully removes her husband's armor; after this every other in• cident of aid is a painful reminder to him that Gyburg is not with him. He refuses fresh clothing as well for the same reason that he abstains from all ladies' kisses: his absence from Orange and Gyburg. When Arnalt suggests that they both return to the town for refreshment—a bath and a change of clothing—Willehalm refuses. Similarly he insists on retaining his armor when Wimar offers him fine garments to wear into

court, although he allows his armor to be removed for the night.

The hospitality Wimar offers is a strong contrast to WillehaliruVs treatment by his sister and brother-in-law at court. The queen marks her change in attitude by leading her brother to a chamber where his armor can be removed and insisting he accept fresh

clothing from her. There is no longer the need for him to 212 remain "armed" against his family, yet he retains the signs of his armor, the stains and tangled hair and beard, as yet another reminder that he cannot rest until his mission has been completed. When he returns to Orange, both he and Gyburg remove their own armor. For a short time their situation has

changed from that of a knight who fights for his lady and is rewarded for his service by the tender care she can give him after the battle and they have become companions at arms, equalized by the armor they wear.

Nearly all the gems mentioned in Willehalm adorn battle clothing or are fashioned into functional objects. Terramer bears a ruby quiver, while Heimrich buttons his surcoat with buttons of rubies and emeralds. The helmet worn by Poydjus

is fashioned of carbuncle, which Wolfram designates by its heathen name antraxe. The gem helmet is only one example of the wealth of his lands:

soltens alle ir richeit hcin gelegt an if w&penkleit, sd mohten d'ors si niht getragn. (Wh. 377, 9-11)

Alyze clasps her giirtel with a ruby, while Gyburg's is deco• rated with edel steine. Noupatris wears a ruby crown which is definitely reminiscent of Belakane's crown in Parzival:

dar verjagt und dar gesant het in der wibe minne: sin herze und des sinne ranc nach wibe lone. von imbxn ein krone uf sinem liehten helme was: luter als ein spiegelglas was der helm unverdecket glanz. (Wh. 22, 22-29) Belakane's crown allows her head to be seen through it, as

Noupatris' crown allows his helmet to be seen. Belakane's ruby crown reflected the shadow of blood resting upon her because of Isenhart's death; with Noupatris Wolfram illus• trates the Belakane-Isenhart situation from another side.

Noupatris takes part in the Orange expedition because of wibe minne. It was, of course, for the sake of Belakane's love that Isenhart was slain. In addition, Noupatris is responsible for the death/martyrdom of Vivianz, while Vivianz cuts through the ruby crown and the helmet of the heathen, spilling his blood on the ground beneath them.

Wolfram uses gems in Willehalm not only for color compari• sons, but also for quality comparisons. Purrel's shield is compared to a diamond in its hardness (Wh. 426, 3) and the green of the skin it is formed of is compared to the emerald

(Wh. 426, 8). Rennewart's inborn qualities are compared to another gem:

swer noch den granSt j&chant wirfet in den swarzen ruoz, als im des da nach wirdet buoz, errzeiget aber sin roete. (Wh. 188, 26-2 9) Rennewart's heritage is apparent despite his kitchen garments.

James Poag suggests that Wolfram deliberately calls attention to the riches of the heathens in order to demonstrate that they exist on a lower gradualistic level than the 219

Christians who are less concerned with worldly affairs. This is so only on a very general level, however; Wolfram plays off 214 the gem-studded equipment of Vivianz and Arofel. Vivianz' shield bears the greatest number of specifically named gems to be found in the narrative:

der marcrave die borten erkande, als er geriemet was, smSrSde und adamas, rubln und krisolte druf verwieret, als si wolte, Gyburc diu wise, diu mit kostlichem prise sande den jungen Vivianz uf daz velt Alischanz, des tSt ir herzen ungemach gap. (Wh. 60, 4-14)

The shield serves first as a means of identification:

Willehalm recognizes it even before he sees Vivianz' body.

Its origin is important as well: it was a gift of Gyburg,

and so the illustration of a higher love than that which

motivates the heathen Minneritter. Willehalm himself states

that no Saracen however wealthy could equal Vivianz' magnifi•

cent outfit:

Al diu zimierde din was s6*, swelch richer Sarrazin dir des gelichen mohte, der wibe l6n im tohte, (Wh. 64, 1-4)

The gems themselves emphasize Vivianz' qualities and the

conditions of his death. He carries the ruby which adorns the 221 2 martyrs' crown and the emerald which illustrates chastity.

Vivianz' purity and his martyr's death win him salvation. In

addition he bears krisolte, a gem that signifies salvation:

so bezaichenet diu varwe so daz golt, sweme got ferlihet ten gewalt, daz er ist guoter liste unde sinen ebencristen stiuret unt leret, zuo dem bezzerem cheret mit tern selbem gaiste: daz sint ti ganaisten, 215

di von deme staine springent. di damit ringent unte rehte wellent leben, den wirt diu haimuot gegeban der himeliscen Jerusalem, daz si da ze vorderiste scolen sten.223

Chrysolite was further believed to protect against evil spirits, "so schauht er die poesen gaist und verjagt si"

(Buch der Natur VI, 23). The diamond, the fourth gem on

Vivianz' shield, brings mercy to its owner when the gem is given as a gift, "man spricht auch, daz er genad pring dem menschen, dem in sein freunt umbsust geit, aber er sei dem nihts nlitz, der in kauf" (Buch der Natur VI, 3). These magical qualities are "fulfilled" at Vivianz' death, for angels arrive to protect him from evil spirits and to bring him genad, "vor dem tievel nam der s£le war/der erzengel Kerubln" (Wh. 49, 10-

11) .

Vivianz' shield cost f iinf hundert marc (Wh. 63, 30). In contrast Arofel's, taken by Willehalm, is set with gems of such value that it is worth more than the entire klSster in which it is burned (Wh. 202, 24-30). While Vivianz? shield, the gift of a higher love, is a comforting companion to his death,

Willehalm abandons Arofel's because of what it represents:

er was ouch mir ze swaere: in solte der gepriste tragen, den ich drunder h&n erslagen. got weiz wol daz al sin sin ie was gerende uf den gewin daz im diu minne londe. (Wh. 204, 4-9) Arofel's shield was created for a Minneritter and given him as such: Willehalm, the Christian knight, finds the implications of this shield too great for his own use. Ironically, the I

216

shield is "dedicated" to a more Christian "purpose" by being burned in the fire of a monastery.

Rennewart's situation is very much like that of the young Parzival, a similarity that Wolfram emphasizes by show- 224

ing them behaving in a like manner in several situations.

The parallels extend to clothing as well as to actions.

Rennewart is first clothed in the garments of a kitchen servant which serve as a method of identification: saht . ir, herre, waz geschach uf dem hof an dem sarjant der treit daz kiichenvar gewant? (Wh. 190, 22-24)

It is stressed, however, that there is an incongruity between

the clothing and Rennewart's true station..'.in 11 ife:

ouch gab na*ch kuchenvarwe schin sin swach gewant und ouch sin har. man nam sin niht, ze rehte war, na*ch sinre geschickt, nach smer art. (Wh. 188, 16-19)

Rennewart, like young Parzival, wears clothing unsuited to his

art. Rennewart's tumpheit does not go so far as to excuse his

clothing; he is painfully aware of his demeaning position and

is ashamed of his shabbiness when he first speaks with

Willehalm:

doch was im schamliche leit daz so swach was sin kleit: ez versmcihte eime garzun. (Wh. 192, 3-5)

Willehalm arranges for Rennewart to be outfitted for the

campaign, but Rennewart refuses to be clothed in the armor of

a knight, refusing as well a horse and courtly weapons: 217

'ich wil ze fuoze in den strit. harnasch unde runz.it daz geb min he*rre den dies gern. ir suit mich einer stangen wern...' (Wh. 196, 17-20)

Rennewart's demands are as much the product of an instinctive

fighting ability as the demands of one untutored in chivalrous ways. On foot, fighting with a staff, he is a formidable 225 opponent and needs very little instruction in fighting.

Rennewart's refusal of armor, while illustrating him in a stage prior to becoming a courtly fighter, is also a product of his relationship to the donor. Willehalm does not have the educa• tive effect Gyburg has, so that she is capable of bringing about what he can not. But even Gyburg's attempts to offer Rennewart armor meet with early failure. His pride has surfaced and, almost like a child, he refuses to accept anything better than he already has. His hurt pride is finally conquered when

Gyburg wraps her own cloak about him, expressing a symbolic protection and a realization of closeness to one of her own 226 blood. Rennewart's final acceptance of Synagun's armor is the result of a desire to please Gyburg; he still feels his own method of fighting is superior, but he is willing to begin his transformation into a courtly knight for her sake: do sprach er 1vrouwe marcravin, lat mich et itfine stangen tragn. dar zuo wil ich iu niht versagn, swie winic ich dar inne kan, heizt mir diz harnasch legen an.' (Wh. 295, 24-28)

By giving him armor and a sword, both of which originated in

Rennewart's own heathen tradition, Gyburg is instrumental in bringing out the fulfillment of her own brother's art. CONCLUSION

This discussion was based on an original hypothesis that Wolfram made use of clothing symbolism, that is, that he included in his narrative certain articles of clothing intended to function on a level other than the literal use of clothing. This original hypothesis gains support from several characteristics of the medieval mind, as well as from certain qualities of medieval literature, which illustrates the belief that all creation is endowed with symbolic meaning. Poets, especially narrative poets, included in their works articles of clothing which they explained as symbols. Wolfram himself does so, and he also illustrates his own adherence to the medieval attitude towards symbolism in general by including other types of symbols—animals gleaned from the Physiologus, for example, and extraordinary powers attributed to gems.

There are various levels in which one can attempt to prove that Wolfram did use clothing symbolism, but there is only one way in which the proof can be carried out without a doubt: explanation by the poet. This is rare with Wolfram: it amounts to an explanation of what was obvious to his audience as well as a lifting of his carefully constructed veil of obscurity. For whatever reasons, he chooses to explain his symbols only on a few occasions—the incident with Repanse's

218. 219 cloak, for example, and Feirefiz' zimier. The bulk of the nar• rative proceeds unglossed by the poet.

Thus one cannot depend upon Wolfram's own admission in demonstrating that certain articles of clothing were created with a symbolic purpose in mind. There are other means of proof, not as conclusive as personal explanations but firm none• theless, even though on a lower level. Important as a means of proof is the existence of a strong tradition. It was not the rule for a medieval poet to devise his own symbols--he did not even devise his own story. There is an element of assumption in this method, as there is in all secondary methods of proof: if an article is symbolic or has an extended significance in another area of medieval culture, it is likely to be symbolic with Wolfram, the degree of likelihood being perhaps affected by the strength of the symbolic significance elsewhere. It is certainly an aspect of medieval tradition that colors are sym• bolic: this is verified by the intentional use of color sym• bolism in the services of the Church as well as by legalire- strictions in clothing color and is supported by certain

Biblical passages. The existence of bestiaries and lapidaries is another aspect of medieval culture which affects the inter• pretation of aspects of narrative poetry. Wolfram himself in• dicates his knowledge of this aspect of natural history with 227 respect to gems in general and certain individual stones as 22 8 well as with respect to the weasel and the lion.

Another secondary method of proof is found in the use of repetition by the poet. If an article of clothing is given a 220 symbolic significance in one part of the narrative, repeated appearances of the same article or same situation in which this article was significant are certainly likely to have symbolic significance and must be scrutinized with the extended meaning in mind. Once a cloak has been labelled sym• bolic by the poet, other appearances of cloaks are that much more likely to be symbolic as well. The use of repetition is evident in Wolfram's use of gems, whose symbolic potential is already supported by medieval lapidary tradition: the garnet appears during the Grail service, a ceremony that contains numerous symbolic elements. When the garnet appears on

Sigune's hand, it becomes quite likely that there is a con• nection between these scenes and an extended value in the stone. Repetition as a method of proof is valid only if the article mentioned is relatively rare in the narrative: it does no good at all to attempt to connect every episode in which a common object appears.

Another important method of secondary proof is the use by the poet of deliberate incongruity. When the audience is pre• sented with a situation that is definitely not normal, either in the social tradition or within the parameters set by the narrative itself, it is obvious that there must be an extended meaning: otherwise the situation would not deviate. There are numerous examples of incongruities found in Wolfram's works and he even offers explanations for some. Willehalm refuses to cease wearing armor and to clean the rust from his body, refusing normal actions, because he has promised Gyburg he will not rest until she is released from danger. Parzival is denied hospitality by the pages at Munsalvaesch; the in• congruity of this denial is emphasized by the almost excessive aid given him the night before as well as by his reaction to

the lack of aid in the morning. The audience—and the hero as well—is forced to consider the extended significance of this

situation precisely because it is abnormal. Parzival's wear•

ing of armor on Good Friday is not normal, and he is chastised

for it and thereby forced to consider the extended signifi•

cance of his act, what led to it and what it expresses about

his condition. The audience is led to consider the same

questions about the hero by the incongruity. The greatest in•

congruity in the narrative is the use of fool's clothing on

Parzival. This is certainly not a normal situation, one the

audience realizes both from knowledge of the hero's heritage

as well as from Herzeloyde's statement of intention in the

creating of these garments. Once this incongruous clothing is

placed on Parzival, however, one expects him to be taken for a

fool, especially in light of a social tradition that people

wore only the clothing assigned to their station. Herzeloyde

herself expects her son to be taken for a fool and treated

accordingly; this is the purpose of the exercise. That he is

not is certainly unexpected and definitely not normal, and

it must result from some external factor.

The explanation of a symbol by the author is the only

method of proof requiring no assumptions on the part of the

audience, except perhaps that the author is being sincere in 222

his explanation; it is for this reason that this method of proof can be deemed primary while other methods are secondary.

One must assume in secondary methods that Wolfram was con•

sciously or subconsciously drawing upon tradition and

aspects of medieval culture, that his repetitions were in•

tentional and meant to indicate something to the audience,

and that his creation of incongruities was more than the

result of an original mind that enjoyed producing something

for its shock value or humor alone. Thus there is virtually

always an element of interpretation present in the discussion of symbolic use; in many cases the determination of whether

Wolfram used clothing symbols cannot be divorced from the discussion of how he used them and what is ultimately accom• plished by their use. The way in which elements of a work

appear to the audience is important in its own right, even when a particular effect was not specifically intended by the

author. As was suggested in the introduction to this investi• gation, there is a danger that once a symbolic interpretation

is begun all garments will take on symbolic significance;

since an element of interpretation is involved in the proof, all garments can be "proved" to be symbolic, even if they.-are not. For this reason it is important that the fact that clothing is a normal and ubiquitous element of narrative poetry be recognized; as such, it cannot have symbolic significance all of the time—or even most of the time. Most garments will be used to further narrative purposes alone. Only those 223 garments can be termed properly symbolic whose extended meanings and significance are consistent within the narrative as a whole and with respect to medieval culture.

A great deal of the preceding discussion has been devoted to how Wolfram made use of his clothing symbols. They are

frequently an aid to his characterization: Parzival is the

fool, even though he is not one in a true social manner.

Willehalm's sister does not truly deserve her assumed royal

status. Gahmuret is a vital, elemental creature who quests

for knightly success. Wolfram's characterization is carried

out by the sum total of individual features attached to a

character: names, appearance, actions, and reactions. Clothing

is a useful tool in creating an appearance and suggesting

facets of personality without necessarily stating them out•

right. Clothing is also a means by which Wolfram foreshadows

events or recalls previous events. Used this way, garments

are not truly symbolic in the sense that they represent some•

thing in their own right, but because of their linking feature

they do take on an extended meaning and a non-literal

significance. So Gahmuret's white shirt, seen during his

entrance to Kanvoleis, points ahead to the scene in which

Herzeloyde receives the blood-stained shift after his death,

just as Parzival's wearing of Trevrizent's cloak recalls his

first visit to Munsalvaesch and the loan of Repanse's cloak.

Extended use of clothing to function as linking factors is a

helpful narrative technique, keeping in the mind of the audi•

ence those factors most important to an understanding of the 224

story and its significance.

At this point it is valuable, even necessary, to consider why Wolfram made use of symbols in his narrative, and in dis•

cussing this question it is helpful to turn to the prologue

to the two works under consideration. Wolfram's prologues,

especially that to Parzival, cannot be dismissed as merely an

attempt to confuse his audience or reply to his critics. One

of the major concepts stressed in the Parzival prologue is the

existence and the recognition of truth. His introductory

statements suggest difficulties inherent in the recognition

of innate truth: his vliegende bispel is too "quick" for the

tumben liuten; there is the danger of catching mere surface

impressions, "zin anderhalp ame glase/geleichet, und des blinden troum" (Parz. 1, 20-21). The mirror cannot indicate

depth, nor can a dream or a blind man see and recognize what

is real and true. There is also the danger that the diffi•

culties in recognizing truth can lead to a false assessment:

wer roufet mich da nie kein har gewuohs, inne an miner hant? der hat vii n&he griffe erkant. (Parz. 1, 26-28)

Wolfram stresses the seriousness of disguising inner truth:

a beautiful woman whose heart is false receives no praise, gems must not be set in dross metal:

manec w5;bes schoene an lobe ist breit: ist da daz herze conterfeit, die lob ich als ich solde daz safer ime golde. ich enhan daz niht fur l^.htiu dine, swer in den kranken messinc verwurket edeln rubin... (Parz. 3, 11-17) 225

This warning is followed by Wolfram's own statement that he intends to show the inner reality of his characters:

Soit ich nu wip unde man ze rehte priieven als ich kan, da* fiiere ein langez maere mite. (Parz. 3, 25-27)

The prologue to Willehalm includes similar concepts. The

Trinity is ane valsch, truth itself. In the union of three as one the underlying truth is stressed in the uniting of diverse elements into a lasting value, the staete that can help drive away fluetic thoughts.- The Divinity, who created and knows everything, all truth, is contrasted to man who has a .-. very human tendency to iiberseheh. In telling the story of

Willehalm Wolfram stresses his desire to tell it with warheit.

This stress on truth which appears in both prologues con• sistently emphasizes that situations are not what they seem, that truth is seldom apparent to a superficial investigation, that the external reality does not always correspond to an inner reality. One might well question then just why Wolfram, who is so concerned with truth and inner reality, should cloud the search for reality with symbols which are really external devices. But it should be recognized that all physical reality has form already, and even this form need not correspond to the inner reality: beautiful women can have false hearts. The search for truth is paradoxically aided by the symbol which seems to cloud externals because it functions as a signpost pointing to the inner reality. What was the symbol to the medieval mind but a representation of reality through the use of the fundamental underlying unity of 226

creation, the spiritual reality?

Wolfram uses symbolic clothing in refinements and ex•

tensions of normal clothing functions, meanings which are built onto the foundation provided by ordinary non-symbolic

clothing. Symbolic clothing aids in determining the essentials of a situation and providing a deeper insight into the meaning of the events of the narrative. The tale itself can be under•

stood quite well on the simplest level without even consider•

ing the import of the symbolic devices; the understanding of the meaning of the symbols aids in understanding the overall meaning and greater significance of the narrative, not merely the comprehension of the events related in it.

While a discussion of Wolfram's use of clothing symbolism in Parzival and Willehalm is not likely to produce the key which will immediately clarify difficult points in either nar• rative, it is a valuable tool to be used as an aid to the fuller understanding of the works in question, of Wolfram him• self, and of the times in which he was writing. Because the question of clothing symbolism has been little discussed, a study of Wolfram's use of this type of symbolism can serve as a point of departure for similar studies of other medieval authors. LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

AfdA Anzeiger fur deutsches Altertum

Arch. Archiv fur das Studium der neueren Sprachen

Beitrage Beitrage zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache und Literatur (Halle, Tubingen)

Deutsche Beitrage Deutsche Beitrage zur geistigen Uberlieferung

DVJS Deutsche Vierteljahresschrift fur Literaturwissenschaft und Geistes- geschichte

Euph. Euphorion. Zeitschrift fur Literatur- geschichte

Festgabe Ehrismann Vom Werden des deutschen Geistes. Festgabe Gustav Ehrismann zum 8. Oktober 1925. Berlin/Leipzig, 1925.

Festgabe Helm Erbe der Vergangenheit. Festgabe fur Karl Helm zum 80. Geburtstage 19. Mai 1951. Tubingen, 1951.

Festschrift de Boor Festschrift Helmut de Boor zum 75. Geburtstag 24. Marz 1966. Tubingen, 1966.

Festschrift Sievers Germanica. Eduard Sievers zum 75. Geburtstage. Halle, 1925.

GLL German Life and Letters

GQ German Quarterly

GR Germanic Review:!

GRM Germanisch-romanische Monatsschrift

JEGP Journal of English and Germanic Philology

227 228

MF Des Minnesangs Friihling

MLN Modern Language Notes

MLR Modern Language Review

Neophil. Neophilologus

PMLA Publications of the Modern Language Association of America WW Wirkendes Wort. Deutsches Sprach-

schaffen in Lehre und Leben..

ZDW Zeitschrift fur deutsche Wortforschung

ZfdA Zeitschrift fur deutsches Altertum und deutsche Literatur ZfdPh Zeitschrift fur deutsche Philologie NOTES

"'"H. F. Dunbar, Symbolism in Medieval Thought and Its Consummation in the Divine Comedy (New York, 1961), p. 24.

2 . • David Blamires, Characterization and Individuality in

Wolfram's 'Parzival' (Cambridge, 1966), p. 24.

3 Rom. 5:14.

41 Cor. 10:6.

5 Anselm Salzer's study, Die Sinnbilder und Beiworte Mariens in der deutschen Literatur und lateinischen Hymnen- poesie des Mittelalters (Darmstadt, 19 67) is an exhaustive col• lection of Marian imagery.

c "Das Melker Marienlied" in Deutsche Lyrik des Mittel• alters , 2nd ed., ed. Max Wehrli (Zurich, 1962), pp. 8-10.

7 ... Germain Bazin, A History of Art from Prehistoric Times to the Present, trans. Francis Scarfe (New York, 1959), p. 104.

8 Bazin, p. 162. q F. P. Pickering, Literature and Art in the Middle Ages (Coral Gables, Fla., 1970), p. 38. "^Pickering, pp. 24-25. Heinrich von Veldeke is presented in the same posture in this manuscript.

''""'""Der Millstatter Reimphysiologus" in Die religiosen Dichtungen des 11. und 12. Jahrhunderts, ed. Friedrich Maurer (Tubingen, 1964), I, 177.

12 The Bestiary, ed. and trans. T. H. White (New York, 1960), pp. 244-45. 13 "Vom himmlischen Jerusalem" in Die religiosen Dichtungen, II, 145-46.

229 230

14 Any reference to the "non-literal" use of clothing should be taken to mean those instances where clothing is used by the poet to indicate more than the physical appearance of its wearer.

"^"Deutung der Messgebrauche" in Die religi'osen Dichtungen, II, 290-315 is especially valuable in the context of this in• vestigation because, while liturgical practices and symbolism have not changed much from the Middle Ages to the present day, it is essential to know which practices and symbols were likely to have been familiar to Wolfram. Reference to this work will be made in Chapter 1.

1 fi Matthew 22:2.

17Matthew 22:2.

18 Hartmann von Aue, Iwein, ed. G. F. Benecke and K. Lachmann, rev. L. Wolff (1968; rpt. Berlin, 1968), 11. 3 231-3236. Further quotations from Iwein will be taken from this edition and will be indicated immediately after the quotation by Iwein followed by line numbers. 19 This is highly unlikely, since Brunhild does not lose her strength until she has lain with Gunther (Nibelungenlied, 682). 20 Das Nibelungenlied, ed. Helmut de Boor (Wiesbaden, 1967), 849, 1-4. Further quotations from the Nibelungenlied will be taken from this edition and will be indicated immediately after the quotation by NL followed by verse numbers. 21 Hartmann von Aue, Gregorius, ed. Friedrich Neumann (Wiesbaden, 1972), 11. 101-05. Further quotations from Gregorius will be taken from this edition and will be indicated immediately after the quotation by Greg, followed by line numbers. 22 Gottfried von Strassburg, Tristan und Isold, ed. Fried- rich Ranke (Zurich, 1968), 11. 4573-82. Further quotations from Tristan will be taken from this edition and will be indicated immediately after the quotation by Trist. followed by line numbers.

Wolfram von Eschenbach, Parzival, ed. K. Lachmann (1926; rpt. Berlin, 1965), 500, 23-30. Further quotations from Parzival will be taken from this edition and will be indicated immediately after the quotation by Parz. followed by verse and line numbers. 231

24 Elfriede Bertelt, "Gewandschilderungen in der erzahlenden hofischen Dichtung des 12. und 13. Jahrhunderts," Diss. Miinster, 1936. pp. 21-22.

25 Walter Mersmann, Der Besitzwechsel und seine Bedeutung in den Dichtungen Wolframs von Eschenbach und Gottfrieds von Strassburg (Miinchen, 1971), p. 123. 2 6 Blamires, pp. 120ff. 27 Karl Lachmann, "Uber den Inhalt des Parzivals," AfdA 5 (1879), 289-305. ? 8 P.eter Wapnewski, Wolframs Parziyal. Studien zur Religiositat und Form (Heidelberg, 1955) . ~ 2 9 Otto Georg von Simson, "Uber das Religiose in Wolframs •Parzival,1" Deutsche Beitrage 2 (1953), 25-45. 30 Hortzschansky, "Gahmurets Wappen," ZfdPh 12 (1881), 73-77. 31 George F. Timpson, "The Heraldic Element in Wolfram's Parzival," GLL 13 (1959/60), 88-93. 32 Christian Friedrich Seybold, "Achmardi in Wolfram's Parzival," ZDW 8 (1906/07), 151-52. 33 Julius Schwietenng, "Die Bedeutung des Zimiers bei Wolfram," in Festschrift Sievers (Halle, 1925), pp. 554-82. 34 Bodo Mergell, Der Gral in Wolframs Parzival (Halle, 1952). 35 Helen Adolf, Visio Pacis. Holy City and Grail. An Attempt at an Inner History of the Grail Legend (State College, Pa., 1960). 36 Herbert Kolb, Munsalvaesche. Studien zur Kyotproblem Miinchen, 1963) .

3 7 s A. T. Hatto, "Two Notes on Chretien and Wolfram," MLR 42 (1947), 243-46-. 232

Margaret Richey, "The Independence of Wolfram von Eschenbach in Relation to Chr^stien de Troyes," MLR 47 (1952), 350-61.

Bodo Mergell, Wolfram von Eschenbach und seine franzosischen Quellen. Teil I. Wolframs Willehalm (Miinster, 1936) . Teil II. Wolframs Parzival (Miinster, 1943) .

40 Wolfgang Mohr, "Wolframs Kyot und Guiot de Provxns," in Festschrift de Boor (Tubingen, 1966), pp. 48-70.

41Walter Johannes Schroder, "Kyot," GRM 40 (1959), 329-50.

42 Walter Johannes Schroder, Der Ritter zwischen Welt und Gott (Weimar, 1952). 43 Alois Haas, Parzivals tumpheit bei Wolfram von Eschenbach (Berlin, 1964). 44 .. Benedikt Mockenhaupt, Die Frommigkeit im Parzival Wolframs von Eschenbach (Darmstadt, 1968).

45Julius Schwietering, "Parzivals Schuld," ZfdA 81 (1944), 44-68; Friedrich Maurer, "Parzivals Siinden. Erwagungen zur Frage nach Parzivals 'Schuld,'" DVJS 24 (1950), 304-46; Wolf• gang Mohr, "Parzivals ritterliche Schuld," WW 2 (1951/52), 148- 60; Franz Rolf Schroder, "Parzivals Schuld," GRM 40 (1959), 1- 20.

Helen Adolf, "The Theological and Feudal Background of Wolfram's 'Zwivel' (P. 1, 1)," JEGP 49 (1950), 285-303; H. Bernard Willson, "Wolframs bispel. Zur Interpretation des ersten Teils des Parzival-Prologs, " Wolfram-Jahrbuch 1955, pp. 28-51; Henry Kratz, "The Prologue to Wolfram's Parzival," .JEGP 65 (1966), 75-98; L. P. Johnson, "valsch geselleclicher muot (Parzival 2-, 17)," MLR 62 (1967), 70-85.

A short introduction to the general problems of inter• preting the poem is found in Hugh Sacker, An Introduction to Wolfram's 'Parzival' (Cambridge, 1963). A complete study and survey of criticism is found in Henry Kratz, Wolfram von Eschenbach's Parzival. An Attempt at a Total Evaluation (Bern, 1973).

48Werner Schroder, "Siieziu Gyburg," Euph. 54 (1960), 39-69. 233

49 •• Werner Schroder, "Chrxstliche Paradoxa in Wolframs

Willehalm," Euph. 55 (1961), 85-90.

50 Other areas of concern are the background of the Rennewart figure and the question of the completion—or lack of completion—of the poem. This short survey of critical trends in Parzival and Willehalm research is not intended to indicate works of interest in the investigation of non-literal word usage—this is done by the list of works consulted appended to this work—nor is it intended to offer a complete summary of criticism—there are numerous excellent bibliographies which do this. Its purpose here is merely to give an indication of the major important areas of study and list some of the more recent and significant studies. 51 Kratz, Wolfram von Eschenbach's Parzival, p. 102. 52 J. E. Cirlot, A Dictionary of Symbols, trans. Jack Sage (London, 1962), pp. xxxvi-xxxviii.

53John 19:2.

54 See the verses on calcedonius in "Vom himmlischen Jerusalem." 55 Genesis 3:6-7. "^Wolfram von Eschenbach, Willehalm, ed. W. J. Schroder and G. Hollandt (Darmstadt, 1973), 218, 1-9. Further quotations from Willehalm will be taken from this edition and will be in• dicated immediately after the quotation by Wh. followed by verse and line numbers.

57Cirlot, p. 52.

58Cirlot, p. 205.

59 Hadubrand does not know his opponent is his father and would not have recognized him in any case. Parzival and Feirefiz and Parzival and Gawain, however, fight because armor covers their features. Parzival would have been able to recog• nize even his half-brother, whom he had never met, because of his pied complexion. 234

6 0 A man does not open a door for a lady because she is incapable of doing so herself but as a sign of his own atti• tude towards her, which in turn is governed by society's opinion of what his attitude towards her should be.

61 Charles Ffoulkes, The Armourer and His Craft (New York, 1912), p. 96. 6 2 Heinrich Fichtenau, The Carolingian Empire. The Age of Charlemagne, trans. Peter Munz (New York, 1957), p. 57. 6 3 Josef Andreas Jungmann, S. J., Missarum Sollemnia. Eine genetische Erklarung der romischen Messe, 2nd ed. (Wien, 1949), I, 345.

64Jungmann, I, 350.

6 5 "Deutung der Messgebrauche," p. 305. 6 6 "Deutung der Messgebrauche," p. 307. 6 7 "Deutung der Messgebrauche," p. 307. 6 8 There are also a number of symbolic garments which are limited in use to specific religious—bishops or monks, for example. For the purposes of this discussion, however, only those vestments used for the Mass are likely to be of any great importance. 69 An excellent discussion on medxeval dress is found in Paul Lacroix, France in the Middle Ages (New York, 1963).

70Exodus 34:33-35.

71 There are numerous examples of lapidarxes xn many dif• ferent languages. Western culture is influenced by those of Pliny, Aristotle, Arnoldus Saxo, Marbod of Rennes, Hildegard von Bingen, Konrad von Megenberg, and, of course, Isidore of Seville. In addition there are numerous Arabic lapidaries.

72Matthew 13:45-46-

73 An allegorical interpretation is put forth by the author of "Vom himmlischen Jerusalem." 235

74 Lewis Feuchtwanger, A Popular Treatise on Gems, 3rd ed. (New York, 1867), p. 148.

75 . . Helmut de Boor, Geschichte der deutschen Literatur

(Miinchen. 1971) , I, 191-92.

7 6 One example of this is found in Wolfram's closing speech, where he speaks of the tale as, "wie Herzeloyden kint den gra"l/erwarp, als im daz gordent was" (Parz. 82 7, 6-7). It is because of Herzeloyde that Parzival belongs to the Grail family. Similarly, Cundrie denounces him''as the child of Herzeloyde (Parz. 318, 3). A discussion of the significance of kinship appellation is to be found in David Blamire's study. 77 Parz. 123, 21-24, as quoted in Chapter 1. 7 8 Parzival is not even certain at first that the knight is dead: ich han hie jaemerlichen funt in iwerm schoze funden. wer gap iun ritter wunden? (Parz. 138, 28-30)

79 And then some. Gurnemanz does not tell him not to ask any questions, merely to avoid too many (Parz. 171, 17), 8 0 Arthur's situation actually echoes that in which Parzival earlier placed Sigune, who reacted with greater wisdom (Parz. 141, 29-30). 81 Sacraments, especially Baptism, are excellent examples of efficacious symbols. The waters of Baptism represent the cleansing and purifying of the soul, but they also bring it about. 8 2 See Arthur Groos, "Parzival's 'Swertleite,'" ;GR 50 (1975), 245-259. 8 3 Groos (p. 255) suggests a similarity between the mark of Cain and the bruise resulting from Ither's blow. He also points out the tradition that Cain wore red clothing (p. 257). 84 See Groos, p. 24 8. 8 5 Kratz refers to Parzival at this point as a "diamond in the rough" and suggests that it is fitting that Parzival begins his first day of training at Gurnemanz' naked, "for he 236 is as innocent of life and of the precepts of chivalry as a new born babe" (Wolfram von Eschenbach's Parzival, p. 230).

8 6 It is only a natural reaction for Parzival, having lived for so long under the influence of the mother, to turn almost exclusively to the teachings of men once he has broken away from his mother. Although he is advised by Sigune, he spends very little time undergoing instruction from the female figures of the narrative other than Herzeloyde. 8 7 As Groos points out, the sobriquet is altered slightly, "shortly thereafter it is again formalized by Gurnemanz"s transfer of the sobriquet 'The Red Knight' from Ither to Parzival in the form of a chiasmus ('der ritter r6t'—'der rSte ritter'), which separates the two individuals but unites their knightly careers in the armour which they share" (p. 256). 8 8 The emphasis is mine.

89 A Note Cundrie's stress on Parzival's bearing diu riters mal as opposed to exhibiting the inner qualities of knighthood. 90 . Sacker points out that Parzival has betrayed his art in his failure to "perpetuate the triuwe of his parents" (p. 59). He cannot even claim the right to Gahmuret's fame, for Gahmuret fulfilled his own art. 91 A breach of chivalry in any case. 92 A A "do rekante abr ich wol dinen struz,/ame schilde ein sarapandratest..." (Parz. 50, 4-5). 93 Wolfgang Harms, Der Kampf mit dem Freund oder Verwandten in der deutschen Literatur bis um 1300 (Miinchen, 1963) , p. 151. 94 Ironically, had the battle not taken place in an isolated area, it probably would not have occurred at all; Parzival or Gawain would have been recognized. In a sense, Gawain*s wish for an audience is more significant than he knows. 95 Kratz, Wolfram von Eschenbach's Parzival, p. 105. 96 .... A reading not suggested in critical literature to this point, as far as I have been able to determine. Although wlz normally refers to the color white, there are two passages in Parzival (234, 21; 341, 7) and one in Willehalm (305, 7) where it can be read as "shining" or as "polished" and indeed makes more sense in this reading, since all three instances refer to some metal. The Nacherzahlung to the Schroder/Hollandt edition 237 of Willehalm translates wlz as blank when it refers to armor. Mustard and Passage consistently use "white" in their transla• tion of Parzival.

97 See Harms, p. 167. 9 8 Marc Bloch, Feudal Society, trans. L. A. Manyon (Chicago, 1968), II, 328-29.

"Hebrews 6:18-19.

"'"^Blamires suggests that Gahmuret's green is also to be equated with "the positive, joyful aspect of his existence, which is the mark of a true courtly knight" (pp. 33-34).

101,, ion Apocalypse 12:9. 102 Dragons are the largest of the serpents. 103 "daz tier ist gar sanftig und hat neur ainen veint, den tracken" (Konrad von Megenberg, Das Buch der Natur, ed. Franz Pfeiffer (1861; rpt. Hildesheim, 1962), III A, 58). Further quotations from Das Buch der Natur will be taken from this edition and will be indicated immediately after the quotation by Buch der Natur followed by book and section numbers. The Bestiary agrees that "the only animal which it considers as an enemy is the Dragon" (p. 14), citing the Physiologus as its source.

104"Lahelin und Orilus werden miteinander verkn'upft. Beide Bruder bilden eine Gegengruppe gegen die Parzivalsippe; auch die Artusfeindschaft des Herzogs Orilus wird auf diese Weise begrundet (P. 135, Iff. 211, 30,ff.). Parzivals Kampf mit Orilus gilt zugleich dem Gegner der Sippe, sein Sieg racht altes Unrecht, wenn auch Wolfram diesen Gedanken spater nicht mehr ausdriicklich betont" (Mergell, Quellen, II, 34).

105 Kratz1 discussion (Wolfram von Eschenbach's Parzival, p. 264) points out this significant fact. 106 The Bestiary, pp. 145-46. 107 Julius Schwietering, "Sigune auf der Linde," ZfdA 57 (1920), 141-42. 108 As does Mergell, Quellen, II, 148. 238

109 Julius Schwietering, "Mittelalterliche Dxchtung und bildende Kunst," ZfdA 60 (1923), 114.

110Konrad Burdach, Von Mittelalter zur Reformation. Forschungen zur Geschichte der deutschen Bildung (Berlin, 1917), III 1, 189.

"'"''"''"Wolfram explains his symbols only occasionally. They were, however, more familiar to a medieval audience than to a modern one.

112 Des Minnesange Fruhling, 35th ed., ed. K. Lachmann, et al., rev. C. von Kraus (Stuttgart, 1970), 9, 29-36. 113 Kratz faults Belakane for failing to fulfill what was socially required of her (Wolfram von Eschenbach's Parzival, p. 50). This view does not allow much room for a woman who wanted to love her knight emotionally as well as physically. Sacker's contention that Belakane insisted Isenhart give away his armor and fight without it (p. 25) reads too much into the text. 114 Wolfram never fully clarifies this relationship. 115 Pars pro toto. 116 This custom exists even in the courtly veneer of the Nibelungenlied. The Burgundians, rightly fearing treachery in Hungary, refuse to exchange their armor for ordinary clothing, causing Etzel some distress, for he does not realize that his wife is planning her revenge upon her family and countrymen. 117 The Bestiary explains it as the effect of the goat's lascivious nature (p. 75). 118 Sacker (p. 18) contends that Gahmuret's high spirits result from his fighting once again as a lady's knight, in this case as Ampflise's. This is not necessarily so—he merely enjoys the knightly activity. 119 Wolfram uses the conflict of opposites elsewhere: Amfortas, who also fails in maze, finds temporary respite from his pain when the hot wound is pierced by the cold lance. 120 See Wolfram's description in Parz. 62, 27-63, 26, for example. 239

121 Although it is common in Middle High German to speak of gold as being red (see Parz. 145, 30, for example), it is obvious that the armor is red, not golden. Wolfram compares its color to a ruby in Parz. 679, 10.

122 Peter Wapnewski, Wolframs Parzival. Studien zur Religiositat und Form (Heidelberg, 1955), p. 63. 123 There is also a possible color significance to be found in the change from red to white. The innocent white that Parzival's armor appears suggests the innocence of the relationship with Liaze, "diu im gesellecliche/sunder minn bot ere" (Parz. 179, 28-29). It can also be interpreted as a sign of overall innocence, bringing with it the beginning of the ex• piation of guilt for Ither's death which was brought about by an unchivalrous deed. Parzival has learned chivalry from Gurnemanz. It is not a total expiation, however: the color change is a delusion. 124 If Wolfram means the black to show her mourning, he is drawing on his own Western culture, for Eastern cultures generally show mourning with white. It is questionable, however, whether he or his audience could have been familiar with this. 125 Even in the Nibelungenlied knights do not normally wear their armor to Church, and in Hungary Hagen must specifically remind the Burgundians that they are in danger, for upon arising they immediately don fine clothing for the service in the cathedral.

x^DRobert S. Hoyt, Europe in the Middle Ages, 2nd ed. (New York, 1966), p. 201.

127 Kolb suggests that Parzival's first words to Trevrizent refer specifically to his violation of the Truce of God rather than to his generally sinful condition ("Schola Humilitatis.. Ein Beitrag zur Interpretation der Gralerz'ahlung Wolframs von Eschenbach" Beitrage (T) 78 (1956), 104. Although an inter• esting point, it scarcely explains how Parzival's bitterness could accept riuwe for this one act without an underlying change of heart and accompanying consciousness of a total sinful state. 128 "Altogether the boy's attempt to prove his worth as a knight has succeeded only in demonstrating the opposite; that he should at this point insist on retaining his t6ren kleit beneath his armour is pathetically revealing" (Sacker, p. 35). 240

129 Gilbert Stuart, A View of Society in Europe in its Progress from Rudeness to Refinement, 2nd ed. (London, 1783), p. 60.

130

Kratz, Wolfram von Eschenbach's Parzival,•p. 224 (fn).

131 <• Chretien de Troyes, "Perceval" in Medieval Romances, ed. and trans. R. S. Loomis and L. Hibbard (New York, 1957), p. 35. 132 See Otto Springer, "The Ane Stegreif Motif in Medieval Literature," GR 25 (1950), 163-77. 133 See Chapter 6. 134 Wolfram is not usually so careful in his clothing de• scriptions. See Chapter 4. 135 Kratz finds the detail "disturbing" and complains that the scene is "more like a scene from the Ziegfield Follies of yore than anything else" (Wolfram von Eschenbach's Parzival, pp. 426-27). I suspect, however, that the attention and minute details were meant to point out the importance of the rite rather than its exoticism and mystery, and that the clothing was carefully chosen to be an integral part of the ceremony, adding to its meaning. 136 During the preparation of the Host in the Byzantine High Mass, for example, the priest places pieces of leavened bread on a paten and pierces one large piece with a golden lance, an act symbolic of the piercing of the body of Christ during his crucifixion. It is possible that the lance carried into the hall before the Grail procession is involved in a similar function: the lance reminds the Grail company of Amfortas' pain since it is used to alleviate its severity when it becomes most intense (Parz. 489, 21-490, 2). The blood which is on the tip of the lance during the Grail service and which covers the tip when it is thrust into the wound is present during the Mass in the wine/blood in the chalice. Another feature of this preparation or Proskomedia is the incens• ing by the priest of the altar, the icons in the sanctuary, the icon screen, and the people, reminiscent of the burning incense which surrounds the Grail as it is carried into the room. Amfortas is also comforted by the burning of lign aloe (Parz. 484, 13-18). Jessie Weston's book, From Ritual to Romance (New York, 1957) summarizes several possible sources for the Grail cere• mony itself. 241

137 Perhaps meant to suggest the Holy Spirit.

138 Wolfram's mention of dez maere suggests he wishes to be careful of the impression he is creating in having Parzival look at Repanse: he explains this by pointing out that Parzival was conscious of her as the lady whose cloak he was wearing, perhaps lest his audience wonder if the hero were deficient in marital fidelity. His "explanation" also serves to place some emphasis on the cloak. 139 Trevrizent speaks of Parzival's attaining kingship in terms of fighting: 'groezer wunder selten ie geschach, sit ir ab got erziirnet hat daz sin endelosiu Trinitat iwers willen werhaft worden ist...1 (Parz. 798, 2-5) 140 When Parzival awakens he seeks his armor and two swords, but no cloak (Parz. 246, 1-4). The cloak was presumably re• moved with his other clothing before he went to bed, or else it was taken away at the same time his armor was returned. 141 It seems that the sword should have prompted the question if nothing else did: after the sword is presented to Parzival, Wolfram exclaims, "owe daz er niht vragte do!" (Parz. 240, 3). 142 Matrons bound up their hair. 143 Alchemy, the search for gold, was so widespread during the Middle Ages that in 1317 Pope John XXII found it necessary to issue a bull against its practice. The search for gold by alchemists serves to point out the importance of gold to medieval society, not only for its monetary value but also as a symbol of ultimate perfection. 144 . . Dante Alighieri, The Purgatorio, trans. John Ciardi

(New York, 1961), XXXII 1-3; 10-12.

145 See note 12 7 above. 146 Parz. 462, 11-17 can be read as an indication that Trevrizent is not lay but a cleric. Kahenis calls him ein heilec man and Wolfram refers to him as der einsidel. There is no suggestion that he is a cleric except the variations in reading doch. Nor does Trevrizent explain his life as anything but the result of a private vow (Parz. 480, 10-18). It is 242^

doubtful that Parzival's confession functions as a sacramental confession (i.e. one made to a priest); more likely is that Trevrizent's function with his nephew is much like his function with his brother: a devotion of his life to expiate another's failings (Parz. 502, 24-26). Note that he does not counsel Parzival to give up his own worldly life. He relieves Parzival from sin in helping to change his sinful state of mind. For a discussion of Trevrizent's status, see Kratz, Wolfram von Eschenbach's Parzival, pp. 293, 307; Wapnewski, pp. 174-83; and Hans Naumann, "Doch ich ein leie waere," Arch. 188 (1951), 116- 17. See also P. B. Wessels, "Wolfram zwischen Dogma und Legende," Beitrage (T) 77 (1955), 112-135 for a discussion of the practice of lay confession.

147 The discomfort of sackcloth brings spiritual comfort in the knowledge that it provides a punishment by which a sinner atones. Parzival has already suffered discomfort; he needs to know the peace of reconciliation, not the stern face of atone• ment . 148 See Blamires, pp. 123-24. 149 "The fact that on this occasion Parzival was able to make good the injury he inflicted on Jeschute gives the reader reason to believe that what he accomplished then he is likely to repeat. Thus Wolfram, without making any direct statement to encourage it, provides the reader with two hints as to what the outcome of Parzival's sojourn with Trevrizent will be" (Blamires, p. 312). 150 See Sacker, p. 87. 151 It appears only twice, in Parz. 313, 5 and 579, 13. 152 See Chapter 4. 153 Von Simson, p. 32. 154 See Chapter 6. 155 Blamires sees the identical clothing as an indication of their identity (see p. 125).

156A1though Wolfram draws frequently on sacramental aspects, there are few true clerically performed sacraments in the nar• rative: marriages are not clerically performed, Parzival's "confession" is to a layman, and only the Eucharist and Feirefiz' baptism are sanctified by the presence of a priest. 243

157 Baptism is normally performed by a priest, but in the case of an emergency anyone-^-lay, pagan, or heretic—can perform the sacrament as long as the form is that used by the Church and the intention is to do in the performance of the rite what the Church intends.

158 The white baptismal garment is evident as early as the fourth century. 159 Occasionally Wolfram stresses a color m identifying a character. This is the case with the red knight as well as with the "grey" men who appear. In this he is suggesting that there exists a fundamental underlying unity in these men because of their function at certain points in the narrative. This, of course, relates back to Herzeloyde"s advice: the grey man teaches zuht. See note 169. 160 Margaret Richey, Studies of Wolfram von Eschenbach (Edinburgh, 1957), p. 167. 161 Kratz refers to this technique as "close to being impres• sionistic" (Wolfram von Eschenbach's Parzival, p. 127). A famous example is Homer's introduction of Helen of Troy in the Iliad: he does not attempt to describe her physically, but indicates her beauty through its effect on the old men of Troy. i ft y

See Parz. 5, 26; 13, 10; 97, 22, among others.

Pars pro toto. 164 See the discussion of Cundrie's hat in Chapter 3. 165 It is hardly likely that the extended significance of this plumage can be read into Gramoflanz wearing a hat with peacock feathers (Parz. 605, 8) or Gawain being fanned with one (Parz. 690, 13). The plumes are items of great beauty and are certainly introduced for effect, just as the comparison to the bird's plumage (Parz. 565, 9) is. Elements of immortality are difficult to see in these situations. 166 Kratz, Wolfram von Eschenbach's Parzival, p. 242. 167 Blamires sees an ironic touch in this scene in the use of "the language of the battlefield (werllchiu wat, • kampfllcher) to point the .contrast between the external appearances and her real intention, which is perfectly clear" (p. 235). 244

168Parz. 446, 23; 447, 7; 447, 13; 448, 1; 449, 12; 455, 24; 457; 6.

169 Grey-haired men almost always give advice in the nar• rative. We can assume that anyone old enough to grey had lived what the Middle Ages considered a very long time and had been brought to wisdom by his experience. Titurel, Kahenis, and Gurne• manz belong to this company, as does the priest at Munsalvaesch and the grey man who warns Gawain when he attempts to fetch Orgeluse's horse. Interestingly enough, the Grail allows those who remain young through its power to retain this one sign of wisdom. 170 The Little Flowers and the Life of St. Francis with the "Mirror of Perfection," trans. T. Okey et al. (London, 1910), p. 38. 171 A notable example of this is in the Spielmannsepos,

Orendel.

172 Quite different from armor which covers completely. 173 . . MF 24, 1-8. Later medieval poets developed this image even further, and it was very popular in the Baroque warnings of the deceptiveness of the world. Frau Welt is lovely seen from the front, but her back is riddled with serpents. 174 Which is really what is bothering him. 175 Marriages in Parzival are not sanctioned by clergy but are solemnized by virtue of their consummation. 176 Kratz points out that Orgeluse's action has erotic overtones (Wolfram von Eschenbach's Parzival, p. 338). She ad• vertises herself as ready for "sport" with Gawain even though she denies such inclinations with her acid greeting (Parz. 515, 13-16). 177 • See Herman J. Weigand, "A Jester at the Grail Castle in Wolfram's Parzival?" in Wolfram's Parzival: Five Essays with an Introduction (Ithaca, 1969) . For want of a better term, I retain "jester."

178 Wolfram uses the definite article in referring to the hand, which can result in two separate readings of this scene: Parzival vents his rage by making a fist so tight he begins to bleed from beneath the nails, or he grasps the other's hand in 245 rage, making him bleed. The latter makes more sense in light of Wolfram's remark, "des het er ncich den lip verlorn/von dem jungen Parzival" (Parz. 229, 8-9).

Compare, "min hohstiu not ist umben gral;/da nach umb min selbes Wip" (Parz. 467, 26-27).

180 Herbert Kolb, "Isidorsche 'Etymologien' im 'Parzival,'" Wolfram-Studien I (1955), 121. 181 There is a possible distinction here between instinctive mourning and socially acceptable mourning. Wolfram carries the theme of the difference between truly instinctive actions and actions changed by an overlay of society and custom through the narrative. 182 Compare the use of sackcloth by the Order of St. Francis in the passage quoted above. 183 The Vorgeschichte to Orende1 is one illustration of this belief.

184T . „ Luke 2:35.

185Luke 11:27.

186 Walter Johannes Schroder, Die Soltane-Erz'ahlung in Wolframs Parzival (Heidelberg, 1963) believes that the images are meant to cast Herzeloyde and Parzival as types.

"*"87Is. 53:3, 7.

188 "Da an zwei Stellen auf die_Reinheit des Steines hingewiesen wird /469, 3.4; 4 71, 22/, kann man annehmen, dass es sich hier um einen Edelstein handelt." Roswitha Wisniewski, "Wolframs Gralstein und eine Legende von Lucifer und den Edelsteinen," Beitrage (T) 79 (1957), 43-66. 189 Kolb believes Wolfram was actually drawing upon the origin of the dracontites; contemporary sources do not mention the unicorn having a carbuncle in its forehead. See "Isidorsche 'Etymologien,'" pp. 125-30. 190 Trevrizent confirms this in Parz. 482, 24-26. 246

191 Das Rheinische Marienlob, ed. Adolf Bach (Leipzig, 1934), 117, 9-12.

192

Amor as opposed to caritas.

193In Parz. 255, 17; 316, 3.

194See Parz. 489, 22-490, 2.

195Buch der Natur VI, 81.

196 See Chapter 3. 197 . . "Topazius xst der zwelf stain auch amer, die Johannes sach, und geleicht gold an der varb und der ist der edelst under derlai stainen" (Buch der Natur VI, 77). 198 "Vom himmlischen Jerusalem," p. 150. 199 Das Rheinische Marienlob, 124, 5-10. ^^Groos believes the ruby to be "the characteristic jewel of his family" (p. 257), but the gem appears more in the Gahmuret-Belakane-Feirefiz triad than in Parzival's immediate family, although it does appear frequently among members of the larger Grail community.

201Dante, Purgatorio, XIII 37-39.

202 Jaspis is also a green stone, but it is only "gruone sam ain gras" ("Vom himmlischen Jerusalem," p. 145). 203 See Kratz, Wolfram von Eschenbach's Parzival, p. 356. 204 See Kratz, Wolfram von Eschenbach's Parzival, p. 369. See also Blamires, p. 429. 205 See Chapter 2. 206 Especially Gahmuret's anchor. 207 Fulfilling his paternal heritage. 247

208^ , on Mersmann, p. 129.

209 Geselle has in early Mmnesang the extended connotations of "lover." See, for example, MF 3, 24; 4, 3; 5, 7; 9, 15. 210 Willehalm boasts about having taken the armor, but this boasting is more in self-defense of the king's suggestion that he is too old to be so decorative in battle (Wh. 203, 14-18). 211 Historically not all Christians would have been armored, merely the more important of the fighters.

212Wh. 20, 27 and 396, 13, for example.

213 His sister's attitude is all the more painful for Willehalm who was depending upon her intercession with the king (Wh. 122, 14-18). 214 One must be fair and point out that Willehalm's sister more than makes up for her early deficiencies.

215 A "und jach si waere gar ze her" (Wh. 147, 14). She allows her personal "royal" status to interfere with her royal duties. A monarch must allow his or her person to be subsumed by the ideal of rule, not the reverse. 216 Loys is the son of Charlemagne. 217 Mostly of clothing and general impressions. Wolfram seldom describes physical features.

2"^"mir was nu lange truren bi:/da von bin ich ein teil nu vri"' (Wh. 246, 29-30) .

21 g James F. Poag, "'Minne' and 'Gradualismus1 in the Works of Wolfram von Eschenbach," Diss. Univ. of Illinois, 1961, p. 251. 220 This is an exaggeration on Willehalm's part. Many heathens are described as wearing much more valuable armor. 221 See Chapter 5. See also Das Rheinische Marienlob, 124, 5-10. 248

222 See Chapter 5. See also Buch der Natur VI, 67. 223 "Vom himmlischen Jerusalem," p. 149. 224 Both grow up lacking refined manners, kept from their true heritage. Both exhibit great strength as well as large appetites. Both experience religious difficulties, both use an uncourtly weapon, and both kill out of anger. See Carl Lofmark, Rennewart in Wolfram's 'Willehalm.' A Study of Wolfram von Eschenbach and his Sources (Cambridge, 1972), pp. 147-49. 225 One thing he must be shown is how to kill a man without killing his horse as well. 2 26 Lofmark (pp. 173-83) sees in Gyburg's action an expres• sion of three levels of closeness: an indication of respect, of feudal protection, and of Divine protection. He cites several social customs involving the taking of someone under a cloak as well as numerous religious legends and paintings showing a similar custom.

227See Parz. 482, 29-483, 4; 792, 1-5.

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