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THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO
THE RECONSTRUCTION OF OTOPAMEAN (MEXICO)
A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO
THE FACULTY OF THE DIVISION OF THE HUMANITIES
IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
DEPARTMENT OF LINGUISTICS
BY
DORIS AILEEN BARTHOLOMEW
CHICAGO, ILLINOIS
DECEMBER 1965
i
THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO
THE RECONSTRUCTION OF OTOPAMEAN (MEXICO)
A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO
THE FACULTY OF THE DIVISION OF THE HUMANITIES
IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
DEPARTMENT OF LINGUISTICS
BY
DORIS AILEEN BARTHOLOMEW
CHICAGO, ILLINOIS
SEPTEMBER, 1965
TABLE OF CONTENTS
TABLE OF CONTENTS TABLE OF CONTENTS...... iii PREFACE...... v CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION...... 1 Previous Contributions to the Reconstruction of Otopamean ...... 6 Sources of Data...... 7 CHAPTER II FEATURE SURVEY OF THE PHONOLOGIES OF THE OTOPAMEAN LANGUAGES.. 8 Mazahua...... 9 Group 1 ...... 13 Group II ...... 18 Group III ...... 20 Sample Derivations...... 22 List of Forms on Which the Analysis Is Based ...... 23 Examples with Emphatic Person Markers”...... 25 North Pame ...... 28 Phonology of the Other Otopamean Languages...... 39 CHAPTER III THE RECONSTRUCTION OF STEM INITIAL CONSONANTS...... 43 POP Developments ...... 45 North Pame Developments ...... 45 Chichimeco Developments ...... 47 Consonant Alternations in North Pame and Chichimeco Kinship Terms...... 48 Otomian Developments...... 50 Mazahua Developments...... 52 Matlatzinca and Ocuilteco Developments...... 53 Summary...... 57 CHAPTER IV THE RECONSTRUCTION OF SYLLABLE NUCLEI OF ROOTS...... 58 Reflexes of POP Single Vowels...... 61 Reflexes of POP Vowel Clusters ...... 69 Distinctive Feature Rules for the Reflexes of POP Vowels and Vowels Clusters...... 81 The Otomian subgroup...... 82 Central Otomian...... 82 Southern Otomian ...... 86 The Pamean Subgroup ...... 92 North Pame ...... 92 Chichimeco ...... 93 The Glottal Elements of POP Sylable Nuclei ...... 95 CHAPTER V THE RECONSTRUCTION OF POP STEM FORMATIVE CONSONANTS...... 98 Developments in the Otomian Subgroup ...... 100 Rules for the Developments in Otomi...... 101 Rules for the Developments in Mazahua...... 102 Rules for the Developments in Matlatzinca and Ocuilteco ...... 103 Developments in the Pamean Subgroup...... 104 The Second Element of Compounds...... 109 CHAPTER VI THE RECONSTRUCTION OF PERSON AND NUMBER MORPHEMES ...... 114 CHAPTER VII THE RECONSTRUCTION OF POP TONE ...... 118 Synchronic Tone Systems ...... 118 Chichimeco, Matlatzinca, and Ocuilteco ...... 118
iii North Pame and South Pame...... 119 Otomi and Mazahua...... 119 Reconstruction of POP Tone...... 120 Reconstruction of Otomi Mazahua Tone ...... 128 Matlatzinca Ocuilteco Tone...... 131 Otopamean Tone...... 131 Pamean Rules...... 134 CHAPTER VIII THE RECONSTRUCTION OF POP PREFIXES ...... 137 The Noun Prefixes ...... 138 The Verb Prefixes ...... 144 CHAPTER IX OTOPAMEAN AND OTOMANGUEAN ...... 148 Proto Otopamean and Proto Popolocan Mixtecan ...... 150 Otopamean Popolocan Mixtecan Cognate Sets ...... 153 Appendix A NORTH PAME VERB PARADIGMS ...... 157 Appendix B NORTH PAME NOUN PARADIGMS ABCD PATTERN ...... 161 Appendix C NORTH PAME NOUN PARADIGMS EFEF PATTERN ...... 162 Appendix D CHICHIMECO VERB PARADIGMS...... 164 Appendix E CHICHIMECO NOUN PARADIGMS ABCD PATTERN ...... 169 Appendix F CHICHIMECO NOUN PARADIGMS EFEF PATTERN ...... 171 Appendix G CHICHIMECO NOUN PARADIGMS NO CHANGE...... 172 Appendix H OCUILTECO AND MAZAHUA NOUN PARADIGMS ...... 173 Appendix I NORTH PAME AND CHICHIMECO COGNATE SETS FOR NONPARADIGMATIC MATERIAL...... 175 Appendix J OTOMI AND MAZAHUA COGNATE SETS FOR TONE RECONSTRUCTION ...... 179 Appendix K COGNATE SETS FOR OTOPAMEAN TONE ...... 187 APPENDIX L LIST OF ALL COGNATE SETS...... 198 APPENDIX M LANGUAGES REPRESENTED IN THE COGNATE SETS ...... 279 Otomian and Pamean ...... 279 Otomian ...... 279 Otomi and Mazahua...... 280 Matlatzinca and Ocuilteco ...... 280 Pamean...... 280 BIBLIOGRAPHY...... 281 General...... 281 Otomi ...... 283 Mazahua...... 289 Matlatzinca and Ocuilteco ...... 290 Pame ...... 292 Chichimeco ...... 294
PREFACE
PREFACE
This study grew out of a curiosity about dialect differences in Otomi, the language which I was studying under the auspices of the Summer Institute of Linguistics, Inc. From there, I did a comparative study of Otomi and Pame (just those two) for my Master’s thesis at the University of Pennsylvania in 1959. Several residual problems in that reconstruction impelled me to expand my study to take in all six languages of the Otopamean family.
I am indebted to many people for their contributions to this study. Chapter I lists those who supplied language data. Published sources are included in the Bibliography. I profited much from my studies at Chicago under Professor Eric P. Hamp. Professor Hamp’s interest in the study, his direction and crucial suggestions, and his constant encouragements have made this dissertation possible. I am indebted to James D. McCawley for an introduction to generative phonology (in spite of my own imperfect grasp of it).
Grateful acknowledgement is made for University of Chicago tuition scholarships for the years 1963 64 and 1964 65. Two colleagues of the Summer Institute of Linguistics helped in the preparation of the final copy: Joyce Goerz with typing and Lucille Schneider with proofreading.
v
LIST OF TABLES
LIST OF TABLES
Table 1 DISTRIBUTION AND POPULATION FIGURES FOR THE OTOPAMEAN LANGUAGES 1950 CENSUS ...... 1 Table 2 COGNATE PERCENTAGES Manrique ...... 4 Table 3 COGNATE PERCENTAGES BARTHOLOMEW ...... 5 Table 4 DISTINCTIVE FEATURE MATRIX FOR THE MORPHOPHONEMIC SEGMENTS OF MAZAHUA ...... 11 Table 5 RELATION OF MAZAHUA PHONEMES TO MORPHOPHONEMES NONGLOTTAL CONSONANTS...... 27 Table 6 RELATION OF MAZAHUA PHONEMES TO MORPHOPHONEMES GLOTTAL CONSONANTS...... 28 Table 7 DISTINCTIVE FEATURE MATRIX FOR THE MORPHOPHONEMES OF NORTH PAME ...29 Table 8 RELATION OF NORTH PAME PHONEMES TO MORPHOPHONEMES...... 38 Table 9 PHONEMES OF THE OTOPAMEAN LANGUAGES...... 39 Table 10 PITCH PHONEMES OF THE OTOPAMEAN LANGUAGES ...... 41 Table 11 POP STEM ALTERNANTS ...... 45 Table 12 NORTH PAME STEM ALTERNANTS...... 46 Table 13 CHICHIMECO STEM ALTERNANTS...... 47 Table 14 OTOMIAN STEM ALTERNANTS...... 51 Table 15 MAZAHUA STEM ALTERNANTS...... 52 Table 16 OTOPAMEAN STEM INITIAL CONSONANT CORRESPONDENCES...... 53 Table 17 REFLEXES OF POP SINGLE VOWELS...... 61 Table 18 REFLEXES OF POP CLUSTERS INVOLVING *a and *o...... 69 Table 19 REFLEXES OF POP CLUSTERS INVOLVING *a and *i...... 72 Table 20 REFLEXES FOR POP CLUSTERS INVOLVING *I, *O, AND *E...... 77 Table 21 FEATURE SPECIFICATIONS FOR POP VOWELS AND CLUSTERS...... 82 Table 22 FEATURE SPECIFICATIONS FOR OTOMI AND MAZAHUA VOWELS...... 83 Table 23 FEATURE SPECIFICATIONS FOR MATLATZINCA AND OCUILTECO VOWELS ...... 87 Table 24 REFLEXES OF POP STEM FORMATIVE CONSONANTS...... 99 Table 25 OTOPAMEAN PERSON MARKERS...... 114 Table 26 OTOPAMEAN NUMBER MARKERS ...... 116 Table 27 TONE PATTERNS IN NOUN PARADIGMS IN NORTH PAME AND CHICHIMECO ...... 126 Table 28 TONE PATTERNS IN VERB PARADIGMS IN NORTH PAME AND CHICHIMECO...... 127 Table 29 TONE CORRESPONDENCES BETWEEN NORTH PAME AND CHICHIMECO...... 127 Table 30 STEWART’s RECONSTRUCTION OF PROTO OTOMI TONE...... 128 Table 31 STEWART’s RECONSTRUCTION OF OTOMI MAZAHUA TONE...... 129 Table 32 TONE CORRESPONDENCES BETWEEN OTOMI AND MAZAHUA ...... 129 Table 33 OTOMI MAZAHUA TONE RECONSTRUCTION COMPARISON OF THE TWO RECONSTRUCTIONS ...... 130 Table 34 TONE CORRESPONDENCES BETWEEN OTOMIAN AND PAMEAN...... 131 Table 35 OTOPAMEAN TONE RECONSTRUCTIONS...... 133 Table 36 NORTH PAME SINGULAR NOUN PREFIXES...... 139 Table 37 NORTH PAME PLURAL NOUN PREFIXES ...... 139 Table 38 OTOMI AND MAZAHUA NOUN PREFIXES...... 141 Table 39 PREFIXES FOR NORTH PAME AND CHICHIMECO KINSHIP TERMS...... 143
vii Table 40 OTOMIAN POSSESSOR PREFIXES ...... 143 Table 41 NORTH PAME AND CHICHIMECO VERB PREFIX CORRESPONDENCES...... 144 Table 42 MATLATZINCA VERB PREFIXES MARKING NUMBER...... 146 Table 43 NORTH PAME AND CHICHIMECO VERB PREFIXES MARKING NUMBER ...... 146 Table 44 SOME VERB PREFIXES IN OTOMI, MAZAHUA, AND MATLATZINCA...... 147
LIST OF FIGURES
LIST OF FIGURES
Fig. 1. The morphological composition of Mazahua verbs...... 12 Fig. 2. Distinctive Feature Matrix of POP Vowels...... 60 Fig. 3. Distinctive Features Matrix of Chichimeco Vowels...... 60 Fig. 4. Derivation of Otomian Tones ...... 133 Fig. 5. The Derivation of Otomi Tones...... 134 Fig. 6. The derivation of Mazahua Tones ...... 134 Fig. 7. The Derivation of Pamean Tones ...... 135 Fig. 8. The Derivation of Pame Tones ...... 135 Fig. 9. The Derivation of Chichimeco Tones...... 136 Fig. 10. Phoneme inventories of Popolocan Mixtecan and Otopamean...... 151
ix
CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION
The scope of this dissertation is the reconstruction of Proto Otopamean. 1 The Otopamean languages are divided into two subgroups, Otomian and Pamean. Otomian is subdivided into Central Otomian and Southern Otomian. Central Otomian consists of Otomi (with at least three major dialects) and Mazahua (which has much less dialectal diversity). Southern Otomian includes Matlatzinca and Ocuilteco. Pamean consists of North and South Pame and Chichimeco Jonaz.
The Otopamean languages are spoken in Central Mexico, clustered around Mexico City chiefly in the states of México and Hidalgo and extending north to the state of San Luis Potosí and somewhat west to Querétaro and Guanajuato. The locations and population figures for the Otopamean languages according to the 1950 census are given in Table 1.
TABLE 1 DISTRIBUTION AND POPULATION FIGURES FOR THE OTOPAMEAN LANGUAGES 1950 CENSUS
Language States Where Spoken Number of Speakers Otomí Guanajuato, Hidalgo, 2 185,656 México, Puebla, Querétaro, San Luis Potosí, Tlaxcala, Veracruz
1 Otopamean refers to the same group of languages as those in Jacques Soustelle, “La Famille Otomi Pame du Mexique Central,” Travaux et Memoires de l’Institut d’Ethnologie de l’Université de Paris , No. 26 (Paris: Institut d’Ethnologie, 1937), pp. xvi 571. I am indebted to Morris Swadesh for the term Otopamean which he uses in “The Oto Manguean Hypothesis and Macro Mixtecan,” IJAL , XXVI (1960), 79 111. 2 Hidalgo has 84,935 speakers; México has 79,077 speakers. The other states account for the remaining 21, 644. The 1960 census (which lists only monolingual speakers) gives 14 for the Federal District, 134 for Guanajuato, 27,856 for Hidalgo, 18, 835 for México, 6 for Morelos, 8 for Nayarit, 2 for Oaxaca, 1,302 for Puebla, 4,437 for Querétaro, and 5,127 for Veracruz. The total of monolingual Otomi speakers is 57,721.
6/9/2010 1 The Reconstruction of Otopamean 2
Mazahua México, Michoacán 3 84,125
Matlatzinca México, (Michoacán) 4 250
Ocuilteco México 550
North Pame San Luis Potosí 1,178 5
South Pame Hidalgo 66
Chichimeco Guanajuato 501 7
The subgrouping of Otopamean outlined in the first paragraph is essentially that of Soustelle in 1937. 8 On the basis of shared vocabulary he groups the languages into two subdivisions: Otomi Matlatzinca and Pame Chichimeco. He notes that Matlatzinca is more closely related to Pame Chichimeco than is Otomi and that Pame presents more similarities with Otomi than does Chichimeco. He says that Otomi and Chichimeco constitute the two extremities of the chain of languages, those that present the least number of similarities. He is not content to base statements of relationship on vocabulary alone, however, and so he turns to grammatical features such as the stem alternants, use of prefixes or suffixes (typological), occurrence of a distinct form for third person plural (not based on third person singular), and affixation versus juxtaposition. Such considerations confirm the grouping made on the basis of vocabulary, but there are a few contradictory isoglosses. He asserts that the contrastive third person plural form occurs in nouns and verbs in the Northern languages (Pamean) but not in the Southern ones (Otomian). (The form occurs in Otomi and Mazahua verbs but with the function of a pseudo passive, i.e., impersonal subject, rather than third person plural. Soustelle apparantly missed this little feature.) A distinctive third person plural occurs in the independent pronouns of all the languages and thus serves no diagnostic purpose. Matlatzinca shares with Pame the habit of juxtaposing the
3 México has 77,790 speakers; Michoacán has 6,335 speakers. The 1960 census lists 15,721 monolingual Mazahua speakers, all in the state of México. 4 Matlatzinca used to be spoken in Michoacán by a group which had migrated from the state of México. The population figures for Matlatzinca and Ocuilteco are from the field notes of Juan Hasler. 5 Lorna Gibson reports that by the 1960 census the number of North Pame speakers had risen to 2,000. This figure probably includes bilinguals because the official census books list only 1,022 monolinguals in S.L.P. under the category “otros” (i.e., not Hausteco nor Aztec). 6 Leonardo Manrique lists one speaker for Pacula, Hidalgo, and four or five speakers for Jiliapan, Hidalgo (“Structural Sketch of South Pame [Jiliapan Dialect],” to appear in Handbook of Middle American Indians , ed. N. A. McQuown.) 7 The 1960 monolingual figure for non Otomí speakers of indigenous languages in Guanajuato is 164. 8 Soustelle, loc. Cit ., p. 414.
3 I Introduction personal pronoun, but this isogloss is considered to be an indication of the essential unity of all of Otopamean rather than a basis for subgrouping.
In 1960, Morris Swadesh 9 suggested a rather different subgrouping of Otopamean: A Chichimeco Jonaz, B Pame Matlatzinca, and C Otomian (Otomi and Mazahua). His subgrouping is based on percentage of cognates in non cultural basic vocabulary and the lexico statistic interpretation in minimum centuries of divergence. Swadesh’s innovation is that of grouping Matlatzinca with Pame into a subgroup and the separation of Chichimeco and Pame, thus dissolving the old Pamean subgroup. Leonardo Manrique has computed the internal relationships of Otopamean on the basis of revised lexico statistic counts (subsequent to Swadesh’s 1960 article) and in a more conservative way groups the languages into five groups: I Otomi Mazahua, II South Pame, III North Pame, IV Matlatzinca Ocuilteco, and V Chichimeco. 10 Although he resists grouping Pame and Matlatzinca in a single sub group, he sharply distinguishes between North Pame and South Pame (which is probably justified) but he specifically isolates Chichimeco from the other languages.
The somewhat closer relationship in vocabulary between Matlatzinca and North Pame that between other Northern and Southern languages was noted by Soustelle, as we have already seen. His figures for cognate percentages, though not restricted to non cultural vocabularies, still clearly group Matlatzinca with Otomi rather than with Pame:
Matlatzinca and Otomi……………………………66 per cent Atzinca (Ocuilteco) and Otomi……………………58 per cent
Matlatzinca and North Pame………………………35 per cent Matlatzinca and South Pame………………………35 per cent
Atzinca and North Pame…………………………..34 per cent Atzinca and South Pame…………………………..26 per cent
Matlatzinca and Chichimeco………………………25 per cent Atzinca and Chichimeco…………………………..20 per cent
Otomi and Pame (NP and SP)…………………….33 per cent Otomi and Chichimeco……………………………21 per cent
9 Ibid ., p. 83. 10 Manrique, Leonardo, “Structural Sketch of South Pame (Jiliapan Dialect),” to appear in Handbook of Midddle American Indians , ed. N. A. McQuown, pp. 2 and 3 of manuscript. See also Leonardo Manrique, “Sobre la Classificatión del Otomí Pame,” Actas del 33 o Congreso Internacional de Americanistas , II (San Jose, Costa Rica: n.p., 1958), 551 59.
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 4
Manrique’s figures, reproduced in Table 2, show Mtz Oc sharing 40 per cent of the basic vocabulary with SP and 32 per cent with NP as opposed to only 26 per cent with Ot Maz. My cognate counts, based on substantially the same lists, differ with those of Manrique in several crucial places. My figures are given in Table 3. They show about the same percentage of cognates between Mtz Oc and NP SP (39 per cent with SP, 40 per cent with NP), but they show a much higher figure for cognates between Mtz Oc and Ot Maz (50 per cent with Otomi and 43 or 49 per cent with Mazahua). Manrique’s figures for cognates between North and South Pame and Chichimeco are low (only 35 per cent for each pairing), 5 per cent less than his figure of 40 per cent cognate between SP and Mtz. My figures, however, show 47 per cent cognate between SP and Ch and 50 per cent cognate between NP and Ch as opposed to 39 per cent cognate between SP and Mtz or 40 per cent between NP and Mtz. Manrique’s figures for cognates between Chichimeco and Ot Maz and Mtz Oc are very low (19 per cent), whereas my figures show 39 per cent cognate between Ot and Ch, 37 per cent cognate between Maz and Ch, and 38 per cent cognate between Mtz and Oc.
My figures tend to contradict those of Manrique at those points which are crucial to his subgrouping. To adequately justify my counts would involve reproducing all the lists on which the counts are based and a detailed discussion of each decision as to cognacy. I do not consider it important to do this in this introductory chapter because the criterion for subgrouping is not so much shared retentions (including percentage of cognates) but rather shared innovations.
TABLE 2 COGNATE PERCENTAGES 11 MANRIQUE
Ot Maz Mtz Oc SP NP Ch Ot Maz 26 33 25 19 Mtz Oc 40 32 19 SP 59 35 NP 35 Shared innovations, however, cannot be determined until the proto structure has been reconstructed on the basis of the testimony of all of the constituent languages. Once the features of the proto language are determined, then ordered rules can be formulated to specify the developments in each daughter language. The rules specify only the innovations, not the retentions, because they rewrite the input symbol as something else, not itself.
11 In his article, Manrique’s figures are stated in minimum centuries. The cognate percentages are recovered according to a table for computing minimum centuries from percentages of cognates, prepared by Manrique. The table is published in Evangelina Arana Osnaya, “Relaciones Internas del Mixteco Trique,” INAH-A, XII (1959 60), 219 273.
5 I Introduction
TABLE 3 COGNATE PERCENTAGES BARTHOLOMEW
Ot Maz Mtz SP NP Ch Ot 74 50 34 39 39 Maz 43/49 37 34 37 Mtz 39 40 38 SP 65 47 NP 50 The point at issue in the subclassification of Otopamean is the place of Matlatzinca Ocuilteco, whether it belongs with the Northern (Pamean) or with the Southern (Otomian) subgroup. The development of the stem initial consonants does not tell us much about this because Mtz Oc have eliminated all alternations of initial consonants within noun and verb paradigms and preserve the B, C, or D form only in nouns derived from verbs, or occasionally in a verb stem where the C form has been generalized. Perhaps Mtz Oc and Ot Maz shared the merger of B and C forms before Mtz Oc proceded to eliminate the ABCD alternations altogether, but duplicate merger may have taken place rather than a shared innovation. Phonetically, Mtz Oc share with Ot Maz the palatalization of *s to š and the desyllabification of a C form metathesized *i to y. Mtz Oc specifically does not share the NP Ch voicing of a weakened *t in clusters with * and *h.
Mtz Oc share with Ot Maz the centralization of *i and *o to and ø in the environment of the centralizing element HC and also the coalescence of *io to . They share the desyllabification of *i and *o to y and w in certain environments. Mtz Oc and Ch both have rules which delete the second member of a vowel cluster. These rules do not constitute a shared innovation, however, because the rules are similar only in form, not in their placement with respect to the other rules in each language nor in the statement of environments in which the rules operate. The Ch rules for deletion of the second vowel are context free, for example, whereas the Mtz Oc rules are context sensitive.
Mtz Oc share with Ot Maz the insertion of the vowel i after the stem formative consonants. This important innovation is responsible for the greater retention of stem formative consonants in Otomian and the resultant greater similarities in the forms of Otomian stems in contrast to the Pamean stems.
Mtz Oc and Ot Maz share the deletion of glottal stop from root nuclei and from stem formative suffixes.
Finally, Mtz Oc and Ot Maz share the development of the segment w in the dual suffix wi and *i.
Swadesh and Manrique both give an isolated position to Chichimeco whereas the traditional grouping of Chichimeco with Pame is marked by shared innovations
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 6 as well as by distinctive retentions. Both Ch and NP voice weakened *t in clusters with * and *H (Ch has r, NP has l). Both Ch and NP accord full vocalic status to the metathesized *i of C forms.
The rules for stem formative consonants are almost completely shared between Ch and NP. The Ch deletion of stem formative presupposes the mergers whose results are seen in NP .
Ch and NP clearly group together in the developments from POP tone in contrast to the developments in Ot Maz.
Previous Contributions to the Reconstruction of Otopamean Apart from the early collections of material on Mexican languages by people like Pimentel 12 and Belmar, 13 the most thorough collection of material of Otopamean languages is that of Jacques Soustelle whose good sized volume contains lots of information and extensive comparison of the Otopamean languages. 14
The first attempt at a reconstruction of the parent language was done by Newman and Weitlaner 15 in 1950. They reconstructed Proto Otomi and Proto Otomi Mazahua. In 1953, Weitlaner published the reconstruction of Proto Otomi Matla tzinca. 16 In 1960, Juan Hasler published the reconstruction of Matlatzinca Ocuilteco. 17 Also in 1960, my revision of Proto Otomi consonants was published. 18
In 1959, I submitted to the University of Pennsylvania a master’s thesis reconstructing Proto Otomi Pame, i.e., the language underlying those two specific languages. The present study is the first attempt to reconstruct the parent language of Otopamean as a whole.
12 Francisco Pimental, Obras Completas (5 vols.; México: Tipografía Económica, 1903). Also, Cuadro Descriptivo y Comparativo de las Lenguas Indígenas de México, o Tratado de Filología Mexicana (3 vols.; México: Tipografía Isidoro Epstein, 1874). 13 Francisco Belmar, Glotología Indígena Mexicana (México: n.p., 1921) 14 Soustelle, loc. Cit. 15 Stanley Newman and Robert J. Weitlaner, “Central Otomian I: Proto Otomi Reconstructions,” IJAL, XVI (1950), 1 19. “Central Otomian II: Primitive Central Otomian Reconstructions,” IJAL , XVI (1950), 73 81 16 Robert J. Weitlaner, “Proto Otomi Matlatzinca: Reconstrucciones del Proto Otomi III,” Memorias del Congreso Científico Mexicano, IV Centenario de la Universidad Autónoma de México , XII (México: n.p., 1953), 199 206. 17 Juan Hasler, “Reconstrucciones Matlatzinca Ocuiltecas,” INAH-A, XIII (1960), 269 79. 18 Doris Bartholomew, “Some Revisions of Proto Otomi Consonants,” IJAL , XXVI (1960), 317 29.
7 I Introduction
The reconstruction of Otopamean will provide some of the controls necessary for incorporating it into the reconstruction of Proto Otomanguean along with Mixtecan, Popolocan, Amuzgo, Chinantecan, Zapotecan, and Chiapanec Mangue.
Sources of Data In addition to published sources and unpublished manuscripts, which are listed in the bibliography, I have made use of materials supplied by the following people. A full description of the materials supplied would be prohibitively long. Instead, I simply indicate the language(s) for which material has been contributed with a brief note of the nature of those materials. Henrietta Andrews: Matlatzinca (a long lexical list), Otomi (a sizable Santa Clara word list). Lorna F. Gibson: North Pame (lexical material, paradigmatic noun and verb forms), Chichimeco (notebook of a short field trip). Vola Griste: Eastern Otomi (ms. Dictionary). Juan Hasler: Matlatzinca, Ocuilteco (word lists). Harwood Hess: Mezquital Otomi (word lists, grammatical notes). Joyce Jenkins: Eastern Otomi (word list, grammatical notes). Leonardo Manrique: South Pame (long Swadesh list). Moisés Romero: Chichimeco (long Swadesh list). Donald and Isabel Sinclair: Mezquital Otomi (word list). Hazel Spotts: Mazahua (word list, grammatical notes). Donald Steward: Mazahua (word list, material on tone and stem initial consonant alternations). Oscar Uribe: Matlatzinca (short word list, phonemic chart). Katherine Voigtlander: Eastern Otomi (word list). Robert J. Weitlaner: North and South Pame, Otomi, Mazahua, Ocuilteco (word lists).
CHAPTER II FEATURE SURVEY OF THE PHONOLOGIES OF THE OTOPAMEAN LANGUAGES
The purpose of this chapter is to survey the phonological systems of the Otopamean languages in order to provide a basis for interpreting the forms listed in the cognate sets. For some of the languages a listing of the phonemes is adequate. For others, specifically Mazahua and North Pame, it is important to explain the recent phonological developments within the particular language.
The model which lends itself to the specification of phonological rules is that of generative transformational grammar, originated by Noam Chomsky. In this model it is assumed that the best description of a language is in terms of a set of rules that will specify (generate) the set of all the grammatical sentences. The grammar that will do this has several components: the syntactic component, the phonological component, 19 and the semantic component. The phonological component builds on the output of the syntactic component, namely on the sequences of morphemes in the surface syntactic structure. Each morpheme is specified by a phonological matrix which consists of the distinctive features of the string of segments which constitute the morpheme. Morphological features which are idiosyncratic for that morpheme are also specified. A set of ordered rules performs various operations on the string of segments produced by the juxtaposition of morphemes and specifies the correct sequence of segments and features for the systematic phonetic representation of the spoken chain. Further rules convert the systematic phonetic representation into the true phonetic features, including various phonetic details.
Certain aspects of a complete generative treatment have of necessity been modified in these brief sketches. The scope has been narrowed to that part of the morphophonemics which reflects relatively recent processes. The older layer of morphophonemics found in the stem alternants is not treated here because those phenomena belong to Otopamean as a whole and will be treated in the chapter on stem initial consonants. The present sketches begin with the morphophonemic
19 Morris Halle is chiefly responsible for the development of the phonological component: “Phonology in Generative Grammar,” Word , XVIII (1962), 54 72. See also “On the Bases of Phonology,” The Structure of Language , ed. Jerry A. Fodor and Jerrold J. Katz (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice Hall, 1964), pp. 324 33. Current developments in generative phonology have not yet been widely published. The treatment in this study is based on materials presented in lectures by James D. McCawley at the University of Chicago, 1964 1965.
6/9/2010 8 9 II Feature Survey of Phonologies segments necessary for distinguishing the stem alternants without attempting to explain the phonological relations between them.
The generative model provides a set of rules which will specify the distributional restrictions of segments and features within the morpheme. The redundant features due to these restrictions are not specified in the phonological matrix assigned to a given morpheme. The matrix contains only the nonredundant information necessary for distinguishing that morpheme from all others. The redundant features are filled in by rules called morpheme structure rules. An example of a morpheme structure rule is the one that specifies that a consonantal segment preceding a stop in an English word is a sibilant. The present sketches will not attempt to state the morpheme structure rules but will start with the complete feature specifications necessary for the operation of the morphophonemic rules. In other words, they will build on the output of the morpheme structure rules.
For various reasons it is infeasible to have generative treatments of all the Otopamean languages at this time. It is desirable, therefore, to have some means of specifying the relationship between the output of the generative morphophonemic rules and the phonemes of Mazahua and North Pame. This will be done via a chart like that devised by Hoenigswald to specify the relationships between the phonemes of the parent language and those of the daughter language. The morphophonemes will be listed across the top of the chart on the analogy of the phonemes of the parent language. The phonemes of the specific language are listed down the left hand side. The number of the rule responsible for a given phoneme “reflex” of the morphophoneme will be specified in the intersecting cells.
Rather than treating the languages in some logical or geographical order, I will first describe Mazahua and North Pame in the generative model and then I will take up the remaining languages. The phoneme inventories of the other languages will be presented along with appropriate comments on specific rules or phenomena parallel to those found in the generative descriptions of the first two languages.
Mazahua In 1951, Eunice Pike described the tone contrasts in Mazahua and the correlations between them and the intonational contrasts found on stem final syllables when they were phrase final. 20 In 1953, Hazel Spotts described the vowel harmony which operates in the stem formative syllables and the consonant clusters which result from the deletion of the stem formative vowel before certain other suffixes. 21 In a footnote, Spotts expressed the intention to publish a paper later
20 Eunice V. Pike, “Tonemic Intonemic Correlation in Mazahua (Otomi),” IJAL , XVII (1951), 37 41. 21 Hazel Spotts, “Vowel Harmony and Consonant Sequences in Mazahua (Otomi),” IJAL , XIX (1953), 253 58.
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 10
“describing the rather intricate morphophonemics of Mazahua.” 22 Unfortunately, that paper has not yet appeared.
The present sketch of Mazahua phonology in terms of distinctive features and morphophonemic rules is based on data in Spott’s article, supplemented by data supplied by her and her colleagues Donald and Shirley Stewart, all members of the Summer Institute of Linguistics.
The phonemes of Mazahua, as listed by Spotts, are as follows: (Phonemes preceded by * are not necessary for specifying the base forms of morphemes.) p, t, k, *k w, *b, *d, *g, *g w, *c, * , s, š, *z, * , m, n, *ñ, w, *r, *l, y, i, e, , , ø, a, u, o, ö, , , , ã, , and õ. The phoneme l occurs in Spanish loan words and in onomatopoetic words. The other starred phonemes are the result of phonological rules.
The segments to which generative phonology assigns distinctive features are those which are necessary to distinguish the base forms of morphemes before the application of the morphophonemic rules. The number of contrastive morpho phonemic segments is often substantially less than the number of segments needed to handle the phonemic contrasts of the language, especially if the morphophonemic rules are at all extensive. Only enough features are specified for the segments to distinguish each segment from every other segment. The acoustic or articulatory properties of the segments are one consideration for assigning features to segments, but equally important is the structural consideration of assigning some common feature to the segments which behave alike in the rules. Thus, the distinctive features make possible a compact statement of the morphophonemic rules.
The features chosen to specify the morphophonemic segments of Mazahua are: consonantal (cns), vocalic (voc), grave (grv), compact (cmp), continuant (cnt), nasal (nas), glottal (gtl), diffuse (dff), and flat (flt). The presence of a feature is marked with a. plus (+); the absence of a feature is marked with a minus ( ) The blank cells in the matrix indicate that the specification of that feature is irrelevant for distinguishing the morphophonemes or for stating the rules. Table 4 shows the distinctive features assigned to the specific segments. The segments w and y are marked +consonantal and +vocalic in this treatment. McCawley marks w and y as –consonantal and –vocalic. The w and y belong to the syllable onset in Mazahua, but they are derived from elements of the syllable nucleus of POP.
In stating the rules, segments are specified by the minimum number of features which will unambiguously identify them. The features specified to the right of the arrow are only those which are different from those on the left. The arrow, , is to be read “rewrite as” or “becomes.” Features belonging to the same segment are enclosed in square brackets [ ]. Optional features or segments are enclosed in parentheses ( ). Reference to a choice between two specifications for the operation of a rule is symbolized by placing those items in curly brackets { }. Zero
22 Ibid ., p. 256.
11 II Feature Survey of Phonologies is symbolized by ø. Word juncture is symbolized by #; morpheme juncture is symbolized by &. Degree of morpheme juncture is marked by a subscript, e.g., & 2.
TABLE 4 DISTINCTIVE FEATURE MATRIX FOR THE MORPHOPHONEMIC SEGMENTS OF MAZAHUA
p t k s š w y m n h cns + + + + + + gtl – – – – – – – – – + + cnt – – – + + – + nas – – – – + + grv + – + – + + – + – voc – – + + cmp – +
i e ø a u o ö voc + + + + + + + + + nas – – – – – – – – – flt – – – + + + grv – – – + + + + + + cmp – – + – – + – – + dff + – + – + –
ã õ voc + + + + + + nas + + + + + + flt – – + + grv – – + + + + dff + – + – + – Greek letters are used instead of + or – in order to mark agreement for stating rules of assimilation or dissimilation. The notation grave, for instance, means that that segment has the same specifications for graveness as that indicated by for some other segment in the rule. The notation – grave means that that segment has the opposite value for graveness from that marked by elsewhere in the rule.
Mazahua words are composed of a prefix, a stem and certain suffixes. The morphophonemics of the interaction between prefix and stem are not treated in this study nor are the alternations of initial consonants, which belong to an earlier stratum of morphophonemic rules, some of which go back to Otopamean. There are similarities between the rules which must have operated on the stem initial
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 12 consonants and those which account for the combinations of suffix consonants. The difference is that the conditioning environment for the operation of the rules for the suffix consonants is found in the synchronic material whereas it must be reconstructed from comparative evidence for the stem initial consonant alternations.
The stem is made up of a root which consists of an open syllable and usually a stem formative suffix which is a consonant or a consonant cluster involving a glottal element and/or a nasal. Verb stems may be followed by an object suffix or by a benefactive suffix. The latter two suffix classes appear to be mutually exclusive in the data upon which this study is based. The morphemes for the first and second persons are the same for object or benefactive: k for first person and – k for second person. Third person is unmarked for the object suffix. It is –p for the benefactive. An object or benefactive suffix entails the insertion of an h between the root vowel and a stem formative suffix which does not contain a nasal or a continuant. A benefactive suffix entails an extra degree of juncture which impedes palatalization. Three degrees of morpheme juncture are distinguished between the stem and the suffixes. The first degree is between the stem and the object suffix. The second degree is between the stem and the benefactive suffix. Morpheme junctures of the first and second degree entail the insertion of h. The third degree of morpheme juncture is between the stem and the emphatic person suffix. The second and third degree junctures impede palatalization.
Emphatic person markers are in a looser syntactic relationship to the word, as is indicated by the third degree morpheme juncture. They may be suffixed to either nouns or verbs. First person is –kö and second person is –k . Note that the person markers here carry their own vowel as opposed to the corresponding suffixes cited above. Presumably, the bound forms were derived by the deletion of the vowel from the fuller forms. There is a further suffix order which marks the categories of number and inclusive/exclusive. Figure 1 shows the morphological composition of Mazahua verbs.
Prefix ROOT Stem Formative &1 Object &3 Emphatic Number Suffix &2 Benefactive Person Incl./excl. Fig. 1. The morphological composition of Mazahua verbs
The morphophonemic rules described here are those which handle the modifications resulting from sequences of suffix consonants. Because of insufficient data they will not deal with the last suffix position (i.e., number and inclusive/exclusive). The rules are divided into three groups. The first group applies to the object and benefactive suffixes. The second group applies to the emphatic person suffixes. The third group applies to the word as a whole, whether or not there are any suffixes other than the stem formative suffix.
The corpus of 86 forms upon which the present study is based was taken from the illustrations of consonant clusters in the article by Spotts. The analysis of the underlying forms is my own, suggested by Otomi cognate forms and confirmed
13 II Feature Survey of Phonologies in most instances by unaffixed Mazahua forms cited in other materials supplied by Spotts and Stewart. The 86 forms are listed at the end of the rules along with the analysis of their underlying forms and their meanings. The meanings are omitted in the examples for the rules. The examples for the rules show the input for the rule in parentheses, followed by the output of the rule. The input incorporates the result of all previous rules.
Group 1 1. If an object or benefactive suffix is added to the stem, an h is inserted before a stem formative suffix which does not contain a nasal or a continuant. If there is no stem formative consonant, the h is inserted before the object or benefactive suffix. The h introduced by this rule is subject to the later rules.
Expressed in distinctive features, the rule says that zero (Ø) becomes a segment which is +glottal and +continuant (i.e., h) in the environment of a preceding vowel and a following segment which is neither a nasal nor a continuant or no segment at all and a morpheme juncture of first or second degree.
[− nas] + gtl + voc ∅ → in env. ___[]− cnt & 2/1 + cnt − cns ∅
Examples: 12 (phöt & 2 p) phöht & 2 p, 15 (tek & 2 p) tehk & 2 p, 16 p t & 2 p) p ht & 2 p, 21 ( øt & 2 p) øht & 2 p, 22 (h t & 2 p) h ht & 2 p, 41 (t & 2 p) t h & 2 p, 17 (ndek & 2 k) ndehk & 2 k, 18 (mb t & 2 k) mb ht & 2 k, 29 (mböt &2 k ) mböht & 2 k , 30 (h k & 2 k ) h hk & 2 k , 31 (h t & 2 k ) h ht & 2 k .
2. An h becomes a if it precedes one or more stops followed by a . The rule applies to an h inserted by rule 1 as well as to an h of a stem formative suffix.
+ gtl − gtl + gtl → []− cnt in env. ___ + cnt − cnt0 − cnt
Examples with inserted h from rule 1: 21 ( øht & 2 p) ø t & 2 p, 22 (h ht &2 p) h t & 2 p, 29 (mböht & 2 k ) mbö t & 2 k , 30 (h hk & 2 k ) h k & 2 k , 31 (h ht & 2 k ) h t & 2 k . Examples with stem formative h: 9 (penh & 2 k ) pen & 2 k , 28 (tõh & 2 k ) tõ & 2 k , 32 (wãmh & 2 k ) wãm & 2 k .
3. A is inserted after –p if it is preceded by a consonant cluster containing a . A is inserted between contiguous stops if a follows.
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 14
− gtl + gtl − cnt &2 ___ + gtl − cnt − cnt + cmp ∅ → in env. + cnt − gtl − gtl + gtl ___ − cnt − cnt − cnt
Examples after –p: 21 ( ø t & 2 p) ø t & 2 p , 22 (h t & 2 p) h t & 2 p , 23 (wãnt & 2 p) wãnt & 2 p , 24 (w nt & 2 p) w nt & 2 p . Examples between stops: 29 (mbö t & 2 k ) mbö t & 2 k , 30 hö k & 2 k ) hö k & 2 k , 33 (hãnt & 2 k ) hãnt & 2 k .
4. Delete before –k except if the stem begins with a .
+ gtl − cnt → ∅ in env. []− gtl X___ &1/2 − cnt + cmp
Examples: 1 (zin & 1 k) zin & 1 k, 19 (hñ s & 2 k) hñ s & 2 k, 45 (k as & 1 k) k as & 1 k, 47 (w nt & 2 k) w nt & 2 k. Contrast 6 ( y n & 1 k) where is not deleted by this rule.
5. Following a front vowel the consonants t, k, and n are palatalized (add the feature +sharp) to become , c, and ñ, respectively. If the n is followed by a t or k with no intervening or juncture of more than the first degree, the stop is palatalized but not the nasal. If there is an intervening or a juncture of the second degree or greater, then the nasal is palatalized but not the following stop. The palatalizable consonants in a stem formative suffix are always palatalized; those in an object suffix are palatalized under the conditions just cited; those of a benefactive suffix or of an emphatic person marker are never palatalized. Palatalization does not extend past the first stop.
− cnt + cns − grv ___ + nas + voc + cmp → []+ sharp in env. − cns &2/3 + cns − grv ___+ gtl + nas − cnt − grv
The morpheme junctures are not necessary for all of the rules. To simplify the notation, the morpheme junctures will be omitted in the output of rule 5 and elsewhere unless they are necessary for the statement of the rule.
Examples: 1 (zin & 1 k) zinc, 4 ( win & 2 p) wiñp, 5 ( win & 1 k ) winc , 6 ( y n & 1 k) y ñ k, 7 ( y n & 1 k y ñ k , 9 (pen & 2 k ) peñ k , 15 (tehk &2 p) tehcp, 16 (p ht & 2 p) p h p, 17 (ndehk & 2 k) ndehck, 18 (mb ht & 2 k)
15 II Feature Survey of Phonologies
mb h k, 22 (h t & 2 p ) h p , 24 (w nt & 2 p ) w n p , 30 (h k & 2 k ) h c k , 43 (zin & 2 k) zink, 47 (w nt & 2 k) w n k, 48 (šenk & 2 k) šenck.
Numbers 1 and 5 show palatalization of an object suffix because the stem formative is a nasal and there is no intervening . The original in number 1 was deleted by rule 4. Number 43 has the same input as number 1 except for the different morpheme juncture. The suffix in number 1 is an object; that in number 43 is a benefactive. The second degree juncture in 43 impeded palatalization. In numbers 6, 7, and 9, the palatalization is impeded by a intervening between the nasal and the object suffix. The in number 9 came from an original h via rule 2.
6. An m preceding a or h, followed by a stop, loses its nasality completely following an oral vowel (i.e., becomes p) or partially following a nasalized vowel (i.e., becomes mp) if no juncture of more than second degree intervenes.
− nas + voc − cmp − cns + cns − cnt − nas + nas → in env. ___ + gtl & − cnt [][]2/1 + cns − nas + voc + grv + nas − cmp − cns + grv − cnt + nas
Examples: 20 (tø m p) tø p p, 27 (ndø m k ) ndø p k , 32 (wãm k ) wãmp k , 40 ( mhk) mphk, 38 (wãmhp) wãmphp.
7. Delete p when it is preceded by p and a glottal segment.
− cnt − cnt − cmp → ∅ in env. − cmp []+ gtl ___ + grv + grv
Examples: 20 (tø p p) tø p , 38 (wãmphp) wãmph.
8. Delete a between a nasal and a stop if the stem begins with a or h.
+ gtl + cns − gtl → ∅ in env. []+ gtl X ___ − cnt + nas − cnt
Examples: 6 ( y ñ k) y ñk, 7 ( y ñ k ) y ñk , 42 (hon p) honp.
9. A predictable vowel is inserted after the suffix consonant(s) and before word boundary. The five ordered rules which specify the predictable features of the inserted vowels are grouped together under the same rule number. The first rule
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 16 generates a as a stem final consonant where none existed before. The remaining rules share certain specifications of environment and may be considered parts of the same rule.
(a) Insert a before word boundary if there is no suffix consonant.
+ gtl + voc ∅ → in env. ___ # − cnt − cns
Examples: (t ) t , cf. number 2; (pö) pö , cf.number 11.
(b) Insert a copy of the root vowel before word boundary if the suffix consonant is or h. Note that (b) operates on the output of (a). Part (a) produces an intermediate stage which does not appear in a terminal string as such.
+ voc []+ gtl # − cns 1 2 3→ 1 2 1 3
Examples: (t ) t , cf. number 2; (pö ) pö ö, cf. number 11; (tõh), tõhõ, cf. number 10.
(c) Insert a copy of the root vowel after the suffix consonant(s) if the root vowel is –diffuse, compact, and –flat (i.e., e, ø, , and ã).
+ voc − cns − dff []+ cns 0 # − cmp − flt − grv 1 2 3→ 1 2 1 3
Examples: (peñh) peñhe, cf. number 9; ( øt ) øt ø, cf. number 21; (h ) h , cf. number 31; (wãnt ) wãnt ã, cf. number 23.
(d) Insert a diffuse front vowel after the suffix consonant(s) and before word boundary if the root is a front vowel (i.e., the vowels i and follow i, , and , respectively). The ordering of part (d) after part (c) makes it unnecessary to specify the root vowel by any more than –grave because the –diffuse, compact front vowel no longer occurs in this environment.
17 II Feature Survey of Phonologies
+ voc + voc − cns − cns ∅ → + dff in env. []+ cns 0 ___ # − grv − grv ∝ nas ∝ nas Examples: (siñ ) siñ i, cf. number 1; ( ñ ) ñ i, cf. number 6; no example of root in the corpus.
(e) Insert a diffuse central vowel (+diffuse, +grave, flat) if the root vowel is a nonfront vowel (+grave). The inserted vowel agrees in nasality with the root vowel: the vowel follows , u, o, ö and a; follows , and õ.
+ voc − cns + voc + dff − cns ∅ → in env. []+ cns 0 ___ # + grv + grv − flt ∝ nas ∝ nas Examples: (th ht) th ht , cf. number 14; no example of oral u; (pon ) pon , cf. number 8; (ph t) ph t , cf. number 12; (was ) was , cf. number 36; (hñ hp) hñ hp , cf.number 13; (hñ s ) hñ s , cf. number 19; (tõhp) tõhp , number 10.
10. An h and a following stop are transposed if the h is preceded by a nasal and if the stop is followed by a vowel.
+ cns + gtl − gtl + voc + nas + cnt − cnt − cns 1 2 3 4 → 1 3 2 4
Examples: 25 (k nhp ) k nph , 26 (k nhk ) k nkh .
11. Insert an h after a stop if the stop is preceded by a stop and an h.
− gtl + gtl − gtl + voc − cnt + cnt − cnt − cns 1 2 3 4 → 1 2 3 2 4
Examples: 40 ( mphk ) mphkh .
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 18
Group II The rules in Group II resemble in part some of the rules in Group I, but there are important differences conditioned by the different morpheme juncture. The first group of rules dealt with the object and benefactive suffixes where the differences between first and second person pivoted around the presence of in the second person form. The rules for adjusting the glottal elements in the suffixes never permitted the contrast between –k and –k to be disturbed. The second group of rules deals with the emphatic person markers which are distinguished by different vowels as well as by the glottal element. The morphophonemic rules of Group II permit the modification of the glottal element of the suffixes because the vowels maintain the contrast between first and second person.
12. A glottal segment and the following stop are transposed if a nasal consonant or a nasalized vowel precedes the glottal segment and if a third degree juncture intervenes between the glottal segment and the stop. This rule differs from rule 10 in Group I in that a may be transposed with a k of a first person marker whereas rule 10 permitted only an h to be transposed.
− gtl [][][]+ nas + gtl &3 − gtl − cnt 1 2 3 4 → 1 3 2 4
Examples: 58 (kiñh &3 kö) kiñkhö, 65 (t mh &3 kö) t mkhö, 69 (k nh &3 kö) k nkhö, 70 (peñh &3 kö) peñkhö, 74 (tø m &3 kö) tø mk ö, 76 (šim &3 kö) 23 šimk ö, 79 (pøn &3 kö) pønk ö, 80 ( on &3 kö,) 81 ( om &3 kö) omk ö, 82 ( ñ &3 kö) ñk , 83 (p n &3 kö) p nk ö, 84 (h m &3 kö) h mk ö, 85 (tøm &3 kö) tømk ö.
13. Delete after s and before –kö if a third degree juncture intervenes and if a nonnasal segment precedes the s .
− gtl − gtl + gtl → ∅ in env. − nas + cnt ___ & − cnt − gtl [][] 3 − cnt − grv + cmp
Example: 62 (was &3 kö) waskö.
14. A sibilant preceding a stop which is not followed by a is not specified for graveness and may be preceded or followed by a glottal continuant. This means that there is a neutralization of the point of articulation of sibilants in this environment and that there may be an extra segment of glottal aspiration preceding or following the sibilant.
23 The nasal before the k is phonetically a velar but is considered by Spotts as an allophone of the bilabial nasal because it contrasts with n as in number 80 and because it is etymologically an m.
19 II Feature Survey of Phonologies
− voc − voc − gtl OPT + gtl + gtl − gtl − gtl in env. ___ []− gtl + cnt → + cnt + cnt − cnt + cnt ∝ grv
Examples: 19 (hñ s &2 k ) hñ hsk , 45 (k as &1 k ) k ašk , 63 (paš &3 kö) pašh &3 kö.
15. A copy of the preceding glottal segment is inserted after a stop if the preceding glottal element is preceded by a nonnasal consonant and if a third degree juncture intervenes between the glottal segment and the stop.
− gtl − gtl [][]+ gtl &3 − gtl − voc − cnt 1 2 3 4 → 1 2 3 2 4
Examples: 55 (oph &3 kö) ophkhö, 56 (bath &3 kö) bathkhö, 63 (pašh &3 kö) pašhkhö, 71 (hic &3 kö hic k ö, 75 (pa t &3 kö) pa t k ö, 77 p ns &3 kö) p ns k ö, 78 (mat &3 kö) mat k ö.
16. The is deleted from –k if preceded by ht and if a third degree juncture intervenes. Contrast rule 2 in Group I where the juncture is of first or second degree and the preceding h becomes a .
+ gtl + gtl − cnt − cnt → ∅ in env. &3 ___ − cnt + cnt − grv + cmp
Example: 51 (kwaht &3 k ) kwahtk .
17. The geminate cluster kk is simplified. Probably the rule could be generalized to eliminate all geminate clusters, but only the simplification of kk is found in the present corpus.
− cnt − cnt → ∅ in env. ___ + cmp + cmp
Example: 24 (t hk &3 kö) t hkö.
The rule must be ordered after the palatalization rule as is seen in numbers 48 and 60 where the first in the sequence of two k’s is palatalized and the cluster is not simplified: 48 (šenk &2 k) šenck, 60 (tek &3 kö) teckö.
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 20
Group III The rules in Group III are later rules. They are not conditioned by the specific suffix classes or degrees of juncture.
18. After a vowel or a nasal, a stop (or sequence of stops) is voiced if followed by a vowel with no intervening glottal segment. The segments and c participate in this rule because they are specified as –continuant.
+ voc − gtl − cns + voc → []+ vcd in env. ___ − cnt − cns 0 + cns + nas Examples: 4 ( wiñpi) wiñbi, 3 (hñãntkã) hñãndgã, 6 ( y ñki) y ñgi, 43 (zinki) zingi, 1 (zinci) zin i, 47 (w n ki) w n gi, 48 (šencke) šen ge, 59 (che kö) che gö, 60 (teckö) te gö, 61 (phötkö) phödgö.
19. A voiced consonant becomes a continuant if it is +sharp or if it occurs after a vowel.
+ sharp + cns _____ → []+ cnt in env. + vcd + voc ____ − cns Examples: (h i) h zi, cf. 30; (p i) p i, cf. 16; 47 (w n gi) w n gi; 60 (te gö) tezgö; 61 (phödgö) phörgö; (phöd ) phör , cf. 61. There are no examples in the corpus of b or g in this position.
20. An h and the preceding nasal are metathesized if a vowel follows the h.
− cns + gtl + voc + nas + cnt − cns 1 2 3 → 2 1 3
Examples: (peñhe) pehñe, cf. 9; (k nh ) k hn , cf.26; (wãmhã) wãhmã, cf. 32; (t mh ) t hm , cf. 40; (kiñhi) kihñi, cf. 58.
21. A nasal consonant preceding loses its nasality and is specified as +voiced if the cluster occurs between oral vowels.
21 II Feature Survey of Phonologies
− nas + voc + voc + cns + gtl → − cnt in env. − cns ___ − cns + nas − cnt + vcd − nas − nas
Examples: (pon ) pod , cf. 8; (tøm ø, tøb ø, cf. 20; (siñ i) sidy i, cf. 1; ( ñ i) dy i, cf. 6; (šim i) šib i, cf. 76; (tø m ø) tø b ø, cf. 74.
22. Optionally, delete h after a nasalized vowel and before a stop.
+ gtl OPT + voc − gtl ∅ in env. ___ + cnt → + nas − cnt
Examples: 2 (t hk ) t k , 41 (t hp ) t p . Contrast 54 tõkhö, where the h was metathesized by rule 12.
23. Optionally insert an n after a nasalized vowel and before a stop.
+ cns OPT + voc − gtl ∅ + nas in env. ___ → + nas − cnt − grv
Examples: 2 (t k ) t nk , 41 (t p ) t np . Again, contrast 54 tõkhö, where no n is inserted.
The ordering of this rule after the voicing rule explains the fact that k and p are not voiced after the n in numbers 2 and 41.
24. Optionally, a sequence of an oral vowel plus a nasal is re written as the corresponding nasalized vowel.
+ voc + voc + cns OPT − gtl − cns − cns in env. ___ + nas → − cnt − nas + nas
Example: (tø m k ö) t k ö.
In this case there is no nasalized vowel specified as both –compact and – diffuse as is the oral ø. The corresponding nasal vowel is the one marked +diffuse with redundant –compact, i.e., .
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 22
Sample Derivations Three sample derivations show how the ordered rules operate on the morphophonemic input. The form in parentheses gives the basic string of morphophonemes. Rules that do not apply are marked . When a rule applies, the resultant form is written in and the rule is identified briefly. The input for a rule is the form that precedes it. Following the sample derivations is the list of the 86 forms on which the present study is based. For each form, the rule numbers are given which apply to the derivation of that form.
1. (zin &1 k) “he took me” Rules 1, 2, and 3 do not apply.
zin &1k Rule 4, delete before k. zinc Rule 5, palatalization. Rules 6, 7, and 8 do not apply. zinci Rule 9, vowel insertion. Rules 10 through 17 do not apply. zin i Rule 18, voicing. zinzi Rule 19, cont > +cont. Rules 20 through 24 do not apply.
30. (h k &2 k ) “I left it for you”
h hk &2 k Rule 1, insert h.
h k &2 k Rule 2, h > before c .
h k &2 k Rule 3, insert between stops. Rule 4 does not apply. h c k Rule 5, palatalization. Rules 6, 7 and 8 do not apply. h c k i Rule 9, vowel insertion. Rules 10 through 24 do not apply.
38. (wãmh &2 p) “I plowed for him” Rules 1 through 5 do not apply.
wãmph &2 p Rule 6, m > mp. wãmph Rule 7, delete p.
23 II Feature Survey of Phonologies
Rule 8 does not apply. wãmphã Rule 9, vowel insertion Rules 10 through 24 do not apply.
List of Forms on Which the Analysis Is Based The form in parentheses gives the basic string of morphophonemes. The form immediately following is the phonemic form of the terminal string. The third form is that of the stem without suffixes. Following that are the meaning of the form with suffixes and the numbers of the rules which belong to the derivation of that form. Prefixes and tone marks have been omitted as they are not essential to the present study. Stem initial consonants are cited in phonemic form and not further broken down into morphophonemes.
1. (zin &1 k) zinzi, sidy i, “he took me,” 4,5,9,18,19.
2. (t &1 k) t nk , t , “he owes me,” 1,9,22,23.
3. (hñãnt &1 k) hñãndgã, hãndã, “he saw me,” 9, 18.
4. ( win &2 p) wiñbi, wiñi, “I fed hers,” 5,9,18.
5. ( win &1 k ) winc i, wiñi, “I fed you,” 5,9.
6. ( y n &1 k) y ñgi, “he guided me,” 5,8,9.
7. ( y n &1 k ) y ñk i, dy i, “he guided you,” 5,8,9.
8. (pon &2 k ) pon k , pod , “I sowed for you,” 9.
9. (penh &2 k ) peñ k e, pehñe, “I sent to you,” 2,5,9.
10. (tõh &2 p) tõhp , tõhõ, “I beat him,” 9.
11. (mbö &2 k) mböhk , pö ö, “he sold to me,” 1,9.
12. (phöt &2 p) phöhtp , phör , “I guarded it for him,” 1,9.
13. (hñ hp &2 k) hñ hpk , h hp , “he removed it for me,” 9.
14. ( h ht &2 k) h htk , th ht , “you lighted it for me,” 9.
15. (tek &2 p) tehcpe, teze, “he finished his,” 1,5,9.
16. (p t &2 p) p h pi, p i, “I gathered for him,” 1,5,9.
17. (ndek &2 k) ndehcke, teze, “he finished mine,” 1,5,9.
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 24
18. (mb t &2 k) mb h ki, p i, “he gathered for me,” 1,5,9.
19. (hñ s & 2 k) hñ hsk , h s “add to it for me,” 4,9,14.
20. (tø m &2 p) tø p ø, tøb ø, “I nailed it for him,” 6,7,9.
21. ( øt &2 p) ø t p ø, øt ø, “I made it for him,” 1,2,3,9.
22. (h t &2 p) h p , h , “I spun for him,” 1,2,3,5,9.
23. (wãnt &2 p) wãnt p ã, wãnt ã, “I will mix it for him,” 3,9.
24. (w nt &2 p) w n p i, w nt i, “I scolded him for him,” 3,5,9.
25. (k nh &2 p) k nph , k hn , “I grind for him,” 9,10.
26. (k nh &2 k) k nkh , “you are grinding for me,” 9,10.
27. (ndø m &2 k ) ndø p k ø, tø b ø, “he sewed for you,” 6,9.
28. (tõh &1 k ) tõ k , tõhõ, “I beat you,” 2,9.
29. (mböt &2 k ) mbö t k , mbör , “he will exchange with you,” 1,2,3,9.
30. (h k &2 k ) h c k i, h zi, “I left it for you,” 1,2,3,5,9.
31. (h t &2 k ) h k , h , “I spun it for you,” 1,2,3,5,9.
32. (wãmh &2 k ) wãmp k ã, wãhmã, “he plowed for you,” 2,6,9.
33. (hãnt &1 k ) hãnt k ã, hãndã, “I see you,” 2,3,9.
34. (w nt &1 k ) w n k i, w n i, “he scolded you,” 5,9.
35. (paš &2 k ) pašk , paš , “I swept for you,” 9.
36. (was &2 k ) was k , was , “he watered it for you,” 9.
37. (ndöm &2 p) ndömb , töm , “he bought it for him,” 9,18.
38. (wãmh &2 p) wãmphã, wãhmã, “I plowed for him,” 6,7,9.
39. (mãmp &1 k) mãmbgã, mãmbã, “he accused me,” 9,18.
40. ( mh &2 k) mphkh , t hm ,”sow it for me,” 6,9,11.
41. (t &2 p) t np , “I owe him,” 1,9,22,23.
42. (hon &2 p) honb , hod , “I will look for him,” 7,9,18.
25 II Feature Survey of Phonologies
43. (zin &2 k) zingi, sidy i, “he took him for me,” 4,5,18.
44. (hãnt &2 p) hãndbã, hãndã, “I saw for him,” 9,18.
45. (k as &1 k) k ašk , k as , “he is disturbing me,” 4,9,14.
46. (paš &2 p) pašp , paš , “he sweeps for him,” 9.
47. (w nt &2 k) w n gi, w n i, “scold him for me,” 4,5,9,18,19.
48. (šenk &2 k) šenzge, šenze, “shell it for me,” 5,9,18,19.
Examples with Emphatic Person Markers”
49. (t hk &3 kö) t hkö, t hk , “I see,” 17.
50. (t hp &3 kö) t hpkö, t hpi, “I follow a path,” none.
51. (kwaht &3 k ) kwahtk , kwahti, “finish it (you),” 16.
52. (šihk &3 kö) šihckö, šihci, “tell me (emphatic),” 5.
53. (p ht &3 kö) p h kö, p i, “I (emphatic) gathered,” 5.
54. (tõh &3 kö) tõkhö, tõhõ, “I (emphatic) won,” 12.
55. (oph &3 kö) ophkhö, oph , “I wrote,” 12.
56. (bath &3 kö) bathkhö, b ath , “my pasture,” 12.
57. (kin &3 kö) kiñgö, kiñi, “I darned,” 5,18.
58. (kinh &3 kö) kiñkhö, kihñi, “I think,” 5,12.
59. (chet &3 kö) che gö, khe e, “my skirt,” 5,18,19.
60. (tek &3 kö) tezgö, teze, “I finished,” 5,18,19.
61. (phöt &3 kö) phörgö, phör , “I guarded,” 18,19.
62. (was &3 kö) waskö, was , “I sprinkled,” 13.
63. (paš &3 kö) paškhö, paš , “I swept,” 14,15.
64. (töm &3 kö) tömgö, töm , “I bought,” 18.
65. (t mh &3 kö) t mkhö, t hm , “I will plant,” 12.
66. ( n &3 kö) ngö, n , “I gave,” 8,18.
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 26
67. (hãnt &3 kö) hãndgö, hãndã, “I looked,” 18.
68. (sin &1 k &3 kö) sinzgö, sidy i, “take me with you,” 4,5,18,19.
69. (k nh &3 kö) k nkh , k hn , “I will grind,” 12.
70. (pen &3 kö) peñk ö, pedy e, “I will wash clothes,” 5,12.
71. (hi &1 k &3 kö) hic k ö, hih i, “I teach you,” 5,15.
72. (hw t &3 k ) hw k , hw , “you will fan,” 5.
73. (ch s &3 k ) ch s k , kh s , “you will draw water,” none.
74. (tø m &3 kö) t k ö, tø b ø, “I sewed,” 12,24.
75. (pa t &3 kö) pa t k ö, pa t , “I heated it,” 15.
76. (šim &3 kö) šimk ö, šib i, “I will wash dishes,” 12.
77. (p ns &3 kö) p ns k ö, p ns , “I will smell it,” 15.
78. (mat &3 kö) mat k ö, mat , “I called,” 15.
79. (pøn &3 kö) pønk ö, pød ø, “I threw it away,” 12.
80. ( on &3 kö) onk ö, od , “I cut,” 12.
81. ( om &3 kö) omk ö, ob , “I lie down,” 12.
82. ( n &3 kö) ñk ö, dy i, “I led,” 5,12.
83. (p n &3 kö) p nk ö, p n , “I turned it over,” 12.
84. (h m &3 kö) h mk ö, h m , “I take,” 12.
85. (tøm &3 kö) tømk ö, tøb ø, “I nailed,” 12.
86. (p m &3 kö) p mgö, p m , “I turned around,” 18.
The relation of Mazahua phonemes to the morphophonemes is presented by means of a Hoenigswald like chart, as indicated earlier in the chapter. Table 5 presents the non glottal consonants; Table 6 presents the glottal consonants. Derivation from the morphophoneme with the same symbol is marked by an x in the intersecting cell. Hyphens indicate a phoneme is derived from a cluster of morpho phonemes, e.g., k*w from kw is marked by x under k and –x under w. Other sources of phonemes are marked by rule number. If a phoneme is derived by a sequence of rules, the rules are separated by a hyphen, e.g., r is derived from t by voicing (18) and becoming continuant (19), marked by 18 19 in the intersecting cell.
27 II Feature Survey of Phonologies
This study has dealt with the morphophonemics of suffixation. However, the stem initial consonantisms have probably shared some of the same rules. Because of linguistic change it is not as easy to reconstruct the morphophonemics of the stem initials. The conditioning environments have disappeared in many cases. It does seem reasonable, however, to assume that rules such as palatalization and voicing also operated on stem initials. In Table 5 a rule has been placed in parentheses to indicate that there are no examples in the corpus, but the rule is needed to account for observed relationships in the stem initials.
The rules referred to in Table 5 are briefly summarized as follows: 5. palatalization 6. m becomes mp or p 7. delete p after preceding p 14. sibilant preceding stop may be either s or š 18. voice stop(s) after vowel or nasal and before vowel 19. a voiced noncontinuant becomes continuant 21. nasal loses nasality before intervocalically 23. insert n after nasalized vowel before stop 24. oral vowel and following nasal may become nasalized vowel.
TABLE 5 RELATION OF MAZAHUA PHONEMES TO MORPHOPHONEMES NONGLOTTAL CONSONANTS
Mphms p t k m n s š w y ø . P p x 6 h o t x n e k x m e kw (x ) ( x) s b 18 21 d 18 21 g 18 gw (18 ) ( x) m x n x 23 ñ 5,x x c 5 5 s x š 14 x
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 28
z 5 18 19 5 18 19 w 18 19 x r 18 19 y 5 21 x ø 7 18 24 24
TABLE 6 RELATION OF MAZAHUA PHONEMES TO MORPHOPHONEMES GLOTTAL CONSONANTS
Mphms. h Ø P h x 2 3,15 o n h x 11,15 e m Ø 4,8 22 e 13,16 s The rules referred to in Table 6 are briefly summarized as follows: 2. h becomes glottal before c 3. insert after p; insert between stops 4. delete before k, except if stem begins with 8. delete between nasal and stop if stem begins with or h 11. insert an h after a stop 13. delete after s 15. insert copy of or h after stop 16. delete From –k 22. delete h after nasalized vowel and before a stop
North Pame The phonemics and morphophonemics of North Pame were described by Lorna Gibson in 1956. 24 She lists the following phonemes: (Phonemes preceded by * are not necessary for specifying the underlying forms.) p, t, k, *q, b, d, *g, c, ,
24 Lorna F. Gibson, “Pame (Otomi) Phonemics and Morphophonemics,” IJAL , XXII (1956), 242 65.
29 II Feature Survey of Phonologies
*f, s, *š, m, n, , l, *ly, r, w, y, i, *e, , a, o; suprasegmental nasalization; high, falling, and low tone stress phonemes. The *f is found only in Spanish loan words.
The morphophonemic information given by Gibson can be more economically stated by (1) assuming different base forms in certain instances, (2) setting up a set of morphophonemes specified by distinctive features, and (3) ordering the rules with respect to one another.
The rules stated here take the contrastive forms of the stem alternants as a threshold, not attempting to state rules for them.
North Pame words consist of a prefix, a stem and certain suffixes. In addition to the stem alternants inherited from POP there are several morphophonemic rules which need to be stated for the interaction of prefix and stem. The bulk of the rules, however, deal with the interaction between stem and suffixes and that between the suffixes themselves. The stem formative suffixes of NP are parallel to those of Mazahua, although fewer in number as a result of sound change. They consist of a consonant or a consonant cluster containing . (There is no h in NP suffixes.) Stem formative nasals are alveolar if in a cluster with . They are velar otherwise. The person markers are cognate with Mazahua: k first person, k second person, and –p third person.
Whereas the morphemes marking number and exclusive/inclusive were not included in the morphophonemic rules of Mazahua because of insufficient date, they figure prominently in the morphophonemic rules of NP. Some of these morphemes are also cognate with Mazahua: m exclusive (Maz –m e), i dual (Maz –wi). There are two plural markers, n and –t. The –n may occur after –k or –k . The –t may occur after –p.
The distinctive features for North Pame morphophonemes are shown in Table 7.
The set of rules in this study is built on the morphophonemic statements in Gibson’s article. The examples are taken from there with the exception of the examples for the first two rules where I have referred to the cognate sets. I have modified her formulation of the base forms to eliminate the effect of any of the rules. Gibson’s base forms are phonemic, forms that actually occur. Generative phonology does not operate with this constraint, however. Rather, base forms are specified in morphophonemic segments which will be adequate input for the set of rules, whether or not they occur as such in an actual form.
TABLE 7 DISTINCTIVE FEATURE MATRIX FOR THE MORPHOPHONEMES OF NORTH PAME
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 30
p t k b d c s w l m n h Cns + + + + + + + + + + + + + Voc + + Gtl + + Nas + + Str + + Cnt + + + + Grv + + + + + Cmp + Vcd + +
i o a õ ã Cns Voc + + + + + + + + Grv + + + + Cmp + + + + Nas + + + +
The rules have been restated in accordance with the modified base forms and the concept of ordered rules.
The first two rules are not strictly synchronic because they are not formulated on the basis of NP morphophonemic alternations but rather on evidence from forms in cognate languages. 25 They are included here, however, because they account for the distributional peculiarities of nasals in the stem formatives: only n and occur. They also account for the segment which is deleted before the dual –i whereas n or n (with the deleted) undergo metathesis with the –i like the other consonants.
1. A stem final nasal not in a cluster with is velar. Examples: são “night” (Maz šõm , Mtz šømi); taog “to buy” (Maz töm , Mtz tami); tog “flower” (Maz ndøhnø, Mtz tøni); kheig “metate” (Maz kh hn , Mtz kh ni).
+ cns → []+ cmp in env. V ___ # + nas
This rule does not apply to morphemes marking number and exclusive/ inclusive, e.g., n plural and –m exclusive. These morphemes would be marked in the underlying forms by a preceding morpheme juncture, &, thus: CV &n # and CV &m #. There is, of course, a morpheme boundary before the stem formative, but it is unmarked because it does not have these junctural features.
2. The glottal stop is deleted from the stem formative if the nucleus of the root contains a glottal stop. The evidence for this rule is inconsistent. It appears that the is not deleted from the cluster c . It is deleted from –l in several instances, but
25 But see under rule 7 where there is a vestige of a distinction between *m and *n in the stem formatives.
31 II Feature Survey of Phonologies not in co ol “to bite.” It seems to operate on all cases of –n . The inconsistencies may reflect dialect differences (of which Gibson cites several instances) or an optional quality of the rule. The rule is necessary to account for stem formative –n ( deleted) which does not participate in rule 1. Compare t h dn “to laugh” and kke edn “to pull.”
+ gtl + cns → ∅ in env. V?V ___ # − cnt − str
3. Stem formative (from rule 1) is deleted before the dual –i. Examples: (talón 26 i) talói “chickens (du.);” (snahhéon i) snahhéoi “balance scales (du.);” (kywãn i) kywãi “men (du.).”
+ voc + cns − cns + nas → ∅ in env. ___ # − grv + cmp − cmp
4. The dual suffix –i is metathesized with the preceding consonant. (Note that this rule is ordered after the rule which deletes before –i.) Examples: (skam] l i) skam] ily “leeches (du.);” (stak óahan i) stak óahig “our planes (du. incl.);” snanh n i) snanh i “their pet names (du.).”
+ voc − cns []+ cns # − grv − cmp 1 2 3 → 2 1 3
5. Nasalization extends to all vowels in the word which follow a nasalized vowel. This rule accounts for the nasalization of the dual –i after nasalized vowels, e.g., (kywãn i) kywãi “men (du.).” Nasalization of vowels is considered suprasegmental by Gibson precisely because of this rule. Accordingly, she writes nasalization only on the first nasalized vowel in the word.
+ voc + voc → []+ nas in env. − cns (X) − cns + nas
26 I write n as the underlying nasal because the contrast between n and m is neutralized and the n (rather than m) is more parallel to the n base form.
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 32
6. The affricate c becomes the plain sibilant s before a suffix beginning with a stop or a nasal, i.e., any consonant which is not strident nor glottal. Examples: (nlhoc pt) nlhospt “their sandals;” (sikaic k) šikyaisky “my crackers.”
+ cns + str − voc → []+ cnt in env. ___ − cnt − str − gtl
7. Nasals assimilate to the adjacent non glottal non nasal consonant whether or not a glottal consonant intervenes. The nasal may be either a stem formative or the exclusive suffix –m or the plural suffix –n. Examples: (skiwéhec n) skiwyéhesn “your umbrellas;” (stawéhec m ) stawéhesn or stawéhes n “our umbrellas;” (talódn t) talódnt hickens;” (mad`õn k) mand`õ k “my elbow;” (nkhwín pt) khwébmpt “their saliva.”
+ cns + cns − nas ∝ grv 27 + nas → in env. ___/ gtl ___ / βcmp ∝ grv βcmp
The nasal in the exclusive suffix –m assimilates to the stem formative nasal. This assimilation appears to have preceded the operation of rule 1 which neutralizes the point of articulation of stem formative nasals. Compare the following examples: (tóttõin m ) tóttõem “we surrendered ourselves (excl.),” where the stem final was probably *m; (stattáon m ) stattábm “our purchase (excl.),” where the stem final was *m (comparative evidence); (tímh n m ) tímhy n or tímhy n n “we played a game (excl.),” where the stem final was probably *n; and (wán n m ) wán “we are sick (excl.),” where the stem final was probably *n and the is due to the palatalization rule which comes later.
The nasal in the plural suffix –n does not assimilate to the stem formative nasal. Examples: (tiháin n) tihyáig n “we remain (pl. incl.);” (ndan n nn) ndan / n “we got sick (pl. incl.);” (pinkw/ãn n) pi gyw/ã n or pi gyw/ã “our skeletons (pl. incl.);” (skittáon n) skikkyáodn “your purchases (pl.),” where the stem final is *m on comparative evidence.
27 The slash at the end of the dash indicates that there is a choice of either or, but not both.
33 II Feature Survey of Phonologies
+ cns + cns ∝ grv + nas + nas → in env. ___ []+ gtl # βcmp ∝ grv + grv βcmp
8. A t is deleted before –p. A is deleted before –p if it is preceded by n or l. Examples: (silhèit pt) šilyhept “their fans;” (sil ` he t pt) šily ` he pt “their spurs;” (rand / h n pt) rand ` h bmpt “their money.”
The statement of this rule in distinctive features is more bulky than the statement in terms of phonemes. Compare the following:
+ cns − cnt ___ + cns − nas − voc − grv + cns − nas → ∅ in env. − vcd − grv ___ − vcd − str []+ voc + grv + gtl []+ nas − cmp − cnt
{t } > in env. { {n l} } –p
9. The rules grouped under this number reduce the number of glottals in a cluster to one and specify the placing of the glottal with respect to the other consonants.
(a) Delete the glottal from the stem formative if there is a glottal in the suffix.
+ gtl + gtl → ∅ in env. ___ & []+ cns # − cnt − cnt
Examples: (nímbãi k n) nímbyãik “your (pl.) music;” (stáncoho m ) stáncohobm “our chair (excl.).”
(b) Move the stem formative to the end of the word if it is followed by the plural suffix –n. Examples: (skiwéhec n) skiwyéhesn “your umbrella (pl.);” (skíncoho n) skín ohodn “your chair (pl.).”
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 34
+ cns + gtl + nas # − cnt − grv 1 2 3 → 2 1 3
(c) The consonants in the exclusive suffix –m may be metathesized following a stem formative consonant. If the preceding consonant is p or a nonpalatalized t (i.e., a t not preceded by i), the transformation is obligatory. Otherwise the transformation reflects different speech varieties. Examples: (tin/ ep m ) ti y/ ep m “we appease him (excl.);” (tokké et m ) tokkwé et n “we defend him (excl.);” (stakéhel m ) stakéhel n or stakéheln “our belt (excl.);” (stahèit m ) stahèik or stahèik “our fan (excl.);” (stawéhec m ) stawéhesn or stawéhes n “our umbrella (excl.);” (stawá ail m ) stawá aily n or stawá ailyn “our curing ceremony.”
+ cns − nas + cns + gtl − cnt & + nas − cnt − str + grv − cmp 1 2 3 → 1 3 2
+ cns + cns + gtl & + nas OPT − nas − cnt + grv 1 2 3 → 1 3 2
10. An o which is the first member of a vowel cluster is deleted if the preceding syllable does not contain an o. Compare (no s”oil ) nosw”ily “I washed it” and (la s[oil ) las [ily “I wash it.” Note that this rule involves interaction between prefix and stem.
+ voc + voc − cns + voc → ∅ in env. − cns []+ cns ___ + grv − cns []+ cmp − cmp []− grv
11. The rules grouped under this number deal with the changes in the syllable nucleus before a bilabial suffix ( p or –m ).
35 II Feature Survey of Phonologies
(a) The vowel cluster ai becomes before a bilabial suffix. Examples: ( gobái p) gob/ pt “their messengers;” (nambái m ) namb/ bm “our messengers;” (nímbãi p) nímby p “his song.” 28
+ voc + voc + voc 1 + cns − cns − cns − cns → in env. ___ + grv + cmp − cmp + cmp − cmp + grv − grv − grv
(b) Delete the second vowel of other vowel clusters whether or not they are interrupted by or h. Examples: (kattào m ) kattàbm “our faces (excl.);” (ta / o m ) ta / bm “we see how it is (excl.).”
+ cns + voc + voc → ∅ in env. ()[]+ gtl ___ + grv − cns − cns + cmp
(c) Insert after a a duplicate of the vowel which precedes it if a bilabial suffix follows. Example: (ta / bm ) ta / bm “we see how it is (excl.).”
+ voc + voc + cns − cns − cns ∅ → in env. []+ gtl ___ + grv ∝ grv ∝ grv − cmp βcmp βcmp
12. The second in a sequence of identical vowels interrupted by or h is deleted before the dual suffix –i. There is no deletion of the second in a sequence of nonidentical vowels. Examples: (ndohwá a i) ndohwá i “they brought it (du.);” but (ndowáho i) ndowáhoi “they looked (du.).”
+ voc + voc + voc − cns − cns − cns → ∅ in env. []+ gtl ___ ∝ grv ∝ grv − grv βcmp βcmp − cmp
28 McCawley suggests that part (a) say that the vowel a becomes in the environment before i and a bilabial suffix. The i will then be deleted by part (b). I choose to keep my own version of part (a) largely because coalescence rules like this are needed at several other places in the dissertation. To use McCawley’s suggestion here would involve an intermediate stage which never occurs in an actual form, i.e. i. This is permissable in generative grammar, but I would like to avoid it at this point.
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 36
13. Stops not in a cluster with h are voiced after the noun prefix n .29 This rule also involves interaction between prefix and stem. It does not apply to suffixes. It is restricted to noun prefixes; it does not apply to the interaction between a nasal verb prefix and the stem. Examples: (n tón) ndóg “flowers;” (m póho) mb óho “seats.”
+ cns + cns − voc + nas + gtl − str → []+ vcd in env. ___ noun − cnt − nas prefix − gtl
14. Insert a homorganic stop before a nasal when it is preceded by an oral vowel. Examples: (tolléhi m ) tolléhebm “we remove it (excl.);” (talón) talóg hicken;” (tohhó o n) tohhó odn “you are able (pl.).”
+ cns − nas + cns + voc ∝ grv + nas ∅ → in env. − cns ___ βcmp ∝ grv − nas − cnt βcmp + vcd
15. Insert a y after a consonant which is preceded by the vowel i. Examples: (ski t/ãhan skiky/ãhan “your (sg.) soap;” (ki n[ã) ki `ã “your tongue;” (ni s[ãs) niš[ãs “you played (sg.);” (ndóhw oik), from (ndóhw ok i) by metathesis of the dual –i, ndóhw oiky “they paid me (du.).” This rule introduces a new segment, y. Further rules will convert sequences of consonant plus y to the proper phonemic representation.
+ cns + voc + voc + voc − cnt ∅ → in env. []+ cns ___ − cns − grv − grv # + cnt − cmp
16. Insert a w after a k or a or h when it is preceded by the vowel o. The situation which results from this rule is identical with that resulting from rule 10 when the consonants k, , or h are involved. The correct underlying form cannot be
29 There are other sources of voiced stops in NP. The segments b and d must be distinguished for the stem alternants. There is a voiced g in the very common noun prefix go which may have developed from *no. It is not always possible to determine if a Pame voiced stop goes back to one of the voiced stops or to an original voiceless one.
37 II Feature Survey of Phonologies reconstructed on the basis of information from NP alone. The evidence comes from cognate forms in the related languages. Examples: NP gohw[aog “earth” (Maz höm , Mtz hami); NP hwà “wing” (Maz hwaha, Mtz nho). NP has an inserted w in the first instance but an inherited o in the second instance.
+ cns + voc + cns []+ gtl − cns + voc ∅ → + voc in env. − voc ___ + grv − cns + grv + grv − cmp + cmp
The preceding rules account for most of the phonemic contrasts of North Pame which are not directly derived from the morphophonemic segments. There are a few things still to be explained: (1) the contrast between q and k, (2) the contrast of i and e, and (3) the occurrence of b, d, g, and r in the prefixes.
The contrast between NP q and k is limited to the position before e or , according to Gibson. The back q occurs only before those vowels. The contrast between these segments may be explained within the framework of the foregoing rules. First, we assume some base forms of the shapes (ki), (k ), (koi), and (ko ). Rule 10 says that o is deleted unless supported by an o in the preceding syllable if it is the first member in a vowel cluster. Rule 16 inserts w after l if the preceding syllable contains an o. The result of the two rules is the loss of contrast between the (ki), (k ), (koi), and (ko ) with respect to the syllable nuclei. It appears that the contrast between the morphemes was preserved via a rule which operated before the o deletion rule. The rule would state that k was backed before the front vowels i and . The rule would not affect the k or the (koi and (ko ) morphemes. After the o deletion rule takes effect, the q and the k are in contrast.
There is some evidence for such an hypothesis in cognate sets with other POP languages, but there is also come contradictory evidence. NP nakèig , ( koi ) “metate” (Maz kh hn ); NP maqèi ( ki ) “fragrant” (Maz k hmi); but NP khwé ( koi ) “beans” (Maz kh ); NP waqqé edn ( ki ) “pull” (Maz kh b ). I would have expected Maz khi b i in the last case. Probably the conditioning factors are more complex than our present knowledge permits us to formulate.
The contrast between the phonemes i and e is problematic on the synchronic level. Gibson calls the phoneme /i/ “unstable, having a tendency to fluctuate from [i] to [ ei] and on to /ei/, whenever there is no /i/ in the preceding syllable of the word.” 30 Also, by one of her rules, i becomes e before a bilabial suffix. It is impossible at this point to specify the rules responsible for the phonemic contrast of i and e in NP, but it seems unnecessary to postulate both of them as morphophonemes.
30 Gibson, loc. cit., p. 254.
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 38
The occurrence of b, d, g, and r in the prefixes is difficult to explain, but since r occurs only in the prefixes and g is unexplained only there, it is likely that the whole group is derived from other morphophonemes by rules peculiar to the prefixes.
Table 8 shows the relation of North Pame phonemes to mprphophonemes by rule number. One further note may be necessary. The phonemic product of ty and ky (rule 15) is /ky/; that of dy and gy is /gy/; and that of ny and y is / y/. Cy, sy, and ly give / /, /š/, and /ly/, respectively.
TABLE 8 RELATION OF NORTH PAME PHONEMES TO MORPHOPHONEMES
Mphms. p t k b d m n c s P p x h t x o k 15 x n q H e b 13 x 14 m d 13 x 14 e g 13 15 13 15 1 1 14 14 14 15 s m x 7 n 7 x 1,7 1,7 c x 15 s 6 x š 6 15 15
Mphms. w l h Ø i a o P w x 16 h y 15 o l x n l 15 e x m h x e i x s e F 11 x 11 a x o x
The rules referred to in Table 8 are briefly summarized as follows: 1. *m and *n become n( ) or in stem formatives 7. nasals assimilate to nonnasal consonants 6. c becomes s before stops
39 II Feature Survey of Phonologies
11. ai becomes before bilabial suffix 13. stops are voiced after noun prefix n 14. Transition between oral vowel and nasal 15. palatalization after i 16. labialization of k, , and h after o H. hypothesis for the development of q F. phonetic range of i.
Phonology of the Other Otopamean Languages The morphophonemic rules for the rest of the languages are negligible for the purpose of interpreting the forms cited in the cognate sets. A listing of the phonemes is sufficient. Proto Otomi phonemes were reconstructed by Newman and Weitlaner (1950) 31 with revision of the consonant reconstructions by Bartholomew (1960). 32 Matlatzinca phonemes are my own analysis, based on a preliminary phonemic statement by Andrews and Shell. 33 No analysis of Ocuilteco phonemes is available to me, but the transcription has been normalized in line with the analysis of Matlatzinca. South Pame phonemes are those listed by Manrique. 34 Chichimeco phonemes are those described by Romero (1957 58). 35
Table 9 displays the phonemes of the Otopamean languages. Abbreviations for the languages are: Otomi (Ot), Mazahua (Maz), Matlatzinca (Mtz), Ocuilteco (Oc), North Pame (NP), South Pame (SP), and Chichimeco (Ch).
TABLE 9 PHONEMES OF THE OTOPAMEAN LANGUAGES
p t k kw q b d g gw c s š Ot + + + + + + + + + + Maz + + + + + + + + + + + + Mtz + + + + + + + + + Oc + + + + + + + +
31 Stanley Newman and Robert J. Weitlaner, Central Otomian I: Proto Otomi Reconstructions.” 32 Doris Bartholomew, loc . cit . 33 Henrietta Andrews and Olive Shell, “A Tentative Statement and Description of Matlatzinca Phonemes with Their Distribution,” (Unpublished manuscript, 1945) A recent thesis on Matlatzinca at the School of Anthropology in Mexico City by Daniel Cazés includes a study of the phonology. This thesis was not available to me when I was working on the present reconstruction. 34 Leonardo Manrique Castañeda, “A Descriptive Sketch of South Pame (Jiliapan Dialect).” 35 Moisés Romero Castillo, “Los Fonemas del Chichimeco Jonaz,” Anales del Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia , XI (1957 58), 289 99.
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 40
NP + + + + + + + + + + + SP + + + + + + + + + + Ch + + + + + + + + +
41 II Feature Survey of Phonologies
m n ñ r w y l l z h Ot + + + + + + + Maz + + + + + + + + + + + Mtz + + + + + + Oc + + + + + + + NP + + + + + + + + + + SP + + + + + + + + + Ch + + + + + + + + +
i e ø a u o ö ü Ot + + + + + + + + + Maz + + + + + + + + + Mtz + + + + + + + Oc + + + + + + + NP + + + + + SP + + + + + + + Ch + + + + + + +
ã õ ü Ot + + + + Maz + + + + + + Mtz Oc NP + + + + + SP + + + + + + Ch + + + + + + +
Table 10 displays the pitch phonemes. In the table they are symbolized by H for high, L for low, F for falling, and R for rising. When written on words they are symbolized by marks over the vowels, thus: á high, à low, [a falling, and ]a rising. (If the vowel already has a diacritic / is used for high tone and ` for low tone.) The synchronic pitch systems are discussed in more detail in the chapter on the reconstruction of tone.
TABLE 10 PITCH PHONEMES OF THE OTOPAMEAN LANGUAGES
H L F R Ot + + + Maz + + + + Mtz + + Oc + + NP + + + Ch + +
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 42
Regrettably, forms cited in the cognate sets are not always phonemic. The diverse sources, including several phonetic word lists and some transcriptions from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, make a complete phonemicization of the forms a major undertaking. The phonemic framework outlined here should, however, provide a control.
Some Matlatzinca forms are cited from transcriptions by early Catholic missionaries: Castro (1557), 36 Guevara (1638), 37 and Basalenque (1640). 38 Their transcriptions were based on Spanish orthography. Some of the most frequent and most important equivalences between the phonemes and their transcriptions are: /c/ tz, z, c; /š/ x, j; /w/ hu, v, u; / / ch; /k/ c(a/o/u), qu(i/e); /g/ g(a/o/u), gu(i/e); /y/ i, y; /t /, etc., tt by Castro, unmarked by Guevara; /th/, etc., th by Castro, unmarked by Guevara; / / !u (slanted line under the vowel) or u by Castro, i by Guevara; /ø/ !a (slanted line under the vowel) or a by Castro, e or oe/ue by Guevara; /h/ h or gh by Castro, h, inconsistently, by Guevara; /i/ i or y. The transcriptions of Guevara and Basalenque abound in double letters, most of which can be safely interpreted as single sounds. Double stops in Castro’s transcription usually mark clusters with .
36 Andrés de Castro, Vocabulario de la Lengua Matlatzinca . (1557 manuscript handwritten in the margins of Molina’s Vocabulario de la Lengua Castellaño y Mexicana , México, 1555. Ms. in the Library of the Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundatin, New York.) 37 Miguel Guevara, “Arte Doctrinal y Modo Para Aprender la Lengua Matlatzinca,” Boletín de la Sociedad Mexicana de Geografía y Estadística , IX (1862), 197 260. 38 Diego Basalenque, Arte y Vocabulario de la Lengua Matlatzinca . (Three known manuscripts, 1640 46, (1) the library of the Museo Nacional de México, (2) the John Carter Brown Library, Providence, R.I., and (3) the library of the Colegio del Estado de Puebla, México. The third manuscript may in fact be the one listed in the catalogue of the private library of Salvador Ugarte in Monterrey, N.L., México. The location in Puebla is according to García Payón in 1936. The 1954 Ugarte catalogue lists the Basalenque manuscript as number X of their collection.)
CHAPTER III THE RECONSTRUCTION OF STEM INITIAL CONSONANTS
The reconstruction of Otopamean stem initial consonants must account for the systems of consonant alternation of noun and verb stems which are found in most of the daughter languages. This involves the reconstruction of the morphological segments of the underlying forms and the specification of the appropriate sets of morphophonemic rules for POP and for each of the daughter languages. In addition to the morphophonemic rules which state regular sound change (both conditioned and unconditioned), it is necessary to specify the analogical change, syncretism, etc., in order to account for the patterns of consonant alternation in the present day paradigms. Sometimes it is necessary to resort to some plausible but otherwise unexplained phenomenon.
In the present day languages the alternations of stem initial consonants occur in various places in the noun or verb paradigm. The alternations may be accounted for by the postulation of certain prefixes in the paradigms of the proto language. The morphophonemic interaction of prefix and root initial consonant produced modifications of the stem initial consonant. Later sound change eliminated the prefixes as sequentially preposed phonetic elements.
The prefixes postulated for POP probably expressed certain grammatical categories similar to those found in the daughter languages. When the POP prefixes signaling these categories were obscured by phonetic and morphophonemic change, new forms of expressing these categories developed (also prefixes in most instances), but vestiges of the old system remain as redundant markers of the categories.
Working back from the categories of the present day languages, we can infer something about the grammatical categories expressed by the old prefixes. Nouns today are inflected to express possession and person of the possessor. Verbs are inflected for person and aspect. Nouns and verbs may also be marked for number. In Chichimeco and North Pame, four stem alternants must be distinguished for nouns in paradigms making maximum distinctions. The forms correlate with (1) first person possessor, (2) second person possessor, (3) third person singular possessor, and (4) third person plural possessor or generalized nonpossessed. There are at least two formal patterns. The first is labeled ABCD, the letters correlating with the numbers 1234. The second pattern is labeled EFEF. In the second pattern, the F form is derived from the ABCD pattern, the F being usually a D or a B form.
6/9/2010 43 The Reconstruction of Otopamean 44
The E form bears a relation to the F form which is very parallel to the relation the A form bears to the B form. The EFEF pattern is well exemplified in North Pame; it is less obvious in the Chichimeco material.
It is more difficult to assign specific grammatical functions to the four forms which must be distinguished for NP and Ch verb stems. A larger number of categories is involved with a commensurate number of prefixes. Only one pattern of alternations has to be distinguished, fortunately. We make the assumption that prefixes having a similar morphophonemic shape in the proto language had similar effects on the root initial consonant. The fact that only four stem alternants need to be distinguished may reflect a phonemic typology of prefix syllables which had simple consonant vowel patterns and a restricted inventory of phonemes. This is true of the preset day languages where only three vowels and a restricted list of consonants occur in the prefixes.
The ABCD forms for verbs cannot be neatly matched in NP and Ch with respect to the grammatical categories expressed by the diagnostic forms. In Chichimeco, ABCD forms occur in the anterior past aspect as follows: A first person, B second person, C third person singular, and D third person plural. The other aspects have different distributions of the ABCD forms with respect to the persons. In contrast to Chichimeco, the diagnostic forms of North Pame are found in the third person forms of the various aspects: A in the present progressive aspect, B in the past or completive aspect, C in the future or incompletive aspect, and D in the third person plural form of any of the aspects. The regularity with which the Ch and NP forms match is justification for considering them cognate in spite of the disparity of the present day grammatical categories expressed.
A horizon somewhat earlier than POP is involved when the stem alternants are explained as the effect of old prefixes. By POP times the prefixes postulated here had probably been severely truncated. There are enough correlations between the present day prefixes to place their origin at the POP level. The advantage of postulating underlying forms with a prefix is that the stem initial consonant alternations may then be accounted for with the most economical inventory of segments. Morphophonemic rules account for the segments and distinctive features which must be recognized for POP and for each of the daughter languages.
The segments necessary for specifying root initial consonants are: p, t, k, m, n, c, s, , and h. The A forms had no prefix. The B forms had a prefix specified as a vowel (V). The C forms had a prefix specified as a nasal consonant and a vowel (NV). D forms are chronologically later. They may be built on A, B, or C forms. The prefix for the D form has the allomorphic variants , h, and t. The allomorph t occurs with root initial or h. The allomorphs and h occur in paradigms having root initial consonants other than or h. The occurs in paradigms with word initial p or t when the root vowel is oral. It also occurs in the paradigm for root initial c. The h occurs in the other paradigms.
45 III Stem Initial Consonants
POP Developments The following rules specify the morphophonemic developments common to Otopamean: 1. Consonants are weakened following the prefix vowel. 2. The prefix vowel i metathesizes with root initial or h. 3. The prefix vowel is deleted elsewhere. 4. Clusters of prefix nasal and weakened stop consonant become nasals at the point of articulation of the stop when they occur before oral vowels. 5. Weakened stop consonants become continuants when they occur before oral vowels. 6. The s is replaced by c in the cluster *sh. 7. The paradigm for k before oral vowels is replaced by the paradigm for k before nasalized vowels.
TABLE 11 POP STEM ALTERNANTS
A B C D pV p w m m 39 tV t l n n p,V p p N p ph t,V t t N t th k k k N k kh c c c N c c s s s N s ch m m m N m mh n n n N n nh N i t h h h N hi th
North Pame Developments The developments in North Pame are specified in the next set of rules. This set will account for the morphophonemic segments for North Pame. The recent morphophonemic rules have been specified in Chapter II. 1. The nasal prefix is deleted except before or h. 2. The D affix h becomes by dissimilation to an h in the syllable nucleus of the root.
39 The segmental placement of the glottal element of the D affix varies considerably in the present day languages. Its ordering as an infix in the above chart reflects a dominant pattern.
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 46
3. The t nasalV paradigm is substituted for the POP t oralV paradigm. (The POP t oralV paradigm is preserved in the word for “mouth.” 4. Weakened t becomes the continuant l in clusters with or h. D form t also becomes l. 5. Nonweakened consonants are geminated. 6. Before an oral vowel *m becomes b and *n becomes d.
Table 12 shows the results of the NP rules.
TABLE 12 NORTH PAME STEM ALTERNANTS A B C D p oral V pp w m b (t oral V tt l n d) 40 p nasal V pp p p ph/p 41 t tt t t lh/l k kk k k kh/k cc cc c c c s ss s s ch m mm m m mh n nn n n nh oral V di l nasal V n i l h hh h nhi lh
Appendix A gives a list of 93 NP verb paradigms which illustrate the predominant ABCD pattern.
Some of the noun paradigms of North Pame follow the ABCD pattern with slight modifications. There is a preposed m before initial p in the A form if the root vowel is oral. Appendix B gives a list of noun paradigms which illustrate the ABCD pattern.
In addition to the ABCD pattern, another pattern is very frequently in NP noun paradigms the EFEF pattern. The F form is the base. It may match any of the derived forms of the ABCD pattern. The E form is built on the F form. The relations between the E form and the F form parallel the relations between the A form and the B form in ABCD noun paradigms. An E form which corresponds to a p, t, or k in the F form has a preposed nasal. An E form which corresponds to an m,
40 There are no examples in the NP corpus of a D form of a basic t paradigm before an oral vowel. A d is the expected form. 41 A is substituted for an h if the root nucleus contains an h.
47 III Stem Initial Consonants b, d, or s in the F form is a geminate. An E form which corresponds to an lh, l , ll or ww in the F form shows the corresponding nonweakened stop. Appendix C gives a list of noun paradigms which illustrate the EFEF pattern.
Chichimeco Developments The following rules specify the morphophonemic segments for the stem alternants of Chichimeco. 1. A g is inserted before w. 2. The nasal prefix is deleted from C forms unless the root initial consonant is or h. 3. The cluster *m becomes mb; *n becomes nd. 4. Weakened t becomes r in clusters with and h. 5. Stem initial weakened stops, including c, become voiced continuants. 6. A nasal prefix is inserted before B forms unless the root begins with m, n, or s. 7. The cluster n becomes t. (Note that this rule affects only the n cluster resulting from rule 6.) 8. The t nasalV paradigm is substituted for the t oralV paradigm. (A partial t oralV paradigm survives in the word for “mouth” and in the kinship terms “parents in law” and “older brother.” The t in the B form for “mouth” is probably due to analogy with the A form and, perhaps, with the t in the B form of root initial paradigms. The B form r in the kinship terms is the expected reflex, paralleling the ngw B form. 9. The c in the D form for root initial c paradigms becomes ch by analogy with the ch of the root initial s paradigms and the predominant h in other D forms.
Table 13 shows the results of the Ch rules.
TABLE 13 CHICHIMECO STEM ALTERNANTS A B C D P oral V p ngw m mb (t oral V t t/r n nd) 42 P nasal V p mb v ph t t nd r rh
42 There are no examples in the Ch corpus of a D form of a basic t paradigm before an oral vowel. An nd is the expected form.
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 48 k k k/ng 43 g kh c c c/nz 43 z ch s s s s ch m m m m mh n n n n nh t ndi r h h nhi 44 nhi rh Appendix D gives a list of verb paradigms which illustrate the ABCD forms. Appendix E presents a list of nouns which illustrate the ABCD pattern; Appendix F presents a list of nouns which illustrate the EFEF pattern; and Appendix G presents a list of nouns which have the same form throughout the paradigm.
Consonant Alternations in North Pame and Chichimeco Kinship Terms Special mention should be made of the consonant alternations in the kinship terminology. The patterns displayed in the paradigms for kinship terms cannot be identified as ABCD or EFEF although the phonological relations present little that is new. The different patterns are probably correlated with the fact that kinship terms are obligatorily possessed and form a natural subclass for prefix allomorphs. The kinship terms are more conservative in resisting the collapsing of t oralV and t nasal V paradigms. It is interesting to note how closely the paradigms match in North Pame and Chichimeco.
The following paragraphs present the cognate sets between North Pame and Chichimeco for the kinship terms. The North Pame paradigms are from Lorna Gibson 45 and the Chichimeco paradigms are from Moisés Romero. 46
The first three sets, cited below, show patterns similar to the POP tV and pV paradigms but with the A form replaced by the B form; or, perhaps better said that the A form must have had the same type of prefix as the B form.
“parents in law” Q (Romero Driver) NP l g ly` g wan g Ch úrí ùrí ní bùrí
43 The ng and nz forms are rare. The more common k and c forms are probably analogic extensions of A forms. 44 The vowel i is probably an analogic extension from the C form. It does not occur in all the paradigms. 45 Lorna Gibson, “El Sistema de Parentesco Pame,” Yan , II (1954), 77 84. 46 Romero collaborated with Harold and Wilhelmine Driver in the section on kinship in their “Ethnography of the Chichimeco Jonaz of Northeast Mexico,” Indiana University Research Center in Anthropology, Folklore, and Linguistics , Pub. 26; IJAL , XXIX (1963), No. 2, Part II, pp. x 265.
49 III Stem Initial Consonants
“older brother, etc.” G (Romero Driver) NP lái lyài wan[ai Ch úr ùr n “father” B (Romero Driver) NP raw wíy o wúmm o Ch (tata) ùnkw m The next two sets show A and B forms alike, this time looking like the nonprefixed A forms. The C form looks like the ordinary C form of POP k nasalV and t nasalV paradigms, but nasalized vowels show up only in the Chichimeco forms of set F.
“wife’s brother, etc.” O (Romero Driver) NP akkóa , ekkoá , wakoá ekkoá akkoá Ch úkú úkù gú bùkú “grandmother” D (Romero Driver) NP rattòi attòi watòi Ch (n[al ) ùt/ü ` l èr/ü ` l bùt/ü ` l r “grandmother” F (Romero Driver) Ch nàt/ü ùt/ü ` r/ü b` t/ü The next two sets show B and C forms alike. The A form in the first case is suppletive for both languages. In the second case, the A form is that expected in ABCD patterns.
“mother” E (Romero Driver) NP (rawí) ác õ, éc õ wac `õ Ch (n/ãn/ã) úc ` ` c / búc ` n “wife’s sister, etc.” P (Romero Driver) NP kommò kimò kamò Ch kàm/ kám` ínó kàm/ ígór kàm/ r The next three sets show initial in the A form. B and C forms are alike in their consonantisms, implying that they shared a common prefix type. Ch has a suppletive A form in the paradigm for “wife.” In the paradigm for “child,” Ch has suppletive forms for A, B, and C. The C form listed here is actually a special reference form.
“wife” N (Romero Driver) NP ía a n ía a wán ia Ch (mas/ ) ùní í úní ì bùní ín
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 50
“husband” M (Romero Driver) NP yo/ã n o/ã wan o/ã Ch ná / ùn / ún / bùr /
“child” L (Romero Driver) NP na [i godòi god[oi gol wép Ch út[ü bùr /ü The last two sets show root initial h. The set for “grandfather” looks like an ABCD pattern except for the m in the Ch B form. The set for “woman’s sister” looks like an EFEF pattern in which the E form looks like an old C form with metathesized *i.
“grandfather, etc.” C (Romero Driver) NP rah/ wah/ wanh/ Ch náh ùmh ` nh bùmh r “woman’s sister, etc.” J (Romero Driver) NP hoèo nh[o nhèo Ch nàhí únhò ` nhí búnhò
Otomian Developments The Otomian subgroup (Otomi, Mazahua, Matlatzinca, and Ocuilteco) had considerably simplified the old system of stem alternants. The consonant alternation in noun paradigms was eliminated, most commonly by generalizing the D form. In verb paradigms, the B forms were replaced by C forms. Mazahua has developed a palatalized stem alternant for second person forms of the same aspects which show a C form in the third person. The palatalized alternant also occurs in second person forms of noun paradigms. The development of the palatalized stem alternant was early in the development of Mazahua because subsequent sound change has obscured the conditioning environment. The D form of the t nasalV paradigm has been replaced by the D form of the t oralV paradigm. Then, the old t oralV paradigm was replaced by the new t nasalV paradigm. The D form of the original t oralV paradigm is still preserved in nouns derived from verbs. There it has been extended to include both oral and nasalized syllable nuclei.
Matlatzinca has eliminated altogether the consonant alternation in paradigms. There is a remnant of the old system, however, in the derivation of nouns from verbs. Such nouns have a C or D form from the otherwise eliminated verb paradigms. Preliminary data from Ocuilteco suggest that the consonant alternations have been eliminated from verb paradigms. There are some consonant alternations in noun paradigms, but they do not especially match the POP alternations. There are parallels in Mazahua, however, where some of the consonant alternations have been
51 III Stem Initial Consonants preserved in names for body parts. See Appendix H for the Oc and Maz noun paradigms.
The following rules appear to be common to Otomian:
1. The D form of noun paradigms is generalized throughout the paradigms (except, perhaps, for names of body parts and kinship terms). 2. The B forms have been replaced by the C forms. 3. The D forms of t nasalV paradigms have been replaced by the D forms of the t oralV paradigms. 4. The D form of the old t nasalV paradigm in noun derivatives has been extended to both oral and nasal root nuclei. 5. The old t oralV paradigm has been replaced by the new t nasalV paradigm.
Table 14 shows the results of the Otomian rules.
TABLE 14 OTOMIAN STEM ALTERNANTS
A C D N47 P oral V p M m m P nasal V p N p ph ph T t N t n th K k N k kh kh C c N c c c S š48 N š ch ch M m N m mh mh N n N n nh nh N i t t H h N hi th th
Otomi adds one rule to the Otomian rules. It deletes the nasal prefix from the C forms. Because of this rather simple modification of the Otomian chart, the Otomi chart has been omitted. Otomi has certain internal morphophonemic rules: 1. Before oral vowels *m becomes b; *n becomes d. 2. Before nasal vowels the C form *i becomes ñ in the Western Otomi dealects. Elsewhere, *i becomes Otomi y. 3. A form stops are pre aspirated in the Eastern Otomi dialect and A form nasals are geminated under certain conditions.
47 N stands for noun derivative. 48 In Otomian *s has become š
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 52
4. C form stops are voiced in the Western dialects.
Mazahua Developments Mazahua has several rules in addition to the Otomian rules: 1. The nasal prefix is deleted from C forms except before stops and c. 2. The D form of the p nasalV paradigm is replaced by the D form of the p oralV paradigm. 3. The D form of the old p nasalV paradigm is extended in noun derivatives to some words with oral syllable nuclei. 4. The oral pV paradigm is replaced by the new p nasalV paradigm. 5. A is substituted for h in the D form of the k paradigm by analogy with the D forms of p and t paradigms. 6. A palatalized alternant for second person is developed for verb forms in aspects where third person is a C form. The palatalization is based on the A form.
Table 15 shows the results of the Mazahua rules.
TABLE 15 MAZAHUA STEM ALTERNANTS A P49 C D N p p p mb m ph/m t t nd n th/n k k c ng k kh c s s z s s s š š š sh sh m m m m mh mh n n ñ n nh nh y y t t h h hy hy th th
The chart assumes the application of certain phonetic and morphophonemic rules within Mazahua; POP *c becomes s. Consonants following N are voiced. The N is deleted preceding z. The *i of C forms becomes y. Palatalized t, k, n, , and h become c, , ñ, y, and hy, respectively.
49 P stands for the palatalized alternant.
53 III Stem Initial Consonants
Further context sensitive rules specify phonemic forms not on the chart: Before nasal vowels, y becomes ñ. Before oral vowels m becomes b ; n becomes d ; and ñ becomes dy . The sequence y, which occurs before oral vowels, also becomes dy.
Matlatzinca and Ocuilteco Developments Matlatzinca shows D forms in noun derivatives. The following list of verbs and their noun derivatives is compiled from entries in Castro’s 1557 Matlatzinca dictionary manuscript. 50 Castro’s orthography is retained. The morpheme breaks are those inserted by Rudolph Schuller in 1930. 51 pachi “lavar” pi bachi “lugar de lavar” paxi “barrer” yni baxi “escoba” pevi “hurtar” yni phe neeta “hurto” tøvy “cantar” yn thøvy “canción” tami “comprar” yni than neeta “compra” cuni “moler” ni cunchhuni “masa” ximhii “orinar” in zhibi “orina” xooqui “abrir” ni zhooqui “llave” nomi “arar” yni nhoo pahary “arado” ury “vender” ttury “mercado” yoxi “cenar” ini ttoxi “cena” yøø “hablar” in yhøø “habla” hagtii “hilar” ini thati neeta “hilar” The relations between the consonantisms fit the Otomian pattern for A and N forms: p:b (from *m ), p:ph, t:th, k: h ( from *k), s:ch, n:nh, :t , h:th, y(from C form):t , y(from C form):yh.
Table 16 displays the Otopamean stem initial consonant correspondences. It includes the Otomi and Matlatzinca correspondences, which have not been previously displayed. Ocuilteco correspondences are not included because they are basically the same as the Matlatzinca correspondences.
TABLE 16 OTOPAMEAN STEM INITIAL CONSONANT CORRESPONDENCES
50 Andrés de Castro, op . cit . 51 Schuller planned to publish the Castro manuscript. In 1930, shortly before his death, he prepared a transcription of the manuscript indicating morpheme breaks where he could identify them. Now plans are again underway to publish this important document. The author has undertaken to prepare a commentary on Matlatzinca phonology and Castro’s mode of transcription and also a study of the derivation of nouns and verbs, based on the Castro dictionary.
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 54
A Form *p *t *k *c *s *m *n * *h Ot p t k c š m n h Maz p t k s š m n h Mtz p t k/ c š m n h NP pp tt kk cc ss mm nn hh Ch p t k c s m n h
B Form NP w/p l/t k c s m n h Ch ngw/nb r/nd k c nz m n t nhi
C Form Ot m/b d g z š m n y hy Maz mb nd ng z š m n y hy NP m/p n/t k c s m n di nhi Ch m/v n/r k/g z s m n ndi nhi
D Form Ot m/ph n/th kh c ch hm hn t th Maz m /ph n /th k /kh s sh hm hm t th Mtz b/ph (r)/th kh/ h c ch mh nh t th NP b/ph lh kh c ch mh nh l lh Ch mb/ph rh kh ch ch mh nh r rh
The following cognate sets illustrate the consonant alternations in Otomi, Mazahua, North Pame, and Chichimeco. Illustrations of Matlatzinca A and D forms (i.e., the nouns derived from verbs) were given above. The cognate sets below were chosen for fullest representation from each of the constituent languages. Sometimes the alternations in a particular language are not the simplest illustration of the basic reflex cited in the above chart. “Contar count” *pe t/n Ot A pede C m D m Maz A pe e C mb D b NP A pp dn B w C m D b Ch A pin B ngw C m D mb
“Robar Steal” *p Ot A p C b D ph Maz A p C mb D m NP A pp B p C p D ph Ch A ppi B nb C v D ph
“Decir say” *mã m
55 III Stem Initial Consonants
Ot A mã C m D hm Maz A mãmã C m D hm NP A mmã B m C m D mh Ch A mã B m C m D mh
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 56
“Comprar buy” *tao m Ot A töi C d D n Maz A töm C nd D d NP A ttaog B t C t D lh Ch A ta B nd C r D rh
“Sembrar plant” *tõ mh Ot A t h C d D n Maz A t hm C nd D n NP A ttõ o B t C t D lh Ch A tu B nd C r D rh
“mirar look” *nõ Ot A n C n D hn Maz A n C n D hn NP A nõ o B n C n D nh Ch A nu B n C n D nh
“Negar deny” *koHC n Ot A køni C g D kh Maz A kød ø C ng D k NP A kko B k C k D kh Ch A ko B k C k D kh
“Sentir feel” *cao Ot A cö C z D c Maz A sö ö C z D s NP A ccao B c C c D c
“Morder bite” *co n Ot A coni Maz A zod NP A cco ol B c C c D c Ch A con B nz C z D zh ( ch)
“decir say *si p Ot A šiphi C š D ch Maz A šiphi D š D sh NP A sep B s C s D ch Ch A se B s C s D ch
“Alzar raise” *hõ c Ot A h c i C hy D th NP A hõsp B h C nhi D lh Ch A hu B nhi C nhi D rh
57 III Stem Initial Consonants
“Dejar leave” *hai k/m Ot A h gi C hy D th Maz A h zi C hy D th NP A haig B nhi C nhi D lh Ch A he B nhi C nhi D rh
“Preguntar ask a * aoh n question” Ot A öni C y D t Maz A ön C dy D t NP A ahodn B d C d D l Ch A an B t C nd D r
Summary The reconstruction of stem initial consonants for POP assumes a small inventory of underlying consonants: p, t, k, c, s, m, n, , and h. The much larger inventory of consonant phonemes and consonant clusters in the present day languages is explained as the result of morphophonemic rules, diachronic sound change, syncretism, etc. Specifically, four basic alternants have been identified for all of Otopamean. The alternants are labeled A, B. C, and D. The B form shows the weakening effect of a vocalic prefix with further modifications in some of the daughter languages. The C form shows the effect of a prefix with both a nasal and a vowel, again with further developments in the individual languages. The D form contains a glottal element or a *t, according to the phonological characteristics of the root initial consonant. The pattern EFEF in NP and Ch and the N form in Otomian are derived from the ABCD forms by further rules. In principle, the nine underlying consonants are sufficient to handle all the forms and correspondences found in the Otopamean languages. Many details are not yet clear, of course. Further study should illuminate more of the processes and rules which will more specifically account for these details.
CHAPTER IV THE RECONSTRUCTION OF SYLLABLE NUCLEI OF ROOTS
The syllable nucleus of a POP root contained a vocalic element consisting of a vowel or a cluster of two vowels. It might also have a glottal element ( or h) which belonged to the vocalic element as a whole. If the vocalic element was a single vowel, the vowel was geminated with the glottal element between the two vowels. If it was a vowel cluster, the glottal element was inserted after the first vowel. The POP underlying form is written with the glottal element immediately following the vocalic element: V(V)( /h).
The single vowels were *i, *e, *a, and *o and their nasalized counterparts * , * , *ã, and *õ. The vowel clusters display certain restrictions. There were no geminates and no sequences of vowels that were non grave (i and e) or compact (e and a). Clusters were homogeneous with respect to nasality. There is no attestation for *õe or * o as distinct from *õi and * o. The clusters which are reconstructed, then, are: *ao, *oa, *ão, *õa, *ai, *ia, *ãi, * a, *io, *oi, * o, *õi, *oe, and *eo.
The metathesized *i in C forms (from the old prefix in and h paradigms) must also be considered as part of the syllable nucleus of the root, although it needs to be distinguished from an original root *i because of its behavior in the reflexes. In the Pamean languages the metathesized *i does not occur in the C forms of all and h paradigms. In the Otomian languages the pattern is much more pervasive. It is not clear whether Pamean lost the metathesized *i in some instances or whether an Otomian innovation extended a more restricted POP phenomenon.
Except for North Pame, and to some extent South Pame, the vowel systems of the present day languages have eliminated the POP vowel clusters. North Pame is the most conservative language with respect to the POP vowel system, but even there some POP clusters are reduced by morphophonemic rules and some new clusters are introduced aby other morphophonemic rules. Otomi has vowel clusters with i as second member. Such clusters are not reflexes of POP clusters but result from the loss of *m from the stem formative suffix.
The process of eliminating vowel clusters is an important part of the development of the POP vowel system. One count of the cognate sets showed approximately equal numbers of sets reflecting vowel clusters as those reflecting single vowels, (240 for clusters and 239 for single vowels). Another indication of the importance of the POP clusters is their influence on the vowel inventories of the
6/9/2010 58 59 IV Syllable Nuclei of Roots daughter languages. They are responsible for most of the additional segments in the more complex present day inventories. Also, whereas the development of the single vowels is relatively straightforward, the development of the vowel clusters presents many intricacies as seen in divergent sets of correspondences and obscure conditions for sound change.
Hoenigswald’s formalization of patterns of sound change 52 focuses almost exclusively on the development of the phoneme sized segment. He mentions, of course, cases of phonologization of former clusters as single phonemes and converse cases of phoneme clusters developing from former single phonemes. But in formalizing the change from a cluster to a single segment he considers one segment to have been replaced by some phoneme of the daughter language and the other segment to have been replaced by zero. He admits 53 that it is often physically arbitrary to decide which member has been replaced by zero. The importance of the development of vowel clusters in Otopamean requires certain modifications and refinements of the formalization of this aspect of sound change, The focus musts be changed to the cluster. Hoenigswald recognizes the possibility of a focus on a segment larger than the phoneme but does not develop that possibility.
In the Otopamean languages, the elimination of vowel clusters has taken various courses. One course has been that under certain conditions an i or o vowel which was the first member of the cluster has become consonantal y or w, leaving the second vowel as the nucleus of the syllable. For example, POP *io results in Ot yo and POP *oa results in Ot wa. A second course for the elimination of vowel clusters has been that of the simple deletion of one of the members with no effect on the remaining member as in POP *ao resulting in Ch a. The third course taken has been the coalescence of the segments in a cluster such that the resulting vowel shows the influence of both members of the cluster. The result may or may not coincide with a segment already in the inventory of segments. It may resemble one of the members of the original cluster but still be distinct from the normal reflex of that sound which would be expected if simple deletion had taken place. For example, POP *eo results in Ch e which resembles the first member of the cluster, but the normal development of *e in ch is i. The resulting segment may not resemble either member of the original cluster but still not introduce any new segment to the inventory. This is the case in Mtz where POP *ai has resulted in Mtz e. Finally, of course, the resulting segment may be distinct from any item already in the inventory as when POP *oi resulted in Ch ü. In such a case a new segment is added to the inventory and often a new distinctive feature must be introduced.
The relationships between the original clusters and their reflexes show certain changes in distinctive features. It would be desirable to formalize the development of clusters in ordered rules utilizing distinctive features. Such a formalization is not
52 Henry M. Hoenigswald, Language Change and Linguistic Reconstruction , (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1960), viii 168. 53 Ibid., p. 92.
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 60 without problems, however. It has been pointed out that the phonemes of the daughter language cannot be equated with those of the proto language because different sets of oppositions are involved. By the same token, the statement of sound change in terms of distinctive features involves different systems of distinctive features for the two stages and sometimes different assignments of features to the same phonetic segment. If the segment resulting from the elimination of a cluster is stated in the distinctive features of the daughter language, the phoenic relations between the earlier and later stages are obscured by the structural features. If the resulting segment is stated in terms of the distinctive features of the earlier stage, the phonetic features are in focus but the structural status of the resulting segment in the daughter language is obscured.
Chichimeco affords an example of a shift in distinctive features between the parent and the daughter language. The distinctive features of the POP vowels are shown in Figure 2; those of Chichimeco vowels are shown in Figure 3. (All segments are +vocalic and –consonantal.) *i *e *a *o Grv + + Cmp + +
Fig. 2. Distinctive Feature Matrix of POP Vowels.
i e ü a o u Grv + + + Cmp + + + Flt + + +
Fig. 3. Distinctive Features Matrix of Chichimeco Vowels.
POP *oe results in Chichimeco u; POP *oi results in Chichimeco ü. This can be envisaged in three stages. 54 In the first stage, the POP o is raised before front vowels: oe, oi > ue, ui.
+ voc + voc − cns → []+ dff in env. ___ − cns − cmp − grv
In the second stage, the u becomes fronted before the vowel i; u > ü.
54 The three stages were suggested by McCawley.
61 IV Syllable Nuclei of Roots
+ voc + voc − cns → []− grv in env. ___ − cns + dff + dff
The third stage deletes the second vowel, leaving u and ü.
V → ∅ in env. V ___
The reflexes of the POP vowels and vowel clusters are presented in the following sections. The conditioning environments for the reflexes will be specified as fully as possible within the limits of the present data. Phonological enviroments will be stated where possible. Where conditions are obscure and the data are limited, the environments will be stated by listing the Spanish glosses of the cognate sets where they are found. It should be made explicit that the reconstruction of POP and the statement of the rules accounting for the reflexes in the daughter languages is not final. The goal has been to reconstruct a reasonable and self consistent system for POP and to acount for the reflexes in sets of rules that are also reasonable and self consistent. There are still many problems and apparent contradictions which await further data and more research. The illustrative cognate sets were chosen on the basis of fullness of attestation from both the Otomian and the Pamean sub groups. The statement of environments for the reflexes is based on the larger corpus of cognate sets and on internal reconstruction of the separate languages.
Following the presentation of the reflexes the development of the vowel systems of the daughter languages will be siscussed in terms of the feature modifications of the segments of the parent language and the re arrangement of the features to account for the segments in the inventories of the present day languages.
Reflexes of POP Single Vowels The reflexes of POP single vowels are presented in table 17.
TABLE 17 REFLEXES OF POP SINGLE VOWELS
*i *o *e *a * *õ * *ã Ot i/ o/ø e a ã Maz i/ o/ø e a ã Mtz i/ o/ø e/a a i u e ø Oc i/ o/ø e/a a i/in u/un e/en ø/øn NP i/ei o a / i õ ã Ch eí o I a ã
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 62
The pop non compact vowels, i and o, were centralized in Otomian to and ø, repectively, in the environment of a centralizing element which has subsequently disappeared. The North Pame reflexes of this centralizing element do not show a vowel cluster. The cognate sets showing the in the Otomian languages corresponding to North Pame i and Chichimeco e all have initial k and postposed except for one set which has initial p and postposed . The cognate sets showing , in the Otomian languages and o in Pamean havae more varied initials and postposed elements.
The North Pame reflex of POP *i varies from i to ei or e. The i is usually found when there is an i in the prefix. After a or o in the prefix the vowel tends to be lowered although there are different idiolects in this respect. 55 Chichimeco regularly has the reflex e. It has the reflex i, however, for the metathesized *i of C forms. The reflexes for the nasalized * are parallel to the oral reflexes in the Pamean languages. 56
The Mtz and Oc reflex e for POP *e is restricted to the environment following a y from a C form metathesized *i. Elsewhere the reflex a is found, whichis a specifically South Otomian (i.e., Mtz Oc) innovation.
The NP reflex of *e is , still preserving the relative height distinction with respect to its reflex of *i. the Chichimeco reflex i has reversed the relative height relationship. Again, the oral and nasal reflexes are parallel in the Pamean languages.
The Otomi reflex for POP * is a matter of reshuffling the distinctive features and the choice of symbols for the particular bundles of distinctive features. This is also case for the reflexes of POP *õ in the various languages. For languages which distinguish o and u, the reflex for nasalized *õ is the higher vowel whereas the reflex for the oral *o is the lower vowel.
The Ocuilteco reflexes of vowel plus nasal consonant for the POP nasalized vowels occurs when there is a stop immediately following.
The Mtz Oc reflexes e and ø for * and *ã, respectively, are distinguished from the reflexes of oral *e and *a. The fact that the e reflex of * did not become a indicates that the loss of nasalization was later than the change of oral *e to Mtz Oc a (except when preceded by *i).
55 See the discussion of the North Pame vowels in Gibson, “Pame (Otomi) Phonemics and Morphophonemics,” p. 255. 56 The Pamean subgroup is composed of North Pame, South Pame, and Chichimeco Jonaz. The south Pame reflexes are not given here because of the limited data.
63 IV Syllable Nuclei of Roots
Illustrations for POP *i (Ot i/ , Maz i/ , Mtz i/ , Oc i/ , NP i/ei, Ch e/i) “ácido” Ot iši Maz iši “* i s Mtz t iši Oc t iš NP eiš SP cuš Ch es
“chile” Ot i Maz i i * i Mtz mi Oc mi NP ei SP i Ch e
“saliva” Ot khihni Maz k hñ *ki hn Mtz ini Oc i NP kkig SP ki Ch kke
“sangre” Ot khi Maz khi i *khi Mtz i hyabi Oc nd i hya NP kkhi SP khi Ch khe
“ardilla” Ot minã Maz miñi (K) *mi nã Mtz mini Oc mi NP meig SP Ch
“decir” Ot šiphi Maz šiphi *si p Mtz ši Oc NP sep SP Ch se
“gordo” Ot Maz pi i *pi Mtz pi Oc nbi Np mbi SP Ch mbe
“jalar” Ot kh mi Maz kh b *ki HC m 57 Mtz Oc ng bi NP qq edn SP kuin Ch ke en
“barbas” Ot kh ni Maz k d *khiHC n Mtz n ri Oc n li NP khwel SP Ch
“frijol” Ot kh Maz kh *khiHC Mtz h Oc h NP nkhwe SP Ch khe
57 The HC symbolizes the centralizing element which has disappeared from the reflexes.
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 64
“cintura” Ot ng t i Maz nz nt i *kihHC Mtz ti Oc t /n NP k ihil SP gwihin Ch
“hormiga” Ot (šã )kh Maz (šãn)khã 58 *khiHC Mtz h wi Oc NP h SP Ch khe
“espuma” Ot ph[ugi Maz ph g *phiHC Mtz phø NP pphe SP phwi Ch phe
Illustrations for POP *o (Ot o/ø, Maz o/ø, mtz o/ø, Oc o/ø, NP o, Ch o) “negro” Ot pothi Maz poth *po Mtz bo Oc NP mbo SP mpu Ch mbo
“piojo” Ot t oni Maz t o o *t o Mtz t o Oc t o NP l o SP nt u Ch r o
“morder” Ot coni Maz zod *co n NP co ol SP c Ch con
“casa” Ot t oši Maz t oš “cama” “nido” *t o š Mtz t oši Oc “cena” NP l os SP nt us Ch r os
“piedra” Ot do Maz ndo * to 59 Mtz nto Oc ndo NP to SP du Ch ro
“flor” Ot døni Maz ndøhnø * toHC n Mtz tøni Oc ndø NP tog SP to Ch ro
58 The Maz vowel has been modified to fit the rules of vowel harmony because it is in the second syllable of the word. 59 The marks a weakened consonant at the POP stage.
65 IV Syllable Nuclei of Roots
“gallina” Ot øni Maz øhnø * oHC n Mtz øni Oc ø NP og SP u Ch guajolote
“ir” Ot øde Maz ørø * oHC t Mtz øti Oc øti NP o SP u Ch o
“negar” Ot køni Maz kørø *koHC n NP kko SP Ch ko
Illustrations for POP *e (Ot e, Maz e, Maz e/a, Oc e/a, NP , Ch i) “agua” Ot dehe Maz ndehe * teh Mtz tawi Oc nda NP t SP Ch ri
“contar” Ot pede Maz pe e *pe t/n Mtz Oc mbati NP pp dn SP Ch pin
“tejer” Ot pe Maz pe e *pe Mtz pa Oc mba NP pp SP we Ch pi
“araña” Ot meše Maz meše *me s Mtz maši Oc maši NP m s SP Ch
“reirse” Ot thede Maz the e *the t/n Mtz tati Oc tahti NP tt h dn SP tehe Ch tehe r “reir”
“boca” Ot ne Maz ne e *ne Mtz na Oc NP n SP ne Ch ni
“gente” Ot te Maz te e *te Mtz Oc ta NP l SP de Ch ri
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 66
“toser; Ot hehe Maz hehe *hyeh 60 Mtz hyewi Oc he 61 “catarro” NP hh[e SP thye Ch
Illustrations for POP *a (Ot a, Maz a, Mtz a, Oc a, NP a, Ch a)
“uno” Ot na Maz daha *n a Mtz dawi Oc la NP nda SP na Ch nt a
“tierra Ot matha Maz b ath plana” Mtz bati Oc bati NP (ni )bia SP Ch
“caballo” Ot phani Maz phad Mtz pari Oc bali NP wahal SP mphal Ch
“calentar” Ot pa t i Maz pa t MTz pati Oc pati NP ppal SP Ch pan
“plato” Ot mada Maz ma Mtz mati Oc mahti NP mmahag SP Ch maha
Illustrations for POP * (Ot , Maz , Mtz i, Oc i/in, NP / i, Ch ) “petate” Ot š mph Maz phi ngwa *p h Mtz mphiwi Oc phi NP pp hi SP Ch
“hacer” NP i SP Ch *
60 The y represents the *i of the C form. Only the forms for Mtz and Oc are C forms, however. 61 Oc appears to have subsequently lost the y.
67 IV Syllable Nuclei of Roots
“abrir” NP s SP nsi Ch sempf *s n
“puerco” NP koz SP Ch kuz *ko z
“borracho” Ot nt Maz t i *t/n Mtz nimi Oc ni
Illustrations for POP *õ (Ot , Maz , Mtz u, Oc uún, NP õ, Ch ) “correr” Ot k i Maz *kõ m Mtz kubi Oc komu ( ) NP kkõ SP Ch k n
“mirar” Ot n Maz n u *nõ Mtz nu Oc NP nnõ o SP
“atar” Ot t t i Maz t nt i *tõ t /c Mtz tunc i Oc tunc i “nudo” NP ttoc 62 SP Ch tuc “nudo” “nudo”
“nombre” Ot th hu Maz th hu *thõ Mtz šu, hyo 63 Oc lšu NP lhõ SP nhnu Ch rhu
“dueño” Ot hm Maz hm *mhõ Mtz mhu Oc mhu NP mhiõ SP Ch mh
“morir” Ot t Maz t *tõ Mtz tuwi Oc tu NP ttõ SP d Ch r
“sembrar” Ot t h Maz t hm *tõ mh Mtz tumi Oc NP ttõ o SP Ch t un
62 The vowel in the NP and Ch forms is oral. This is one of the few cases where cognates do not match with respect to nasality of the vowel. 63 The Mtz and Oc forms are C forms of a root initial h. The other languages havae D forms.
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 68
Illustrations for POP * (Ot , Maz e, Mtz e, Oc e/en, NP , Ch ) “robar” Ot p Maz p *p Mtz pewi Oc pe NP pp SP Ch pp
“tortilla” Ot hm Maz *mh Mtz mhewi Oc mhe NP mh SP mh Ch
“tamale” Ot th di Maz th *th t Mtz theti Oc thenti 64 NP lh SP nth Ch r h
“atole” Ot t i Maz t hm *t m Mtz t emi Oc t e NP l SP t Ch r
Illustrations for POP *ã (Ot ã, Maz a, Mtz ø, Oc ø/øn, NP ã, Ch ã) “asar” Ot hãši Maz hãša *hã s Mtz høši Oc høši NP hãs SP hwãš
“grano” Ot chãši Maz šaša “sarna” *chã s Mtz Oc cøši NP chast SP ncãs Ch cãs “comezón” “viruela” “viruela”
“decir” Ot mã Maz mãmã *mã m Mtz mømi Oc mø NP mmã SP Ch mã
“saber” Ot pãdi Maz pãra *pã Mtz pøya Oc mbøya NP ppã SP pã Ch pã “visitar” “ver”
“bajar” Ot kãi Maz *kã m Mtz ãbi Oc NP kã t SP gwahat Ch
64 This is an instance where Oc has vowel plus nasal before a stop as the reflex of a nasalized vowel.
69 IV Syllable Nuclei of Roots
Reflexes of POP Vowel Clusters The reflexes of POP vowel clusters involving *a and *c are presented in Table 18.
The coalescence of POP *ao to ö is a central Otomian innovation. It introduces a new segment to the inventory of vowel phonemes and involves additional distinctive features.
TABLE 18 REFLEXES OF POP CLUSTERS INVOLVING *A AND *O
*ao *oa *ão *õa Ot ö wa/a wã/ã Maz ö wa/ö õ wã/õ Mtz a/o wa/o ø u Oc a/o wa/o ø u Np ao/a oa ão/ã õa Ch a u ã The wa reflex of *oa in Ot Maz is found after root initial *h, * , *k, and *n. In other positions the Otomi reflex shows the deletion of the first member of the cluster. The Maz reflex ö for *oa shows the same coalescence of the vowels as has taken place in the reflex of *ao where the vowels are in the other order. The Ot Maz reflexes for nasalized *õa parallel the reflexes for the oral cluster. The Ot Maz reflexes for POP *ão are coalescences of the cluster with subsquent assignment of the resulting segment to in Otomi and to õ in Mazahua.
The Mtz Oc reflex o for *ao is found after *c and in the words “parar” and “pararse” which have initial b (from *m ). The reflex a occurs elsewhere. The Mtz Oc reflex wa for *oa is found after *k. The reflex o is found elsewhere. The Mtz Oc reflexes ø and u for *ão and *õa respectively, show loss of the second member of the cluster and the regular development for *ã and *õ.
The North Pame reflexes of the clusters show retentions in all cases. A NP morphophonemic rule deletes the second vowel of *ao and *ão before bilabial suffixes.
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 70
The Chichimeco reflexes show simple deletion of the second member of the cluster for *ao, *ão, and *õa. The reflex u for the oral *oa shows the influence of the second member in the clster. The normal development of *o is chichimeco o.
Illustrations for POP *ao (Ot Maz ö, Mtz a/o, NP ao/a, Ch a) “comprar” Ot tö Maz töm *tao m Mtz tami Oc ta NP ttaog SP ntaw Ch ta
“moco” Ot möši Maz b öši *m ao s Mtz maši Oc maši “nariz” “nariz” NP mbaos SP mbaw Ch
“ojo” Ot dö Maz ndö ö * tao Mtz nta Oc ta NP tao SP ntaw Ch ra
“probar” Ot cö Maz sö ö Mtz copi Oc co NP ccao SP Ch ndza
“aguacate” Ot c öni Maz s öhn *c ao n Mtz c oni Oc c o NP c aog SP nc awn Ch
“ombligo” Ot c öi Maz s ön 65 *cao m Mtz cómi 65 Oc nzó&& NP caog SP Ch
“pararse” Ot möi Maz b öb *m ao m Mtz Oc nbohobi
“preguntar” Ot öni Maz ön * ao n Mtz ari Oc atki NP ahodn Sp Ch an
“enterrar” Ot ögi Maz ög * ao k Mtz aki Oc aki NP aog Sp Ch a
65 The iregular correspondences for this word in Mazahua and in Mtz Oc may be due to an association between the avocado seed and the baby’s umbilical cord. Babies wear avocado seeds around their necks as charms. The Maz stem formative nasal is the same for “ombligo” and aguacate”. The Mtz Oc vowel ó in “ombligo” looks like a reflex of a nasalized cluster *ão.
71 IV Syllable Nuclei of Roots
“tierra” Ot höi Maz höm *hao m Mtz hami Oc ha NP haog SP (i )hyaw Ch ha
Illustrations for POP *oa (Ot wa/a, Maz wa/ö, Mtz Oc wa/o, NP oa, Ch u) “murciélago” Ot cac i Maz *coa c Mtz coc i Oc coc i NP oac SP n uac Ch
“blanco” Ot t aši Maz t öš *t oa s Mtz t oši Oc *n oa NP doa SP ndoa Ch nu u
“arado” Ot t abi Maz t öbi *t oa p Mtz t opi Oc t opi NP SP nt oa Ch r u
“ala” Ot hwa Maz hwa a *hoa Mtz nhowi Oc (li)nho NP hwa SP nhnoa Ch
“pie” Ot gwa Maz ngwa a * koa Mtz kwahtu Oc “pierna” NP koa SP gwa Ch gu
“maguey” Ot wada Maz war *n oa Mtz Oc NP ddoa SP (si)ndyoa Ch n u
Illustrations for POP *ão (Ot , Maz õ, Mtz Oc ø, NP ão/ã, Ch ã) “amargo” Ot kh Maz khõ o *khão Mtz hø Oc hø NP khão SP Ch khã
“cantar” Ot t hu Maz tõho *tãoh Mtz tøwi Oc tø NP ndão SP Ch
“mes” Mtz mbø Oc bø *m ão NP m ão SP m mõ Ch m ã
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 72
“noche” Ot š i Maz šõm *são m Mtz šømi Oc lšu NP são SP sãw Ch sã
“sombra” Ot š di Maz šõr *são t/m Mtz šubi 66 Oc hubi 66 NP sãot SP Ch
“oreja” Ot g Maz ngõ o * kão Mtz n ø Oc nd ø NP ( i)kyão SP (ši)giãw Ch (si)gã
Illustrations for POP *õa (Ot wã/ã, Maz wã/õ, Mtz Oc u, NP õa, Ch ) “maiz” Ot thã Maz thõ o *thõa Mtz thuwi Oc thu NP lhõa SP nth Ch
“milpa” Ot hwãhi Maz hwãhma *nhõa hm Mtz nomi Oc nu NP nhwã SP nhn Ch nh
“confesar” Ot khwãni Maz khwã ma *kõah mV 67 Mtz kunya Oc ku/keyungya NP kkwãho SP Ch
“camote” Ot bøk wã Maz ngwã ma *k õa m Mtz Oc bøn u NP SP pikhwã Ch
The reflexes of POP vowel clusters involving *a and *i are presented in Table 19.
TABLE 19 REFLEXES OF POP CLUSTERS INVOLVING *A AND *I *ai *ia *ãi * a Ot ya yã/ã Maz ya yã/ / Mtz e/a ø u/ø/ Oc e/a ø i/u/ø/ Np ai/ /a ia ãi a/ Ch e /
66 The Mtz Oc reflex u parallels their o reflex for the oral cluster *ao. Here the difference in sffix distinguishes “sombra” from closely related “noche”. 67 The reconstruction of the stem formative syllable is obscure.
73 IV Syllable Nuclei of Roots
The Otmi reflex yã for POP * a occurs after * , *h, and *n. The reflex ã occurs elsewhere. The Mazahua reflex yã occurs in the word “tijeras” which has initial . The phonetic conditions are obscure for the occurrence of the other reflexes. The reflex i (or ) occurs in the words “caro”, “cabeza”, and “dormir”. The reflex occurs elsewhere.
The Mtz Oc reflex e for *ai occurs in C forms after y from metathesized *i. The reflex a occurs elsewere. The distribution of the reflexes of *ai parallels that of the reflexes of *e. It is possible that the early reflex of *ai was Mtz Oc e and that it merged with the early reflex of *e and participated in the subsequent split to e (after y and w) and a (elsewhere).
The Mtz Oc reflex ø for *ãi shows deletion of the second member and the regular development of *ã.
The Matlatzinca reflex of * a is u in the words “cabeza”, “caro”, “lengua”, “oler”, and “ixtle”. It is ø in the words “dormir”, hilo”, and “metate”. The phonological conditions are not clear although there seems to be some connection between the u reflex and the preceding palatalized consonants.
The Ocuilteco reflex of * a is i in the word “ lengua”. It is u (as it is in Mtz) in the words “caro”, and “oler”, and “ixtle”. It is ø in “contestar”. It is in “dormir”, “hilo”, “metate”.
North Pame has the reflexes ai and ãi for POP *ai and *ãi. A NP morphophonemic rule accounts for the coalescence of ai to before a bilabial suffix. The reflex a occurs when the cluster is preceded by a metathesized *i of a C form. It occurs in some B forms also, although not preceded by i. Presumably this is due to analogy with C forms.
North Pame shows a conservative reflex for the rare cluster *ia. It has the conservative reflex a for nasalised * a in “tijeras”. elsewhere the reflex for * a is , showing a coalescence of the cluster.
Chichimeco has a reflex i for * a in “tijers” as if it were a C form with metathesized *i. Elsewhere the Ch reflex is . The Chichimeco reflexes e and for *ai and *ãi show a coalescence of the clusters and a merger with the reflexes of *i and * , repectively.
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 74
Illustrations for POP *ai (Ot Maz , Mtz Oc e/a, NP ai/ /a, Ch e) “mandar” Ot p hni Maz pehñe 68 *pai hn Mtz pan ta Oc NP ppai SP Ch pe
“dejar” Ot h gi Maz h zi *hai k/m Mtz habi Oc habi NP haig SP Ch he
“dejar” Ot hy gi Maz hy zi (C form) Mtz he i Oc he i *hiai k NP nhiag SP Ch nhi
“perder” Ot m di Maz b zi *m ai t Mtz bati Oc bati
“golpear” Ot ph mi Maz *paih Mtz papi Oc NP ppahi SP Ch pe
“tocar Ot p i Maz ph b i musica” *pai m Mtz papi Oc mbapi NP SP Ch pen
Illustrations for POP *ia (Ot Maz ya, NP ia) “amanecer” Ot hyac i Maz hyãs (C form) Mtz hyabi Oc hya “oriente” *hia c NP nhãs
“higado” Ot ya Maz *nia Mtz ya Oc ya “corazon” “corazon” NP nia SP nk ia Ch
“podrido” Ot ya Maz dy a a * ia Mtz ya Oc ya NP yyã 69 SP Ch
68 The Maz e is due to stem formative suffix.
75 IV Syllable Nuclei of Roots
“mano” Ot y Maz dy (C form Mtz ye Oc ye * iai NP ai (A) SP Ch a (A) n a (B) n a (B) n ia (C) n i (C)
Illustrations for *ãi (Ot , Maz , Mtz Oc ø, NP ãi, Ch )
“bailar” Ot n i Maz n m *nãih m Mtz nøbi Oc nøhøbi NP nnãhi SP nãha Ch n he
“duro” Ot m Maz m e “mãi Mtz mø Oc mø NP SP mmã Ch
“hilar” Ot h t i Maz h *hãi t /m Mtz høti Oc høndi NP hãi SP hwã Ch rh
Illustrations for POP * a (Ot yã/ã, Maz yã/ / , Mtz u/ø/ , Oc iú/ø/ , NP a/ , Ch / ) “mecate” Ot nthãhi Maz th hm *th ai mh 70 Mtz th mi Oc th NP lhw SP nth Ch nth
“dormir” Ot ãha Maz hi * ãh 71 Mtz wi Oc NP hil SP Ch hun
“casarse” Ot thãhti Maz h ht *t ah 72 Mtz tønye Oc NP tt he t SP t he Ch t her
69 The NP form is divergent in not having a ?/ and in having a nasalized vowel instead of an oral vowel. It may not be cognate at all. 70 “Mecate” is a D form of “hilar” with respect to the initial consonants. It has a different stem formative suffix, however, which may be responsible for the difference in the syllable nucleus. It looks like there has been a metathesis of vowels. 71 The Pamean forms seem to derive from *õi. If the forms are cognate with Otomian, perhaps a three vowel cluster should be postulated, *õia, with Pamean insertion of o and deletion of a. 72 There is no trace of inserted o here.
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 76
“tijeras” Ot yãši Maz ñãša * a s73 NP l ãs SP Ch r s
“zorrillo” Ot ãi Maz hm *n a Mtz n øbi Oc m øli NP nõa ã SP nu ã Ch r ã
“cabeza” Ot yã Maz ñ *n a Mtz nu Oc nu NP não SP nyão Ch
“caro” Ot mãdi Maz mi i *m a Mtz mu Oc NP SP Ch m he
“lengua” Ot khãhne Maz k hni *kh a hn Mtz n uni Oc nd i
“oler” Ot nšã Maz š i *s a Mtz šuti Oc šunti
“ixtle” Ot šãhi Maz š mi *s a hm Mtz šumi Oc šu
The reflexes of POP clusters involving *i, *o, and *e are presented in Table 20.
The Otomian reflex for POP *io is a common Otomian innovation.
Otomi and Mazahua share the reflex ø for the cluster *eo in contrast to the Mtz Oc reflex e. The Mtz Oc e is distinct from the normal reflex of *e because it does not become a. The rule stated earlier that *e is retained after y from C form *i should be modified to include the environment before and after *o.
Otomi has the reflexes and ø for *oi and *oe in contrast to the Mazahua reflexes i and e. Both Otomi and Maxhua have the reflex wi for *oi after *h in “soplar”.
The Mtz Oc reflex e for *oe shows the loss of the first member of the cluster in contrast to the usual loss of the second member. The loss of the first member is shared with Mazahua where the first member is lost from the reflexes of both *oi and *oe. This may be an instance of the spread of rules through contact since the geographical areas overlap.
73 The NP form keeps the y even when there is no i in the prefix, indicating an original POP * a.
77 IV Syllable Nuclei of Roots
The set of correspondence in which Ot Maz w / corresponds to Mtz Oc we/e has been assigned to *oe. The existing phonological environments overlap to some extent the environments for the correspondence of Ot ø to Maz and Mtz Oc e. The difference in these reflexes is ascribed to the centralizing element (HC) which was postulated to account for the centralized reflexes of POP *i and *o ( and ø, respectively). The centralizing element is the conditioning environment for the reflexex Ot ø, Maz e and Mtz Oc e for POP *oe. It is absent in the reflexes Ot Maz w / and Mtz Oc we/e. The w is kept after * , *h, *k, Nd *n. It is deleted elsewhere.
TABLE 20 REFLEXES FOR POP CLUSTERS INVOLVING *I, *O, AND *E *io *oi *eo *oe * o *õi Ot wi/ ø w / /ø y / w / Maz wií ø w / /e w / / Mtz u e we/e yuú u Oc wiú e we/e yuú wiú Np io oi/ei o o / o/ õi/ i Ch e u/ü e u/ü /
The Ocuilteco reflex wi for *oi occurs after *h in “soplar” and after *k in the prefix of “cinco”. the u reflex occurs elsewhere in Oc and is the general reflex in Mtz. Theu shows loss of the second voel and raising of the c to u.
The Otomi, Mazahua, and Ocuilteco reflexes w , w , and wi, respectively, for *oi in “mosca” show retention of the first vowel as the consonant w. Elsewhere, Otomi has the reflex u, which shows loss of the second vowel. Mazahua has the reflex u after *m in “calabaza” and the reflex i (or ) elsewhere. The loss of the second member in the Maz reflex i parallels the loss of the first member from the oral clusters *oi Nd *oe. Other than the reflex wi after in “mosca”, Ocuilteco has the reflex u for *oi, as does Matlatzinca throughout.
The Otomi reflex for * o occurs after *m in “arena”. The reflex y occurs in the other cognate sets. Mazahua has the reflex i. Matlatzinca and Ocuilteco have the reflex yu after *h and the reflex u elsewhere.
The North Pame reflexes ei, , and i for POP *oi, oe, and õi are due to the rule which deletes *o if there is no o in the preceding syllable. The reflex for POP * o is due to the rule which deletes the second member of the cluster before bilabial suffixes.
The Chichimeco reflex u for POP *oi, *oe, and *õi is a coalescence of the members of the cluster as is the reflex e for POP *io and *eo. The reflex for POP *õi in “mosca” matches NP i. Otomian reflexes in the set for “mosca” show w from the first member of the cluster although the first member of the cluster has been lost in Pamean. The condition for the loss of the o is obscure. The Chichimeco reflex i for *io is that expected if the *i were from a C form metathesis.
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 78
Illustrations for POP *io (Otomian , NP io, Ch e) “chiflar” Ot h ši Maz h š Mtz h ši Oc h ši NP nheos SP his Ch nes (nhes)
“agujerear” Ot nc hki Maz *cio NP cwel , cel SP nc Ch cen
“dos” Ot yoho Maz yehe *nioh Mtz nowewi Oc no NP noi 74 SP Ch nehen
“caña” Ot yo Maz dy e e *n io Mtz ro Oc lo NP Ch r uhu
“chupar” Ot c t i Maz s t *cioói75 Mtz Oc cuti NP cciol SP Ch cu un
“metlapil” Ot y Maz dy i i * io/oi76 Mtz di Oc li NP SP Ch t u
Illustrations for POP *oi (Ot Maz wi/ , Mtz u, Oc wiú, NP oi/ei, Ch ü, u) “soplar” Ot hwiphi Maz hwiphi *hoi p/t Mtz hupi Oc hwipti NP heiky SP Ch hür
“bañar” Ot š hki Maz ši( ndy ) *soi k/ m Mtz šuti Oc hubi NP sig SP šin Ch
“mamar” Ot c Maz si i *coi Mtz u u Oc ci NP ci /cwi SP Ch tšü
74 The dual suffix i is responsible for the deletion of the initial i from the vowel cluster in NP and Mtz Oc. 75 The Ot Maz forms require *io; the others require *oi. 76 Perhaps a three vowel cluster *ioi should be reconstructed with loss of the first i in Ch.
79 IV Syllable Nuclei of Roots
“niño” Ot t Maz t i i *t oi Mtz t u Oc t u NP doi/ i SP Ch t u
“sabroso” Ot k hi Maz kihmi *koi hm NP qei SP Ch
“terminar” *toi NP ttwi SP Ch tu
“tabaco” Ot y i 77 Maz *n oi m Mtz rumi Oc NP ndoehig SP Ch ndühu
Illustrations for POP *eo (Ot Maz ø, Mtz Oc e, NP o, Ch e) “olla” Ot c øe Maz s øb ø *c eo NP cce /c eo / c we 78 SP c e Ch c e
“montar Ot tøge Maz øgø aballo*teo k” Mtz Oc nde NP ll[eog SP Ch
“macho” Ot me Maz *meo Mtz ma Oc NP mm o /m 79 SP Ch me
“arder” Ot nzø Maz zørø *ceo Mtz ceti Oc
Illustrations for POP *oe (Ot w / /ø, Maz w / /e, Mtz Oc we/e, NP o[e/ , Ch u/ü/i) “carne” Ot ngø Maz nge *nkoeHC NP gw SP gi Ch gu
“cerro” Ot t øhø Maz t ehe *t oehHC NP l w SP t ue
77 The Ot appears to be a C form with *i. 78 There are certain situations in NP where vowel clusters are reversed in the morphophonemics but the conditions are not clear. 79 The o is deleted in the first person form
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 80
“enaguas” Ot khøde Maz kheze *khoeHC /t NP kkhoi SP kwe Ch khu
“estrella” Ot cø Maz shehe *coeHC Mtz nce e Oc ce
“frio” Ot c Maz s *coe Mtz ce Oc ce NP c SP ce Ch i
“rajar leña” Ot c ni Maz *coe n Mtz seri Oc celi NP cc dn SP ce en Ch in
“encender” Ot nd Maz nd *toe NP ndw SP nte Ch ndü “cenizas” “cenizas” “cenizas”
Illustrations for POP *oi (Ot w / , Maz w / / , Mtz u, Oc wi/u, NP õi/ i, Ch / ) “mosca” Ot w Maz w * õi Mtz u Oc ngwi NP i SP Ch
“hambre” Ot th hu Maz th hmi *thõi Mtz Oc thu NP lhõi SP Ch
“calabaza” Ot m Maz m u *mõih Mtz muhu Oc muhli NP mõhi SP m hi Ch m hu
Illustrations for POP * o (Ot y / , Maz , Mtz Oc yu/u, NP / , Ch ) “arena” Ot ( mo )m Maz *m o m Mtz mumi Oc mu NP mm o SP m i Ch
“lleno” Ot y di Maz ñi i *n o t Mtz nuti Oc nuti NP n 80 SP nne Ch
80 The loss of the second vowel in NP is parallel to that found in the A form of “macho” above. (The NP paradigm is actually that for “father”.)
81 IV Syllable Nuclei of Roots
“tres” Ot hy mz hñi i *nh o 81 Mtz hyu Oc hyu NP nhõ SP hn u
Illustrations for POP C forms with metathesized *i “comer” Ot y ni Maz ñõ n *nião n NP não SP nyã Ch nã
“nombre” Ot hy t i Maz th hu “nombrar” *nh o Mtz hyu Oc šu NP nh o SP Ch nhi
“medicina” Ot y thi Maz ñ h *n ai Mtz yeti Oc yendi NP l 82 SP t e Ch
“curandero” Ot n y i Maz *n ai m Mtz imi Oc i NP d 82 SP nde Ch tehe
“andar” Ot yo Maz ndy od *n ioa Mtz tru Oc NP doa SP doa Ch ndu
“camino” Ot y Maz ñihi *n o(a) Mtz ru Oc ndluhu
Distinctive Feature Rules for the Reflexes of POP Vowels and Vowels Clusters The preceding paragraphs have presented the specific relexes for each POP vowel and vowel cluster. In this section, the focus will be on the more general rules which may be formulated for the development of the POP vowel system in each of the subgroups and languages.
The feature specifications for the POP single vowels and vowel clusters are presented in Table 21.
81 The initial i which appears in the Otomian forms may be innovatios by analogy with the initial i of “dos”. Another possibility is that they are C forms of initial *h whereas the Pamean forms are B forms without the metathesized *i. 82 The Pamean forms show oral vowels one of the few cases where reflexes do not match for nasality. The Pamean forms are not C forms.
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 82
TABLE 21 FEATURE SPECIFICATIONS FOR POP VOWELS AND CLUSTERS i e a o ao oa ai ia io oi eo oe grv + + ++ ++ 1 1 1 1 1 1 cmp + + +2 2+ +2 2+ +2 2+ nas
ã õ ão õa ãi a o oi grv + + ++ ++ 1 1 1 1 cmp + + +2 2+ +2 2+ 3 3 nas + + + + + + + + + + The vowels all have the features plus vocalic (+voc) and minus consonantal ( cns). The features grave and compact specify the points of articulation. the features of nasality distinguises the nasal from the oral vowels. The redundant features for the vowel clusters are supported by three rules: (1) A segment which is adjacent to a minus grave segment is plus grave. (2) A segment which is adjacent to a plus compact segment is minus compact. (3) In a cluster marked plus nasal, a minus grave segment need not be specified for compactness.
The Otomian subgroup The Otomian subgroup shares the centralization of POP *i nd *o in the environment of the centralizing element HC. The segments *i and *o are specified by their shared feature, minus compact; the graveness is marked by “ ”. the centralization is indicated by the features plus grave and minus flat. The diffuseness of the resulting segment is the opposite value to that of the original segment for graveness. It is marked by –“ ”.
+ grv − cmp → − flt in env. ___ HC ∝ grv − ∝ dff
Central Otomian. The smaller subgroup, Central Otomian (Otomi and Mazahua) shares further rules. The vowel inventories are very similar (identical for oral vowels) and are identified by the same set of distinctive features. The feature specifications for Otomi and Mazahua vowels are presented in Table 22.
There are five rules which fill in the redundant features in the distinctive feature matrix: (1) An Otomi nasalized, plus flat vowel is plus diffuse. (2) A plus diffuse vowel is minus compact. (3) a plus compact vowel is minus diffuse. (4) a
83 IV Syllable Nuclei of Roots minus grave vowel is minus flat. (5) A plus flat vowel is plus grave. Rule 1 is ordered before the rest because the diffuseness specified there is input for rule 2.
TABLE 22 FEATURE SPECIFICATIONS FOR OTOMI AND MAZAHUA VOWELS i e ø a u o ö flt 4 4 4 + + + grv + + + 5 5 5 cmp 2 + 2 + 2 + dff + 3 + 3 + 3 nas
OTOMI MAZAHUA ã ã õ flt 4 4 + 4 4 + + grv + 5 + + 5 5 cmp 2 + + 2 2 2 2 dff + 3 3 1 + + + nas + + + + + + + + + +
Otomi Mazhua vowels require the specification of the features of flatness and diffuseness in addition to those features specified for POP vowels. The dvelopment of Ot Maz vowels from the POP vowels and vowel clusters is described by rules which specify flatness and diffuseness and which change, in some cases, the specification for graveness or compactness. Other rules specify the deletion of some segments and the desyllabification of *o and *i in certain environments. The specification minus consonantal and plus vocalic is to be understood with every segment unless otherwise indicated.
1. The first rule says that the front vowels *i and *e become Ot Maz and ø, respectively, if they precede the vowel *o (and if they follow *o in Otomi) and if they are in the environment of the centralizing element HC. The segments and ø are specified as plus grave, minus flat, i.e., central. Their specification for diffuseness has the opposite value to the specification for compactness in the original segment. (Both resulting segments are specified as minus compact.) The *o which served as environment for the first part of the rule is deleted by the second part of the rule. The deletion also handles the Mazahua reflexes i and e for *oi and *oe, respectively, where the *o is deleted without centralizing the *i and *e.
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 84
− grv + grv + grv 1. (a) ∝ cmp → − flt in env. ___/ ___/ HC − cmp − nas − ∝ dff + grv ___/ − flt HC + grv + Ot (b) → ∅ in env. ___/ − cmp − cmp ___/ []− grv + Maz
2. A POP *e after an *o (not in the environment HC) is lowered to Ot Maz . The resulting vowel happens to have the same specifications for graveness and compactness as the POP vowel, but it must be further specified as minus flat and minus diffuse. The environmental *o is not deleted until later because it is needed as input for rule 3.
− grv − flt + grv → in env. ___ + cmp − dff − cmp
3. A POP *o or *i becomes Ot Maz w or y, respectively, after a m, or h, or n and before a vowel. The *o and *i are identified as minus consonantal. The resulting segment is identified as plus consonantal. The resulting segment is identified as plus consonantal. A POP *o becomes Ot Maz w after a *k and before a vowel. (Rule 1 has eliminated instances of *o which do not participate in this rule.)
[+ gtl] + cns − cns ___ + nas + voc [][]− cmp → + cns in env. − grv − cnt + grv − cns + flt ___ + voc
4. A POP *i or *o becomes Ot Maz or ö, respectively, following the vowel *a. In Mazahua, and *o becomes ö before the vowel *a. Part (b) deletes *a in the environment of Ot Maz or ö.
+ grv ___ + cmp − cns + cmp (a) → in env. ___ ∝ grv ∝ flt + grv + grv + cmp + Maz
85 IV Syllable Nuclei of Roots
+ grv (b) → ∅ in env. ___/ []+ cmp ___/ + cmp
5. POP * becomes Maz before *ã under obscure conditions. The centralization of the resulting segment is indicated by plus grave and minus flat. The segment is further specified as plus diffuse. Part (b) deletes *ã in the environment following .
− grv + grv ___ + grv (a) − cmp → − flt in env. + Maz + cmp + nas + dff + Obscure
+ grv − flt + grv (b) → ∅ in env. + dff ___ + cmp − cmp + nas
6. POP *o is deleted after *c or *t and preceding a vowel. This rule rmoves the environmental *o of rule 2 as well as other instances of *o which fit the analysis of the rule. It also accounts for the Otomi reflex a for POP *a in this environment.
+ grv − cnt − cns → ∅ in env. ___ − cmp − grv + voc
7. POP * is deleted in Otomi before *ã or *õ. POP *ã or *õ is deleted in Mazahua after * , except in the environment specified above in rule 5.
− grv ___ (a) − cmp → in env. []+ grv + Ot + nas
− grv + grv _____ (b) → ∅ in env. − cmp + nas + Maz + nas
8. The Ot Maz reflexes of POP *a and *o have the same specification for graveness and compactness as in POP but they have a specification for flatness with the opposite value to that which the segment has for compactness. The rule specifies flatness, but does not apply to any segment already specified for flatness.
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 86
− grv → []− ∝ flt ∝ cmp
9. A vowel which is minus grave is further specified as minus flat; a vowel which is minus compact is further specified as plus diffuse.
[− grv] [− flt] → []− cmp []+ dff
10. The Ot Maz reflexes of POP *e and *o are represented by the letters e and o, but the Ot Maz vowels are mid, rather than high or low. The rule says that the POP vowels which have different values for graveness and compactness (i.e., *e and *o) become minus compact and minus diffuse.
∝ grv − cmp → − ∝ cmp − dff
11. A Mazahua nasalized vowel is specified as minus compact.
− cns _____ + voc → []− cmp in env. + Maz + nas
The feature redundancy rules, specified earlier, take care of the other necessary adjustments for arriving at the feature specifications as given above in Table 22.
Southern Otomian The Southern Otomian languages (Matlatzinca and Ocuilteco) share the Otomian centralization of *i and*o to and ø in the environment of the centralizing element HC. In addition, the two languages share most of their rules for the derivation of vowels from POP root nuclei.
The vowel inventories for the two languages are identical. The slight differences in the derivation rules do not affect the inventories. Both languages have eliminated nasalized vowels. The distinctive feature matrix for Mtz Oc vowels is given in Table 23.
The three feature redundancy rules for the matrix in Table 23 are: (1) Plus flat segments are also plus grave. (2) Minus grave segments are also minus flat. (3) The plus compact segment is also minus diffuse.
Unfortunately, our knowledge at present of Matlatzinca and Ocuilteco is not nearly as full as it is for the other Otpamean languages. Consequently, the statement
87 IV Syllable Nuclei of Roots of environments for the operation of context sensitive rules is imprecise and must often be stated in terms of specific cognate sets instead of more general principles.
TABLE 23 FEATURE SPECIFICATIONS FOR MATLATZINCA AND OCUILTECO VOWELS i e ø a u o flt 1 1 + + grv + + + 2 2 cmp + dff + + 3 +
The first rule desyllabifies the initial *i or *o of a POP cluster. This rule resembles but does not operate in the same environments as the Central Otomian rules. The C form *i, however, becomes y whenever the C form is preserved. this feature is shared with Central Otomian, of course, except that C forms are not an active alternation in Mtz Oc. They occur in nouns derived from verbs and in a few verb stems where the C form has been generalized rather than the A form. Other than in C forms, Mtz Oc have y corresponding to Ot Maz y in some words, but they have i or o corresponding to Ot Maz y in other words. Similarly, Mtz Oc have w corresponding to Ot Maz w in some words, but they have o or u corresponding to Ot Maz w in other words. The conditioning environment is obscure. For example, contrast the numeral “three” where Mtz Oc y occurs with the numeral “two” where Mtz Oc o occurs. Note that NP does not show initial *i in either cluster.
“tres three Ot hy Maz hñ Mtz hyu, šu Oc phyu NP ranhõ
“dos two” Ot yoho Maz yehe Mtz nowi Oc no NP noi Contrast “caja” where Mtz Oc w corresponds to Ot Maz w with “ala” where Mtz Oc correponds to Ot Maz w. “caja box” Ot hwada Maz hwar Mtz wati Oc hwati
“ala wing” Ot hwa Maz hwa Mtz nhowi Oc nho NP nhwa The Mtz word “conejo” has two forms, one with a w and one with o. “conejo rabbit” Ot khwa Maz khwa a Mtz khwa, ho NP khwa
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 88
Although the environment must be stated as obscure, the rule for desyllabification is farily simple in form:
+ cns + cns + voc → in env. ___ Obscure − cmp − cns
The rule states that a minus compact vowel preceding another vowel may lose its syllabicity, becoming plus consonantal.
Although attemps to state the environment for desyllabification have met with difficulties, there are certain observations which may be made:
(1) There is a restriction with respect to the preceding consonant. Desyllabification never occurs after bilabial consonants. The y occurs after and h (and perhaps after n). The w occurs after and h. It also occurs from the cluster *oa after k. A w occurs as a reflex from clusters *oi and *oe after t and c.
(2) There is a restriction with respect to the segment which follows the cluster: *oa goes to wa if a non nasal consonant follows.
(3) The desyllabification of *o to w before *i or * is restricted to Ocuilteco.
The effect of the desyllabification rule is to convert *ia to ya. *io to yo, * o to yu, oa to wa, *oe to we, and *oi and *õi to Oc wi.
2. POP *io becomes Mtz Oc ; POP *oi, * o, and *õi become Mtz Oc u. The first part of the rule says that an oral, minus compact vowel (in the environment of a following minus compact vowel) becomes plus grave and plus diffuse and is specified for flatness according to the value of the specification for graveness in the original segment. This takes care of the change of *io to and of *oi to . The second part of the rule says that a nasalized, minus compact vowel a before an *o a becomes plus grave, plus diffuse, and plus flat. This takes care of the change from * o to u. The development of *õi will be taken care of by a later rule.
∝ grv + grv (a) − cmp → + dff in env. ___ []− cmp − nas ∝ flt
− grv + grv (b) − cmp → + dff in env. ___ []− cmp + nas + flt
89 IV Syllable Nuclei of Roots
3. The third rule deletes the *a from *ao in the environment following Mtz Oc segments c or b (true of the present limited corpus). Nasality need not be specified because the nasal clusters follow the same rules. Resulting nasalized segments are subject to the later rules for nasalized vowels.
+ grv c + grv → ∅ in env. ___ + cmp b − cmp
4. POP *a is fronted to Mtz Oc e before *i. The *i is deleted by a later rule.
+ grv − grv → []− grv in env. ___ + cmp − cmp
5. POP *e and the e resulting from *ai via rule 4 becomes Mtz Oc a if the e is not preceded by a semivowel and if it is not part of a vowel cluster. The environment is stated by requiring a nonvocalic segment before and a nonvocalic segment or a word boundary following. The input is specified as minus nasal because nasalized is not affected by this rule.
+ cmp [− voc] → [][]+ grv in env. − voc ___ − nas #
6. POP *oe and *eo result in Mtz Oc e. This rule deletes *o in the environment of a preceding or following e. The rule is ordered after rule 5 because the e segment resulting here does not participate in rule 5.
+ grv − grv → ∅ in env. ___/ ___/ − cmp + cmp
7. Before *ã POP * becomes Mtz Oc u in certain environments and in other environments. The phonological environment is obscure, so the environment is stated in terms of specific cognate sets. The reflex u occurs in “obey”, “ixtle”, and “caro”. The reflex occurs in “dormir”, “hilo”, “mecate” , and “izquierdo”. (The first group of words shows initial s and m and final t, mh, and #; the second group of words shows initial , h, and k and final # and mh. No clear phonological environment emerges from the present data).
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 90
"oler" "ixtle" + flt "caro" + dff − grv ____ + grv + nas − cmp → in env. "dormir" + cmp + grv + nas "hilo" + nas − flt "mecate" + dff "izquierdo" ______
8. POP * is deleted before or after *ã in the environments not covered by rule 7. The cognate sets illustrating the rule are “zorrillo”, “contestar”, “tener”, and “casarse”. They show initial n , t, and h and final m or n , nt, #, and ny. The initial and final consonants overlap to some extent those of the words illustrating the development of * to u and (rule 7, above) but three of the four words illstrating rule 8 show consonant clusters following the syllable nucleus. The environment is still not clear, however, because the cluster mh occurs in each of the two sets of words illustrating rule 7. The environment is not stated in the formalization of rule 8 because all other instances of * a have been covered by rule 7.
− grv + grv − cmp → ∅ in env. ___/ + cmp ___/ + nas + nas
9. The second vowel of a vowel cluster is deleted. This rule eliminates the vowels which served as environment for rules 2, 4, and 7, as well as the second vowel of other clusters.
− cns − cns → ∅ in env. ___ + voc + voc
10. POP plus grave nazalized vowels *ã and *õ become Mtz Oc ø and , respectively. The resulting segment is minus compact and has the opposite plus minus values for diffuseness and flatness to the value for compactness of the original segment.
+ grv − cmp ∝ cmp → − ∝ dff + nas − ∝ flt
91 IV Syllable Nuclei of Roots
11. An n is inserted after a nasalized vowel in Ocuilteco if a stop follows.
+ cns + voc + cns ___ ∅ → + nas in env. − cns − cnt + Oc − grv + nas − gtl
12. Nasalized vowels lose their nasalization in both Mtz and Oc. This is expressed by saying that any vowel becomes minus nasal. The effect is to remove nasalization as a distinctive feature of Mtz Oc vowels.
− cns → []− nas + voc
13. The segments w and y are deleted under certain conditions. The w is deleted after t, c, and nh and before i and e. The y is deleted in certain instances after h. The crucial case is where *oi has produced Oc wi and Mtz u by rules 1 and 2. The deletion of w after t and h results in the correspondence Oc i to Mtz u. E.g., “cal” Oc thindo (via *thwuindo), Mtz thuto; “apagar” Oc hñin i (via *hnwin]i), Mtz hu u i. Compare the following sets where w is not deleted: “cinco” Oc kwit a, Mtz kut a; “vender” Oc wili, Mtz uri; “soplar” Oc hwipti, Mtz hupi. The nasal preceding the h seems to be responsible for the deletion of w in “apagar” in contrast to its retention in “soplar”. Note the Oc word for “norte”, nimhnupi from the same root underlying “soplar” (i.e. *hoi ), where Oc did not preserve the *oi as wi. Further examples of the deletion of w are “rajar” Mtz seri, Oc seli; “machucar” Mtz cebi; “frio” Mtz Oc ce; “capulin” Mtz ce, Oc che; and “relámpago” Mtz he i, Oc mhe i. An example of the deletion of y is “dejar” Oc he i as opposed to Mtz (Gu) 83 yechi or (Cas) 84 ihechi which show y. Another example of the deletion of y is “toser” Oc he, where a POP *e would have become a, but a C form would have been ye from *i e. The w and y deletion rule may be stated as follows.
t,c,nh ____ w h (obscure) → ∅ in env. y − cns ____ − grv
The above thirteen rules account for the developments in Southern Otomian.
83 Guevara, op. cit. Written in 1638. 84 Castro, op. cit. Written in 1557.
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 92
The Pamean Subgroup North Pame and Chichimeco share the rule that a C form *i becomes the first member of a vowel cluster, subject to later rules for reducing clusters. For instance, in NP the C form *i is retained when rule 11 (as given in Chapter II) deletes the second member of a cluster before a bilabial suffix: C form dd]io from the root o (ma ó “dry”) means “dryness”. When the suffix –m “first person, dual plural exclusive” is added, the result is ro dd]ebm (with lowering of i to e before the bilabial) “our dryness”. Chichimeco retains the C form *i where the rule would delete the second member of the cluster: A form he, “dejar;” B and C forms nhi. Chichimeco, however, treats a C form *i differently from an original cluster initial *i. The original cluster initial *i is lowered to Ch e, but the C form *i is not lowered.
North Pame North Pame has been very conservative with respect to the POP vowel system. If the fluctuation between i and ei or e is considered subhonemic (as was suggested in Chapter II), the POP vowel inventory is identical with that of POP. A phonetic rule would rewrite POP *e as NP (IPA æ), showing a lowering which is not surprising, given the extended phonetic range of NP i.
All of the POP clusters are preserved in some environments in NP. Most of the rules for the modification of the clusters are recoverable from NP morpho phonemic alternations. Rule 11 of the NP morophophonemic rules, given in Chapter II, specifies the cluster reductions before a bilabial suffix. The morphophonemic rules also take care on the change of ai to and the loss of the second member from the clusters.
NP rule 15 of Chapter II palatalizes consonants following the vowel i, but this recent palatalization does not become part of the syllable nucleus as the earlier palatalization did in the case of the metathesized *i of the C forms, discussed in Chapter III.
Rule 10 of Chapter II deletes cluster initial *o if there is no o in the preceding syllable. Rule 16 labializes k, , and h after the vowel o. An original cluster initial o is sometimes desyllabified to w in those situations where it has been retained. In that case it is indistinguishable on synchronic grounds from the w resulting from the labialization rule if the preceding consonant is k, , or h. After other consonants, e.g., t, s, and c, only an original cluster initial *o appears after the vowel o because the labialization rule does not operate in that environment.
There are instances of other NP modifications of POP vowel clusters, but there are no clear general rules. E.g., in the paradigm for “father” (“macho male” in the cognate sets), NP occurs in the first person possessor form, but o occurs in the second and third person forms: raw “my father”, but wi o “your father” (with metathesis of a prefix i) and wamm o “his father”. In the paradigm for “hand”
93 IV Syllable Nuclei of Roots
(“mano” in the cognate sets), the third person form shows deletion of the second member of *ai after the C form *i. The second person form shows the same deletion although not preceded by i, presumably by analogy with the C form: ska ai “my hand”, skan a “your hand”, skan ia “his hand”.
Chichimeco Chichineco, in contrast to North Pame, has eliminated all POP vowel clusters and has modified its inventory of vowel segments. The Chichimeco vowels and their feature specifications are shown in Table 24.
TABLE 24 FEATURE SPECIFICATIONS FOR CHICHIMECO VOWELS i e a o u ü flt + + + grv + + + cmp + 1 + 2 The feature redundancy rules are: (1) A minus flat and plus grave segment is also plus compact. (2) A plus flat and minus grave segment is also minus compact.
There are seven rules for the development of the POP vowel system in Chichimeco.
1. Rule 1 deletes the second member from the clusters *ao, *oa, *ia, and io. The rule applies also to the nasalized clusters. (there happens not to be an example of oral *ia nor of nasalized * o). The clusters *ao and *oa can be characterized by labeling both segments plus grave and giving opposite plus minus values ( and – ) to the segments for compactness. The clusters *ia and *io can be characterized by labeling the first memmber by its proper features (minus grave, minus compact) and by specifying the second segment as plus grave.
+ grv + grv → ∅ in env. ___ − ∝ cmp ∝ cmp
− grv []+ grv → ∅ in env. ___ − cmp
2. The Chichimeco reflex of *i is e: the reflex of *e is i. This rule specifies the reversal of the features of compactness in the Chichimeco reflexes. I.e., i and e interchange.The rule also specifies that the Ch reflexes are minus flat. Rule 2 is ordered after rule 1 because it affects the i which remains after the deletions specified by rule 1. A C form metathesized *i, however, is not affected by this rule.
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 94
− grv − ∝ cmp − C form + cns → in env. []+ cns ∝ cmp − flt ______ #
3. This rule specifies the feature plus flat for the reflex of *o (plus grave, minus compact) and the feature minus flat for the reflex of *a (plus grave, minus compact). The plus minus value of the flatness is opposite to the plus minus value of the compactness of the original segment.
+ grv + cns → [][]− ∝ flt in env. + cns ___ ∝ cmp #
4. This rule reverses the compactness specification for the Ch reflex of oral *o.
+ grv + cns − cmp → [][]+ cmp in env. + cns ___ # − nas
5. This rule accounts for the Ch reflexes e for *ai and ü for *oa. The rule is in two parts. Part (a) says that *a and *o are fronted before *i (become minus grave and minus flat). Part (b) deletes the environmental *i. The e resulting from this rule is not affected by rule 2.
− grv − grv (a) []+ grv → in env. ___ − flt − cmp
− grv − cns (b) → ∅ in env. ___ − cmp − grv
6. This rule accounts for the Ch reflexes u for *oe and e for *eo. The first segment of the POP cluster is each case becomes plus compact and is specified for flatness with the opposite plus minus value to that for graveness in the original segment. The second segment of the POP cluster serves as environment for the first part of the rule and is then deleted by the second part of the rule.
− cmp − cns (a) []∝ grv → in env. ___ − ∝ flt + voc
− cns − cns (b) → ∅ in env. ___ + voc + voc
95 IV Syllable Nuclei of Roots
The Glottal Elements of POP Sylable Nuclei As indicated in the opening paragraphs of this chapter, the POP syllable nucleus might contain a glottal element. The element belongs to the nucleus as a whole and is somewhat arbitrarily assigned a linear placement with respect to the vowel(s). There are three different glottal elements which may occur in a POP stem: (1) that of the root initial consonant or that of the D form prefix, both of which form part of the syllable onset, (2) that of the syllable nucleus, and (3) That of the stem formative suffix which belongs to the syllable coda for POP. To place the glottal element of the syllable before the vowel(s) might result in ambiguity with the glottal element of the syllable onset. To place the glottal element after the vowel(s) might result in some ambiguity with the glottal element of the stem formative suffix, but in this case the writing of the morpheme boundary between root and suffix would resolve the ambiguity. There is not always a morpheme boundary between the syllable onset and the syllable nucleus. For this reason, the glottal element of the nucleus is assigned to the position after the vowel(s) in the underlying form.
The phonetic placement of the glottal element is specified by the following rules.
1. Rule 1 inserts a copy of the root vowel after the glottal element if the nucleus contains a single vowel.
+ voc + voc − cns − cns ∅ → in env. [][]+ cns + gtl ___ ∝ grv ∝ grv βcmp βcmp
2. Rule 2 tranposes the glottal element and the second vowel of a vowel cluster.
+ voc + voc []+ gtl − cns − cns 1 2 3 → 1 3 2
POP had a rule for the deletion of the glottal element under certain conditions. The deletion is evidenced by the NP morphophonemic alteration of nuclei with and without the glottal element. E.g.,wannõ o “he sees” but lan`õ “he will see”; wopp/ dn “he counts” but wi` dnt “count” (imperative); / hily “he sleeps” but gol w[ i “sleep” (noun); wa / h t “she sews” but lo w` dnt “she pieces cloth”.
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 96
A further indication of a deletion of the glottal element in POP under certain conditions is the correspondence of the reflexes of a glottal element in one of the daughter languages to the absence of any such reflexes in another daughter language. In the following examples, Otomi has reflexes of a VhV nucleus but Pame does not. “Water” Ot dehe, NP kot ; “cough” Ot thehe, NP golhw ; “name” Ot th hu, NP golhõ . In the next group of examples Pame has reflexes of a glottal element but Otomi does not. “necklace” Ot thebe, NP nlh ; “ask for “ Ot ödi, NP wa ahodn ; “squash” Ot m , NP mmõhi .
North Pame and Chichimeco preserve reflexes of both and h. Jaime de Angulo’s recording of voiceless vowels for Chichimeco corresponds to syllable nuclei containing a glottal element . E.g., “take out” Ch ke (underlining corresponding to Angulo’s raised vowels to denote the voiceless vowel), NP – kwehe . The NP alternation with nuclei not containing a glottal element appears to be correlated with a change in the stress pitch phoneme. The glottal element occurs most regularly with the high tone stress.
Otomian has lost the non continuant glottal element (i.e., ). Mazahua has developed a new V V sequence from word final root vowels. Central Otomian has a V V sequence only if no suffix follows.
The Matlatzinca and Ocuilteco materials show VhV sequences before stem formative suffixes but not word finally. Sometimes the h is deleted, resulting in a long vowel.
An Otomi Mazahua innovation is the deletion of the first vowel of a VhV sequence resulting in stem initial aspirated consonants. Apparently the deletion only takes place if the root initial consonant is a stop. After other consonants the h is deleted and the vowel cluster is reduced. These rules operate when there is a stem formative suffix. They eliminate the VhV sequences as such in that position leaving the VhV sequences only in a word final position, as stated in an earlier paragraph.
The deletion of the first vowel and the resulting aspirated stops is peculiar to Central Otomian because Matlatzinca and Ocuilteco preserve the VhV sequences before stem formatives at least in some instances. Also, the correspondence of a Mtz Oc unaspirated stop to an Ot Maz aspirated stop cannot be ascribed to a sound change which would eliminate aspiration in Mtz Oc because in the case of aspirated forms, Mtz Oc aspirated stops corrspond to Ot Maz aspiratd stops.
The following sets are examples of central Otomian syncope of the first vowel with the resulting aspirated consonant. “casarse to marry” Ot thãhti Maz h ht *t ah Mtz tøhønye Oc Np tt he t Ch t her
97 IV Syllable Nuclei of Roots
“reir to laugh” Ot theni Maz theñe *the Mtz ta:ri Oc tahti Np t h l Ch tehe r
“confesar to confess” Ot khwãni Maz khwã ma *kõah Mtz kunya Oc ku Np kkãho Ch
“tocar to touch” Ot thöni Maz thör *taoh Mtz tari Oc Np taho Ch ta
“golpear to hit” Ot ph mi Maz *paih Mtz papi Oc (phe) Np ppahi Ch ngwe en
“contestar to answer” Ot thãdi Maz th *t ah Mtz tøhøti Oc tømti Np Ch Note the next set wheres the initial consonant is n and is not aspirated. “bailar to dance” Ot n i Maz ne me *nãih Mtz nøhøbi Oc ñøhøbi Np nnãhi Ch n he The following set demonstrates the Mtz Oc aspirated consonants corresponding to Ot Maz aspirated consonants in D forms. “tamales” Ot th i Maz the e *th Mtz theti Oc thenti Np lh Ch r hi
CHAPTER V THE RECONSTRUCTION OF POP STEM FORMATIVE CONSONANTS
The two preceding chapters dealt with the reconstruction of the root syllable. chapter III reconstructed the root initial consonants and their morphophonemic changes in the stem alternants. Chapter IV reconstructed the syllable nuclei of the roots. This chapter will deal with the reconstruction of the stem formative consonants. There were at least three types of morphemes which could follow the root syllable in POP words: (1) the stem formative suffixes, (2) the person and number markers and (3) the second element of compounds. The reconstruction of person and number markers is the subject of Chapter VI. The second element of compounds will be treated briefly in the present chapter.
The POP noun or verb stem consisted of a root and one or more stem formative syllables or it might consist of the root alone. The same root might form several different stems by combination with different stem formative suffixes. For example, Ot. š hki “wash (hands),” š t i “wash (dishes).” Compare Mtz šu i “wash (dishes),” šu ti “wash (meat),” šu bi “wash (table);” Maz ši bi (wash dishes);” NP si g “wash (hands),” si ly “wash dishes.”
The precise meaning of the stem formative suffixes is difficult to determine. It is possible, however, to note certain concepts, e.g., direction, which were expressed by these suffixes. The analysis of stem formative suffixes in Otomi will serve as an example. The analysis was made by Fray Pedro de Cárceres in the sixteenth century. 85 It is quoted by Lawrence Ecker in his compendium of Otomi grammar. 86 The suffixes –i/e (phonologically conditioned), ki/e, gi/e and –hi signify “desde arriba (hacia) abajo; de adentro afuera, ( lat. de, ex ).” The suffix t i/e signifies “desde abajo (hacia) arriba, ( lat. super , sub , como en sub er/e).” The suffix –ni signifies “hacia, desde lejos; hacia allá, hacia acá, ( lat. a , ab , ad ).” The suffix –ngi (from –nga and –ni) signifies syntactic position followed by a direct object. The suffix –xi (i.e., ši) “ya no reconoce sentido específico.” Some suffixes are analyzed as consisting of combinations of suffixes: xt i/e from –ts i and –t i; xte from –ts i and –te; xni from –ts i and –ni. Finally, several rare suffixes are
85 Pedro de Cárceres, “Arte de la Lengua Otomí,” edited by Dr. Nicolas León, Boletín del Instituto Bibliográfico Mexicano , VI (1907), 43 155. 86 Lawrence Ecker, “Compendio de Gramática Otomí,” Anales del Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia , IV (1952), 121 74. Ecker’s material on the suffixes is taken from pages 106 13 of Cárceres.
6/9/2010 98 99 V Stem Formative Consonants listed: di/e, hti, pho, and –phi.
Compound suffixes are evident in other of the Otopamean languages also. E.g., Mtz alternants k ni and k n i for “moler.”
Although there are cases of different suffixes occurring with the same root and forming different stems and instances of layering of suffixes, the bulk of the vocabulary consists of stems which reflect the tendency for a given root to be associated primarily with one suffix. It is this fact which allows us to reconstruct the suffixes with some degree of certainty. The fact that a root could and did occur with more than one suffix provides an explanation for the words which do not match with respect to stem formative suffixes.
The consonants reconstructed for the stem formative suffixes are basically the same as those reconstructed for the roots. The consonant clusters occurring in the stem formatives are reconstructed as units which have distinctive patterns of reflexes. The segmentation of the clusters is clear in most cases for POP. Many of the reflexes are unit phonemes in the daughter languages, however.
The reflexes of the POP stem formative consonants and consonant clusters are presented in Table 24. The reflex given in the chart might be termed the basic reflex. Departures from that reflex are specified by rules for the language in question.
TABLE 24 REFLEXES OF POP STEM FORMATIVE CONSONANTS
Ot Maz Mtz Oc NP SP Ch *s š š š š s š s *c c s c c c c c * *m m m *m m b b *mh h hm m *n n hn n *n n n r l n n n *nh hn hn n *t t t t t l n n *t d r t t n n n *V t d r t t n t r * t ht ht t t t r *k g g k k 87 *p b w p p *ph ph ph p p p
87 The is used to indicate no suffix present in the cognate for that language. A complete blank means that no cognate example is in the corpus.
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 100
Developments in the Otomian Subgroup The languages of the Otomian subgroup (Otomí, Mazahua, Matlatzinca, and Ocuilteco) share the insertion of the vowel i after the stem formative consonant and before word boundary.
− cns + voc ∅ → in env. []+ cns ___ # − grv + dff
These languages also share the phonetic rule that POP *s is palatalized to š. POP * is lost intervocalically. This means that the * is lost from both the POP vowel nucleus and the POP stem formative suffix.
Otomi and Mazahua share a number of suffixes consisting of consonant clusters which have a glottal element as the first member. These clusters are in addition to those listed above in Table 25. The glottal element appears to be a suffix in its own right, marking some concept such as transitivity. Compare the following pairs of words. Ot Maz *šo hki “to open something” and *šo gi “to be open;” Ot Maz *khwa hti “to finish something” and *khwa di “to finish (an action);” Ot Maz *m ö m i “to stand something up” and **m ö m i to stand up;” *kh m i “to pull something” and *kh m i “to stretch;” Ot Maz *pö hti “to change something” and *mbö di “to change.”
The glottal element which distinguishes the suffixes is a transitive marker of some sort. Compare the following sets. “laugh at” Ot the ni Maz the ñe Mtz ta ri NP tt h l Ch tehe r
“laugh” Ot the de Maz the e Mtz ta ti Oc ta hti NP tt h dn SP t h The POP reconstruction for the first suffix is * n and that for the second suffix is * t. The transitive marker is nasality and in this case. There is not enough evidence to reconstruct clearly the transitive suffix for POP but reflexes of that suffix are evident in the above examples and in other cases as well.
In Otomian there is an alternation of the suffixes * m and * k which suggests that the first may be built on the other by the addition of nasality and , similar to the transitive feature in “laugh at.” The additional features are not
101 V Stem Formative Consonants identified with transitivity in this case, however. Both suffixes may co occur with the same root in the same language, but more often one of the suffixes occurs in the cognate in one language and the other suffix occurs with the root in the cognate of the other language. North Pame cognates are found for two of the following sets. It is not clear whether the absence of a suffix in the NP cognates indicates the absence of a suffix or whether NP had an earlier * m which would have lost the m by regular rule and has in these instances lost the also. “peinarse” Ot e hke (* k) Maz e b e (* m ) Mtz ye bi (* m )
“dejar: Ot h gi (* k) Maz h zi (* k) Mtz ha bi (* m ), he i (* k)
“lavar” Ot š hki (* k) Maz *ši b i (* m ) Mtz šu i (* k)< šu bi (* m )
“relámpago” Ot hw i (* m ) Maz hw b i (* m ) Mtz he i (* k) NP nw (* m ) or (no suffix)
“año” Ot kh ya (* m ia) Maz kh (no suffix) Mtz khø ø (* k) Oc khøn ø (* k) NP g he (* m ) or (no suffix) The suffixes shared by Otomí and Mazahua which reflect a POP transitive morpheme are * c , * t , * m , *hmh, *hp, *ht, and *hk. They are not reconstructed for POP as such because of lack of evidence in the reflexes of the other languages.
Otomi and Mazahua also share the weakening of intervocalic stops.
Rules for the Developments in Otomi Otomi preserves POP stem formative *m only in the reflexes of the Ot Maz cluster * m . Elsewhere the *m is deleted. Then, the glottal is deleted after a nasal or intervocalically. The glottal deletion rule also deletes the glottal from the sequence *n .
(a) m > except in env.
(b) > in env. V [+cns +nas] V
The Central Otomian weakened stops are voiced in Western Otomi but remain voiceless in Eastern Otomi where they contrast with the pre aspirated fortis
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 102 stops in that dialect. The fortis stops are not pre aspirated in Western Otomi. The symbols b, d, and g are used for the Proto Otomi weakened stops. 88
An Otomi vowel harmony rule changes the Otomian inserted i to e after e or ø in the root syllable if no nasal consonant intervenes.
− dff + cns [][]− grv → − dff in env. − cmp ___ # − nas0 − flt
Rules for the Developments in Mazahua Mazahua changes the Otomian weakened stops (symbolized b, d, and g) to voiced continuants, Maz w, r, and g when they occur intervocalically.
+ cns + cnt − cns − cns − cnt → in env. ___ + vcd + voc + voc − tense
The clusters *m , (* m ), and *n are denasalized after oral vowels to b , ( b ), and d , respectively.
+ voc + gtl [][]+ cns ___ − nas in env. − cns ___ − cnt − nas
Mazahua palatalizes the consonants t, d, n, r, k, and g after a front vowel to , dy, ñ, , c, and z respectively.
+ cns − str + voc + flt → []+ shp in env. − cns ___ − grv − grv − gtl
Mazahua inserts a and a copy of the root vowel after a simple root before word boundary. The result is that all stems are disyllabic in Mazahua in contrast to Otomi, which may have monosyllabic stems.
> V 1 in env. V 1 #
88 For more details on Proto Otomi consonants see Bartholomew, loc. cit.
103 V Stem Formative Consonants
The V inserted by this rule parallels the hV which results from the expansion of a root nuclei containing h. (A root of the shape CV 1h becomes CV 1V1 by a rule common to Otopamean.)
The vowel harmony rules were specified in Chapter II. Briefly, if the root vowel is e, , or ø, the inserted i assimilates completely to the root vowel. If the root vowel is i, , or , the inserted i remains, with assimilation for nasality. If the root vowel is , u, o, ö, or ã, , , õ, the inserted i is centralized to and , respectively.
Rules for the Developments in Matlatzinca and Ocuilteco Matlatzinca and Ocuilteco share several important rules. Matlatzinca has an additonal rule and the modern Mtz dialect of San Francisco Oxtotilpan has a further rule. Ocuilteco has two additional rules.
POP * is retained in Southern Otomian in the reflex of *c . The influence of * is seen in the reflexes b and r for *m and *n , respectively. But elsewhere the glottal elements ( and h) are deleted from the stem formative suffixes. 89 Two rules account for these changes. The first says that a nasal consonant becomes nonnasal before a glottal stop. The second rule deletes glottal elements in stem formative suffixes, which includes the deletion of the environmental of the first rule.
+ cns + gtl (a) → []− nas in env. ___ + nas − cnt
− cns (b) [][]+ gtl → ∅ except in env. c ___ # + voc
Another Southern Otomian rule is that after a front vowel POP *k is palatalized to .
− cnt − cns − grv + grv → in env. + voc ___ + str + cmp − grv
Matlatzinca inserts a suffix –wi after a root syllable and before word boundary, i.e., when there is no stem formative suffix. There are a few cases where the –wi is not inserted, but the conditions have not yet been determined.
89 Andrews and Shell (op . cit .) record glottal elements at morpheme boundaries for the Mtz of San Francisco, but they don”t seem to be reflexes of POP glottal elements.
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 104
∅ → − wi in env. ROOT ___ #
San Francisco Matlatzinca changes the stem formative m to n.
+ cns − cns − cns → []− grv in env. ___ # + nas + voc + voc
Ocuilteco deletes the stem formative –mi and –ni.
+ cns − cns − cns → ∅ in env. ___ # + nas + voc + voc
Ocuilteco has a second rule which changes Mtz Oc r (from *n by the rule given above) to l.
r → l
Developments in the Pamean Subgroup The Pamean languages (North Pame, South Pame, and Chichimeco) share several rules.
POP *m is deleted before or h. POP *p is deleted except before *h. Then POP *h is deleted from stem formatives.
+ cns (a) + nas → ∅ in env. ___ []+ gtl # + grv
− cnt + gtl (b) + grv → ∅ except in env. ___ # + cnt − cmp
+ gtl (c) → ∅ in env. ___ # + cnt
POP *t becomes Pamean n except when preceded or followed by a glottal stop or in Chichimeco when preceded by a nasalized vowel. POP *t becomes Chichimeco n . POP *t becomes Chichimeco r before word boundary and becomes North Pame l before glottal stop and word boundary.
105 V Stem Formative Consonants
+ cns except in env. − cnt ___/ []+ gtl ___/ (a) → [][]+ nas + gtl − grv + voc ___ + nas + Ch − str
+ cns − cnt (b) → [][]+ nas in env. ___ + gtl # − grv − str
+ cns ___ # − cnt + Ch (c) → []− tense in env. ___ − grv []+ gtl # − str + NP
POP stem formative *k becomes a nasal consonant in Pamean. Stem formative nasal consonants not in a cluster with glottal stop are velar in North Pame; they are deleted in South Pame and Chichimeco. − cnt − cns (a) → []+ nas in env. ___ # + cmp + voc
+ cns − cns ___ (b) → []+ cmp in env. # + nas + voc + NP
___ + cns − cns → ∅ in env. + SP # + nas + voc + Ch North Pame synchronic rules delete from a stem formative after V V, palatalize consonants after i, and insert an oral transition before a stem formative nasal after an oral vowel. South Pame has palatalized *s to š in stem formative suffixes.
Illustrations for POP Stem formative Consonants
POP * s “asar” Ot hãši Maz hãšã *hã s Mtz høši Oc høši NP hãs SP hwãš Ch hüs
“tijeras” Ot yãši Maz ñãša
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 106
* a s NP l yãs SP Ch r s
“chiflar” Ot h ši Maz h ši *hio s Mtz h ši Oc h ši NP nheos SP hiš Ch nes POP * c “murcielago” Ot cac i Maz *coa c Mtz coc i Oc coc i NP oac SP n uac Ch
“atar” Ot t t i Maz t nt i *tõ t /c Mtz tunc i Oc tunc i “nudo” NP ttoc SP Ch tuc “nudo” “nudo”
“zapatos” NP SP mphãc Ch bãc *pã c POP * “mes” Mtz mbø Oc bø *m ão NP m ão SP m mõ Ch m ã
“calabaza” Ot m Maz m *mõih Mtz muhu Oc muhli NP mõhi SP m hi Ch m hu
“beber” NP hao SP nhu Ch ha *hao POP * m “tierra” Ot höi Maz höm *hao m Mtz hami Oc ha NP haog SP hyaw Ch ha
“noche” Ot š i Maz šõm *são m Mtz šømi Oc šu NP são SP sãw Ch sã POP * m “bailar” Ot n i Maz n me *nãih m Mtz nøbi Oc ñøhøbi NP nnãhi SP nãha Ch n h
“jalar” Ot kh mi Maz kh b
107 V Stem Formative Consonants
*kih HC Mtz Oc ng bi m / n NP kke edn SP kuin Ch ke en
“olla” Ot c øe Maz s øb ø *c eo m NP c eo SP c e Ch c e POP * mh “milpa” Ot hwãhi Maz hwãhma *nhõa mh Mtz nomi Oc nu NP nhwã SP nhn Ch nh
“sabroso” Ot k hi Maz kihmi *koi mh Mtz qei SP Ch
“sembrar Ot t hu Maz t hm *tõ mh Mtz tumi Oc tu NP ttõ o SP Ch tu un POP * n “flor” Ot døni Maz ndøhnø * toHC n Mtz tøni Oc ndø NP tog SP tu Ch ro
“gallina” Ot øni Maz øhnø * oHC n Mtz øni Oc ø NP og SP u Ch POP * n “hacha” Ot c ni “rajar” Maz *coe n Mtz seri Oc celi NP cc dn SP ce en Ch zi in
“preguntar” Ot öni Maz ön * ao n Mtz ari Oc ali NP ahodn SP Ch an
“reir” Ot theni Maz theñe *teh n Mtz tari Oc NP t h dn SP t h Ch “reirse” “reirse” POP * nh “saliva” Ot khihni Maz k ihñi *ki nh Mtz ini Oc i NP kkig SP ki Ch kke
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 108
“mandar” Ot p hni Maz pehñe *pai nh Mtz pan ta Oc NP ppai SP Ch pe
“lengua” Ot kkãhne Maz k hñi *kh a nh Mtz n uni Oc nd i POP * t “chupar” Ot c t i Maz s t *coi t Mtz Oc cuti NP cciol SP Ch c]ü ün
“calentar” Ot pa t i Maz pa t *pa t Mtz pati Oc pati NP ppal SP Ch pan
“tragar” Ot t t i Maz *tõ t NP ttõl SP t Ch tùn
“cintura” Ot ng t i Maz nz nt * kiHCh t Mtz h ti Oc NP kehel SP gwihin Ch POP * t “casarse” Ot thãhti Maz h ht *t ah t Mtz tønye NP tt he t SP t he Ch t her
“gritar” Ot ma t i Maz ma t *ma t NP ma at SP Ch ma ar POP * t “hilo” Ot h t i Maz h “hilar” “hilar” *thãi t Mtz høti “hilar” (*nasal V t) NP lhãi SP nth Ch rh r
“rico” Ot bãdi “brujo” *pã t (*V t) NP pãn SP p et Ch pãr
“contar” Ot pede Maz pe e *pe t Mtz Oc mbati NP pp dn SP Ch pin
“reirse” Ot thede Maz the e
109 V Stem Formative Consonants
*teh t Mtz tati Oc tahti NP tt h dn SP tehe Ch tehe r
“tamale” Ot th di Maz th e *th t Mtz theti Oc thenti NP lh SP nth e Ch r hi POP * k “dejar” Ot hy gi Maz hy zi *hiai k Mtz he i Oc he i NP nhiag SP Ch nhi s “enterrar” Ot ögi Maz ög * ao k Mtz aki Oc aki NP aog SP Ch a POP * p “arado” Ot t abi Maz t öph *t oa p Mtz t opi Oc t opi NP SP nt oa Ch r u
“cal” Ot cibi “fuego” Maz siwi “fuego” *ci p Mtz cipi Oc cipi NP c i SP c i POP * ph “nido” Ot mamphi Mtz *ma ph Mtz mapi Oc mapi NP mmap SP mbie Ch
“norte” Ot mahwiphi Maz *hoi ph Mtz hupi Oc NP sohop SP Ch
“decir” Ot šiphi Maz šiphi *si ph Mtz ši Oc NP sep SP Ch se
The Second Element of Compounds Some cognate sets show reflexes of post root elements which do not fit the pattern reconstructed for the stem formative syllables. Otomi reflexes show vowels other than i or the predictable e. Mazahua and Matlatzinca reflexes show non predictable vowels in some of the sets, but some sets show predictable vowels which presumably replaced the non predictable vowels by analogic change.
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 110
The numerals “veinte 20” and “cuarenta 40” have the second element *te. NP and Ch have it as a full syllable. NP has a final dn which may come from a POP final *t or which may be the NP plural suffix –n. Each subgroup of languages has its own junctural features. Ot Maz has preposed h; Mtz Oc has preposed n; and NP SP has a weakened t as in the B forms.
The numerals “cinco 5” and “diez 10” have the second element *t ai. The second vowel is dropped except in NP. The element looks like a derivative from the word for hand, “mano,” whose A form is ai and whose D form would be t ai. The NP word for “diez ten,” means “both my hands.”
“veinte 20” Ot nöhte Maz dy öhte *te Mtz nronta Oc blonda NP nda ly dn SP nade
“cuarenta 40” Ot yohte Maz yehte *te Mtz nenta Oc myenda NP noi ly dn SP tide
“cinco 5” Ot k t a Maz ci a *t ai Mtz kut a Oc kwit a NP kik yai
“diez 10” Ot n t a Maz dy a *t ai Mtz ndat a Oc mblat a NP seska ai (se “both,” ska “my,” ai “hands”) Two sets show the element *ne which can probably be identified with mouth, “boca.” Ot has the normal reflex in the set for “abeja” (“noisy mouth”) whereas Maz has a vowel conforming to Maz vowel harmony rules. In “mentira” (“wrong mouth ”) Ot has neutralized the vowel because it is the last syllable in a three syllable word. The Mtz Oc vowel is a, which is the normal reflex for *e. The Maz vowel is e but it also happens to fit the vowel harmony rules. “abeja” Ot gãne Maz ng hn *ne
“mentira” Ot (SC) 90 b hth ni Maz b ine *ne Mtz una Oc ben umna Otomi has the form pho after root o in all three words in the sets next under consideration. Mazahua and Matlatzinca Ocuilteco have predictable vowels. In the set “cosechar” the root vowel was probably *e as shown in the majority of the
90 The dialect of Santa Clara de Juárez, Edo. de México. San Felipe Santiago, Edo. de Méx. has m thri; Mezquital Otomi has f dri.
111 V Stem Formative Consonants languages, but Otomi has root o, probably by assimilation to the o vowel of the second element. “llamar” Ot nzopho Maz zoph *pho Mtz copi Oc nzopi
“escribir” Ot opho Maz oph *pho
“cosechar” Ot šopho Maz šephe *pho Mtz šepi Oc NP ss The sets “papa” and “camote” contain similar elements: * k a for “papa” and * nkwã mã for “camote”. The * k a is preceded by the root element *n o but the * nkwã mã is preceded by a prefix with a different stress. It is conceivable that * k a is the reduced form of * nkwã mã because it occurs after a stressed root syllable. Mazahua has non predictable vowels in these sets. Ocuilteco has the normal deletion of the second member of a vowel cluster and of the stem formative syllable containing a nasal consonant. “papa” Ot nok a Maz d ok a *k a Mtz int o Oc NP pi o SP
“camote” Ot bøk wã Maz bemgwã mã *nkwã ma Mtz Oc bøn u The second element *nã is found in the Otomi form in the sets “luna,” “ardilla,” and “decir.” Maz has nã or n ã for “luna” but has a predictable vowel in “decir.” Mtz has predictable vowels. Oc loses syllables with nasal consonants when they occur in post root position. NP shows the nasal consonant following the root in “ardilla” but not in “decir.” “luna” Ot zãnã Maz zãnã, zãn ã *nã
“ardilla” Ot m nã Maz miñi *nã Mtz mini Oc mi NP meig SP kumuy Ch
“decir” Ot nã Maz ñ *nã Mtz ini Oc ihil (?) NP hi SP Ch The elements *ta, *tha, and *ka occur in the next group of cognate sets. Otomi has the vowel a. Maz and Mtz Oc have predictable vowels. Pamean has no trace of the second elements. The Mtz wi in “laringe” looks like the wi which is inserted if no stem formative occurs. Probably the Mtz word did not contain *ka.
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 112
“maguey” Ot wada Maz war *ta Mtz Oc nloti NP ddoa SP ndyoa Ch n u
“caja” Ot hwada Maz hwar *ta Mtz wati Oc hwati NP ilhyã SP šth e Ch
“zopilote” Ot pada Maz ndo par *ta Mtz pati Oc NP wa a
“instrumento Ot mida Maz b i i musical” *ta Mtz biti Oc NP bbe i SP Ch
“molcajete” Ot mada Maz *ta Mtz mati Oc mati
“espalda” Ot š tha Maz š th *tha
“tierra plana” Ot matha Maz b ath *tha Mtz mpati Oc bati NP nibia SP Ch
“patos de la Ot tiga Maz tizi laguna” *ka Mtz ti i Oc NP tti SP Ch
“laringe” Ot y ga Maz dy izi *ka Mtz yuwi Oc The next group of cognate sets has an element *m a or *m a. Otomi loses the m and the by the regular rule, the i becomes y and the a is retained. Mazahua regularly has hm and a predictable vowel. Mtz has m as would be expected from *m and b as would be expected from *m . Oc loses the *m but has li for *m as if it were *n , i.e., *m( ) *n( ) . The vowels are predictable in Mtz Oc. NP has final g in “enojado” but nothing in “año.” The Mtz Oc second element in “año” is from *ka 91 instead of *m a and in this case has the regular reflex of *a, not a predictable vowel. The second element in “descansar” is ya in all the Otomian languages.
91 Compare the alternation of the stem formative suffixes * m and * k, discussed earlier in the chapter.
113 V Stem Formative Consonants
Perhaps it is an instance of borrowing. The correspondences of the second element in “confesar” are unique to that set: Ot ni, Maz mã, Mtz nya, and Oc ngya. Perhaps the word is a late formation, developed independently in each of the languages. “culebra” Ot k ya Maz k hmi *mia Mtz n imi Oc i
“llenarse” Ot n ya Maz n hmi *mia Mtz nimi Oc NP n
“pecho” Ot t ya Maz th hmi *mia
“carbón” Ot th ya Maz thehme *m ia Mtz thubi Oc thuli
“enojado” Ot nc ya Maz * nia NP ncw g SP
“año” Ot kh ya Maz kh *mia Mtz khø ø Oc khøn ø NP ng he
“descansar” Ot cöya Maz saya ya Mtz coya Oc nzoya
“confesar” Ot nkhwãni Maz khwã mã * Mtz kunya Oc keyungya NP kkwãho SP
CHAPTER VI THE RECONSTRUCTION OF PERSON AND NUMBER MORPHEMES
The purpose of this chapter is to reconstruct the person and number morphemes of Otopamean and to trace their development in each of the daughter languages. The person and number markers constitute a subsystem of the morphology of the language. A change in any member of the subsystem often affects other members of the system as well. The effect of analogic change is seen in cognate sets whose phonological correspondences do not match the regular sound correspondences. This chapter will attempt to identify the motivations for analogic change in the development of the person and number morphemes in the various languages.
The system reconstructed for POP is as follows. First and second person markers had stressed forms as well as unstressed forms. The unstressed forms were derived from the stressed forms by the deletion of the vowel(s). Third person occurred only in the unstressed form. Dual and plural markers and the exclusive markers were stressed and as such contained a vowel. The Pamean languages subsequently lost the vowel from these forms so that the vowel is not reconstructable except where cognate forms exist in Otomian.
Person markers The POP person markers along with reflexes in the daughter languages are presented in Table 25.
TABLE 25 OTOPAMEAN PERSON MARKERS first person second person third person POP *kao * k *k e * k * p Ot kö k k e/ i k p Maz kö k k k p Mtz kaki k kac i k p NP kaok k heok k p SP kak k huk k p Ch ikagu x ihek u k f
6/9/2010 114 115 VI Person and Number Markers
The Otomian bound forms have inserted vowels of predictable quality (not shown on chart). The vowel of POP *k e is a front vowel. Perhaps it cannot be further specified. The Mazahua vowel is identified as in Spotts” article but is written e in later materials. The Otomi morpheme in dialects not adjacent to Mazahua is i. The palatalized k ( ) in Matlatzinca suggests an i.
The reconstructed forms for first and second persons in POP are *kao and *k e, respectively. Pamean has reduplication of the first person marker: *kaokao. It has preposed heo for the second person morpheme: *heo k e. Regular loss of word final vowels in Pamean gives the forms kaok and heok . North Pame forms show no further development.
Chichimeco has preposed i to the Pamean forms. The second vowel of each vowel cluster is metathesized with the final consonant. The regular rule is to simply delete the second member of a vowel cluster. However, in order to explain the Chichimeco word final vowel it would be necessary to insert it by some special rule which operates only in this instance. I have chosen to state the rule as a metathesis because the “inserted” vowel happens to be identical with the vowel which has been “deleted”. The disadvantage to this solution is that the metathesis rule is unique to this situation. Intervocalic *k is voiced and *o is phonemically reassigned to Chichimeco u. The resulting forms are ikagu and ihek u.
South Pame has lost the second member of the vowel cluster from *kaok by the regular rule. It lost the first vowel from the cluster in *heok . The irregularity may be explained if we assume that SP had preposed i parallel to the Chichimeco forms. There is a rule which deletes the first vowel of a cluster if it is identical with (or shares certain distinctive features with) the vowel in the preceding syllable. Following the deletion of the e from heok , a later rule would delete the preposed i . The phonemic reassignment of *o to SP u gives the present day forms kak and huk .
Otomi and Mazahua have the normal reflexes of POP *kao and *k e, kö and k e, 92 respectively. Matlatzinca forms have preposed ka . The vowels have been neutralized to conform to the pattern of the inserted word final i. However, the palatalized k ( ) of the second person form ka i implies an adjacent front vowel. Thus, there is a trace of the vowel distinctions of the original morphemes.
The development of the first, second, and third person bound forms presents no problem. The reconstructed forms are * k, * k , and * p, respectively. Mtz and Ch have lost the from * k . Ch has fricative reflexes of * k and * p. The development of *te is regular. Mtz a is the regular reflex of *e.
92 The e vowel varies to or i in the different dialects.
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 116
Number markers The dual, plural, and exclusive markers, as shown in table 26, present an interplay of analogic change and regular sound change. The etyma as reconstructed are: dual exclusive *m e, dual *i, dual *sV, plural exclusive *ho, plural *nV, and plural *te.
TABLE 26 OTOPAMEAN NUMBER MARKERS du. excl. dual dual pl. excl. pl. pl. POP *m e *i *sV *ho *nV *te Ot me wi he h te Maz b e wi hme hi te Mtz bi we hø ho ta NP m i m n t SP m (s) m n t Ch mp/ v s h n r
In Pamean final vowels are lost by the regular rule, except for the dual i which consists of only a vowel.
North Pame loses final h by regular sound change with consequent loss of the plural exclusive *ho. The gap in the system is filled by the extension of the dual exclusive morpheme *m e to signal the plural exclusive as well. The dual *sV is lost (no apparent motivation) and is replaced by the dual *i.
South Pame shares with NP the loss of *ho and the extension of the dual suffix *m e to serve as the plural exclusive. In addition, the SP rule to delete the second member of the vowel cluster eliminates the dual *i. There followed an extension of the dual *sV as the general dual, but dual as a category was later eliminated. The *sV survives in a few words like mat tehes “will marry” which are normally restricted to dual action.
Chichimeco keeps the plural exclusive *ho as h . The vowel in Chichimeco needs to be explained in view of the fact that word final vowels are normally deleted. The vowel may be due to metathesis from the first person morpheme ikagu which frequently precedes it. But Jaime de Angula brings up a point which may invalidate this theory. He says that the final vowel of the singular ikagu is often voiceless whereas the vowel of the plural exclusive ikagh is always voiced and, furthermore, is nasalized. 93 It may be that the retention of the vowel in the plural exclusive marker is due to occurrence in slightly different environment with respect to stress. The nasalization of the vowel may be by analogy with the other plural
93 Jaime de Angulo, loc . cit ., p 155.
117 VI Person and Number Markers markers from *nV. The dual *i is lost via the Ch rule which deletes the second member of vowel clusters. The dual *sV was extended as the general dual.
In Otomian the dual *sV has been replaced by the extension of the dual *i. Otomian wi from *i shows the development of w, presumably to avoid hiatus.
The sound change in the development of plural *te is regular, but there has been a semantic shift. Whereas the t suffix in Pamean is a general plural, in Otomian it is used as a generalized personal object, translatable as “people” as in Ot phöš te “help people.”
The semantic displacement of *te is accompanied by the loss of the plural *nV. Otomian has extended the plural exclusive *ho, via analogy, to a general plural function.
A proportion exists between the exclusive morphemes and the dual and plural morphemes as follows:
dual exclusive : plural exclusive : : dual : plural
The underlying forms of the Otomian plural morphemes are compounds consisting of *ho as first member and the corresponding dual form as the second member, thus:
dual exclusive : plural exclusive m e *ho m e
dual : plural wi *ho wi
Otomi Mazahua deletes the o from the plural forms, giving hm e and hwi, respectively. The is deleted from the cluster hm . These rules give the Mazahua form hme for “plural exclusive.”
Otomi deletes the m from hme giving the form he.
The regular rules for the development of POP vowel clusters give Ot h and Maz hi for “plural inclusive.”
Matlatzinca converts *ho m e into høbi (via the same rule that converts *m e into bi and some rule which changes the o into ø). It leaves the *howi unchanged.
CHAPTER VII THE RECONSTRUCTION OF POP TONE
The preceding chapters have reconstructed the segmental features of Otopamean stems. This chapter reconstructs the supra segmental features of costrastive pitch.
All of the Otopamean languages have contrastive lexical pitch. The tone systems of the individual languages differ with respect to number of tonemes, the role of stress and the positions in the word for which certain tone contrasts are relevant. Brief sketches of the synchronic tone systems are given in the following paragraphs.
Synchronic Tone Systems
Chichimeco, Matlatzinca, and Ocuilteco Chichimeco and Matlatzinca are reported to have noncontrastive stress. Jaime de Angulo 94 says of Chichimeco that there is no noticeable difference of stress or quality. There are two levels of pitch, high and low, one of which occurs on each syllable of the word. All possible combinations of tone occur on two syllable words except that the sequence low, low is very rare. Henrietta Andrews 95 admits phonetic stress in Matlatzinca, but demonstrates that it is non contrastive because it can be altered without affecting the meaning whereas altering the pitch often alters the meaning. She further observes that there seems to be a rhythmic pattern which places stress on alternate syllables. Andrews records vowel length for Matlatzinca, but its phonemic status has not been demonstrated. Matlatzinca, like Chichimeco, has two levels of pitch, high and low. There are certain nonpermitted tone sequences and certain kinds of tone sandhi which were observed by Andrews in her preliminary study, but a thorough analysis has yet to be made. Ocuilteco has a contrastive pitch which looks very similar to that described for Matlatzinca, but no systematic analysis has yet been made.
94 Jaime de Angulo, loc. cit. 95 Henrietta Andrews, “Observaciones en Fenómenos Tonales de Matlatzinca”, 1945. (Typewritten)
6/9/2010 118 119 VIII Tone
North Pame and South Pame North Pame, as described by Gibson, 96 has a tone stress system where stress normally falls on the root syllable and there is a contrast of high, low, and falling pitches. Contrastively, stress may occur on the prefix syllable, and in that case the pitch is always high. The pitches on non stressed syllables are predictable. Leonardo Manrique 97 postulates a similar tone system for South Pame.
Otomi and Mazahua Mazahua has been described by Eunice Pike 98 as having tonemic and intonemic systems which operate in complementary domains. There is no lexically contrastive pitch on stem formative syllables and when these syllables occur at the end of a sentence their pitch is determined by the intonational contrasts. Stem formative syllables occurring elsewhere in the sentence have a non contrastive carrier pitch. Lexical pitch occurs on root syllables and on prefixes. Root syllables are stressed and have three contrastive pitches: high, low, and falling. (Donald Stewart, 99 working with a different variety of Mazahua, reports a contrastive upglide in addition to these three). Prefix syllables are unstressed and have only a high low pitch contrast.
The tone system of Otomi is very parallel to that Mazahua. Root syllables have three contrastive pitches: high, low, and rising. (Eastern Otomi also distinguishes a falling tone). 100 Sinclair and Pike 101 noted that final syllables in Mezquital Otomi were always high tone, but they didn”t correlate this fact with positional restriction of number of contrasts nor with the role of intonation as was done in the later analysis of Mazahua which was referred to above. Otomi prefix syllables have two contrastive pitches as in Mazahua.
96 Lorna F. Gibson, “Pame (Otomi) Phonemics and Morphophonemics”. 97 Leonardo Manrique, “Descriptive sketch of South Pame (Jiliapan Dilect)”. 98 Eunice V. Pike, loc. cit. 99 Personal communication. La Concepción, District of Ixtlahuaca, Edo. de México. 100 Eastern Otomi tone is described by Katherine Voigtlander in an unpublished paper, “Interference of Lexical Pitch and Stress by contrastive Rhythmic Pattern in Eastern Otomi”, 1963. (Typewritten) 101 Donald Sinclair and Kenneth L. Pike, “The Tonemes of Mezquital Otomi”, IJAL , XIV (1948), 91 98. For a different treatment, see Morris Swadesh and Frances Leon, “Two Views of Otomi Prosody”, IJAL ,XV (1949), 100 05. Also, see Frances Leon, “Revisión de la fonología del Otomí”, Anales del Instituto National de Antropología e Historia , XV (1962), 315 30. Recently Harvey Russel Bernard, in an unpublished paper, did a generative restatement of Mezquital Otomi tone in terms of two pitches and geminate vowels. Dictionary entries for Otomi words are marked only with the first occurrence of high tone, the other tones being specified by three ordered rules. For the tone analysis of another dialect of Otomi, see Henrietta Andrews, “Phonemes and Morphophonemes of Temoayan Otomi”, IJAL , XV (1949), 213 22. Temoaya is Southwestern Otomi.
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 120
Reconstruction of POP Tone Otopamean pitch contrasts have a grammatical as well as a lexical function. That is, a paradigm may contain tonally differentiated forms, the tone marking certain grammatical categories. Sometimes the tone alone marks the category and sometimes it is a redundant marker. The grammatical function of tone contrasts presents a problem in identifying cognates which match with respect to tone. A comparison of 32 noun paradigms was used as the nucleus of the tone reconstruction for Chichimeco and North Pame. This approach provided a certain amount of control over paradigmatic variants.
In spite of the typological differences in the tone systems of Chichimeco and North Pame, the languages belong to the same subgroup and have a very similar grammatical systems. The categories and forms in noun paradigms match almost perfectly. (Those in verb paradigms are more varied and do not match as well). It was found that the disyllabic tone patterns of Chichimeco words match the single tone stress phonemes of North Pame words. The Pamean prefixes appear to have no contrastive pitches of their own.
Pamean noun paradigms mark possession. There are four basic forms: (1) first person possessor, (2) second person possessor, (3) third person possessor and (4) third person plural possessor. ( Plural of first and second person forms do not involve stem alternants). Forms 3 and 4 differ in initial consonantism but have the same tone pattern, usually. The majority of the noun paradigms in this nuclear study have the same tone pattern for forms 1 and 3 but a contrasting tone pattern for form 2. Stem initial consonants, however, may be of the pattern ABCD where all forms are different or of the pattern EFEF where 1 and 3 are alike and 2 and 4 are alike.
The citation of tone on words is by means of diacritics written above the vowel: á or /V for high tone, à or `V for low tone, ]V for rising tone, and [V for falling tone. Capital letters are used for talking about the tones when abstracted from the segmental Phonemes: H for high tone, L for low tone, R for rising tone , and F for falling tone. The NP high tone on the prefix syllable will be written (H).
Nine of the paradigms match with NP L corresponding to Ch LH in forms 1 and 3 and NP F corresponding to Ch HL in form 2. The reconstructed paradigm is 102 *L F1.
“woman’s sister, etc.” = J (Romero Driver) 103 NP hoèo nh[o nhèo
102 *F 1 marks a falling tone different from *F 2. *F 2 is reconstructed for the correspondence of NP H or (H) to Ch HL 103 The Chichimeco forms for kinship terms are listed as given by Romero and Driver (1963) because they were carefully checked, especially where they differed from Angulo (1933). The forms are from Driver, loc. cit., , 159 60.
121 VIII Tone
Ch nàhí únhò nhí Pamean *L F1
“ojo ”eye/face” NP nattào got[ao gotào Ch k`tá útá ùrá Pamean *L F1
“nariz nose” NP conn`ã i y[õa i y`õa Ch kànú kánù kànú Pamean *L F1
“mano hand” NP ska ài skan [a skan ià *L F1 kà á kán à kàn í Pamean *L F1
“milpa field” NP kann`õa kon[õa kon`õa Ch kùnú kínù Pamean *L F1
“oreja ear” NP cokkw`ã iky[ão ik`yão Ch sùk/ã sík`ã sìk`ã Pamean *L F1
“boca mouth” NP katt` kol[ kon` Ch kàtí útì ùní Pamean *L F1
“labio lip” NP coll` ill[ i y` Ch sùní sínì sìní Pamean *L F1
“sangre blood” NP kokhwìk kikkh[i kikhì Ch kùkh/e kíkhè kìkh/e Pamean *L F1
Four of the paradigms match with NP L corresponding to Ch LH for forms 1 and 3 and NP (H) corresponding to CH HL. The reconstructed paradigm is Pamean *L F2. “mother” E (Romero Driver) NP rawí104 ác õ wac `õ Ch n/ãn/ã&& úc ` ` c / Pamean *L F2
104 The first person forms for both NP and Ch are suppletive. The NP may be from the Spanish “virgin”. The Ch náná is the word for “mother” found in many Mexican languages. The reconstruction assumes that 1 and 3 were alike in tone before the suppletion took place.
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 122
“calzones trousers” NP nokkòi nákkoi/ nakòi “skirt”105 na khòi na kh[oik na khò p “trousers” Ch rùkú rúkù rùgú Pamean *L F2
“pie foot” NP makkwà màkkwa makwà Ch nàkú ékù ègú Pamean *L F2
“plato bowl” NP nommàhag nimyáhag nimmyàhag Ch nùmá nímà nìmá Pamean *L F2
Three of the paradigms match with NP H corresponding to Ch LH for forms 1 and 3 and NP H corresponding to Ch HL for form 2. The reconstructed paradigm is Pamean. *R F2 (rising) is for the correspondence NP H to Ch LH. “sombrero hat” NP namb/éhe gowéhe gowéhe Ch nàmbá úngwà ùmá Pamean *L F2
“nombre name” NP nah/õ goh/õ goh/ o Ch nàh/ únh` ùnhí Pamean *L F2
“cuchillo knife” NP tahéš kihéš nahéš106 Ch tàté kítè tàté Pamean *L F2
Two paradigms match with NP L corresponding to Ch LH in all three forms. The reconstructed paradigm is *L .107 “grandmother” D (Romero Driver) NP rattòi attòi watòi Ch n[al/ 108 ùtú ` l/ ` rú ` Pamean *L
105 NP “skirt” more closely matches Ch “trousers”. NP “trousers” seems to be a fixed stem derived from “skirt”. The tone correspodences between NP “trousers” and ch “trousers” would call for Pamean *L F1. 106 These forms do not match in consonantism. The D forms are NP ralh/e]s and Ch ràrh/e, which do match. It looks like one or the other of the paradigms is a back formation from the D form. 107 The notation *L means that the tone is the same throught the paradigm. If two tones are listed, e.g., L F1, the first is for forms 1 and 3 and the second for form 2. 108 The Ch first person form is the suppletive na (cf. the supppletive nana for “mother”) plus the suffix l which is probably some sort of honorific.
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“father”sister, etc.” F (Romero Driver) NP rattòi attò watòi “grandmother” 109 Ch nàt/ü ùt/ü ` r/ü Pamean *L
There are three paradigms in which NP H or (H) corresponds to Ch HH for forms 1 and 3 and NP H corresponds to Ch LH for form 2. The reconstructed paradigm is *H R. “grandfather, etc.” C (Romero Driver) NP rahí wahí wanhí Ch n/ãh/ ùmh/ / nh/ Pamean *H R
“wife” N (Romero Driver) NP ía a n ía a wán ia Ch màs/ 110 ùní í úní ì Pamean *H R
“husband” M (RomeroDriver) NP yo/ã n o/ã wan o/ã Ch ná / ùn / ún / Pamean *H R
There are two paradigms in which NP H corresponds to Ch HH in forms 1 and 3 and NP L corresponds to Ch LH in form 2. The reconstructed paradigm is *H L. “parent in law” Q (Romero Driver) NP l g ly` g wan g Ch úrí ùrí / ní Pamean *H L
“excremento faeces” NP nappói gopòi gopói Ch náp/ü úv/ü ní Pamean *H L
There is one paradigm where NP H, L, and F for forms 1,2,3, respectively, correspond to Ch HH, LH, HH. The reconstructed paradigm is *H L F1. “older brother, etc.” G (Romero Driver) NP lái lyài wan[ai Ch úr ùr n Pamean *H L F1
The next paradigm shows NP H corresponding to Ch HH for forms 1 and 3 and NP H corresponding to Ch HL in form 2. The reconstructed paradigm is *H F2. “wife’s brother, etc.” O (Romero Driver) NP akkoá ekkoá wakoá Ch úkú úkù gú 111 Pamean +H
109 The two sets are really the same with respect to the basic morpheme which apparently can refer to any female relative. Ch has a nonsuppletive first person form in the second set. 110 The first person form is suppletive.
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 124
In the next paradigm NP L corresponds to Ch LH in forms 11 and 3 and NP L corresponds to Ch LH in form 2. In this case the paradigm is reconstructed as Pamean *L and the Ch HL in form 2 is attributed to analogic change influenced by the predominant pattern of contrastive second person forms. “wife’s sister, etc.” P (Romero Driver) NP kommò kimò kamò Ch kàm/ kám` kàm/ Pamean *L
In the following paradigm NP F corresponds to Ch HL for forms 1 and 3 and NP L corresponds to Ch LH for form 2. The reconstructed paradigm is *F 1 L. “estómago belly” NP naamb[ao gowào gom[ao Ch námbà ùngwá ùmá Pamean *F 1 L
The next paradigm sows NP (H) corresponding to ch HL for forms 1 and 3 and NP L corresponding to Ch LH. The reconstructed paradigm is *F 2 L. “agua water” NP kónd kiky` kí gy Ch kúndì kìrí kìndì Pamean *F 2 L
In the next paradigm NP H corresponds to Ch HL for forms 1 and 3 and NP H corresponds to Ch LH for form 2. The Ch LH is considered to be an analogical replacement of an earlier HH, influenced by the predominant pattern of a contrastive second person form. The reconstruction, then, is Pamean *F 2 . “animal animal” NP nambá i gowá i gomá i Ch námbè ùngwé úmè Pamean *F 2
In the final paradigm NP H corresponds to Ch HH for form 1 and NP H corresponds to Ch LH for forms 2 and 3. The reconstructed paradigm is *H R R. “olla crock” NP naccé goc éok gocw/é Ch nátsé ùtsé ùzé Pamean *H R R
For further control over paradigmatic tone variants a study was made of the available noun paradigms for each language on a synchronic basis to see which patterns were most numerous. The results of that study are presented in Table 27. The most numerous pattern in the two languages (NP L F, Ch LH HL) is also cognate, reconstructing as *L F1. The third most numerous pattern (NP H L, Ch HH LH) reconstructs as *H L. The other tone patterns in the same row are not cognate.
111 Angulo’s tones for this set are LH HL HL.
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The Reconstruction of Otopamean 126
TABLE 27 TONE PATTERNS IN NOUN PARADIGMS IN NORTH PAME AND CHICHIMECO NORTH PAME CHICHIMECO L F 28 LH HL 48 H 19 HL LH 27 H L 10 HH LH 5 (H) L 10 HH HL HL 4 F L 5 HL LH HH 4 L H 3 LH HL HL 4 L (H) 3 HH 1 F 2 HH LH LH 1 H F 2 LH HL LL 1 F H 1 LH LH HL 1 (H) H 1 HL LL HL 1 H L F 1 HL LH LL 1 H (H) 1 HL LH LH 1 L 3 Total 89 Total 99
Verb paradigms were also tabulated for each language. In the case of the verbs it was more difficult to choose diagnostic forms because of the increased number of the forms themselves. The third person singular of the present tense (or the progressive aspect) was considered to be the base form and any departure from the tone pattern there was listed as a variant. In each language there is a large number of verbs which have no tone variants. This fact is significant because cognate verbs in the two languages are likely to match with respect to tone. Table 28 presents the tone patterns in verb paradigms.
Encouraged by the lack of extensive tone sandhi in the verbs, I made a tabulation of the tone patterns on nonparadigmatic material in the cognate sets where tone had been recorded. The tone correspondences noted in this material were then compared with the correspondences noted in the reconstruction of the noun paradigms. The tones reconstructed in the paradigms were: *L (NP L to Ch LH), *F 1 (NP F to Ch HL), *F 2, (NP H to Ch HL), *H (NP H to Ch HH), and *R (NP H to Ch LH). These turned out to be the correspondences with the Largest number of examples in the nonparadigmatic material. Additional correspondences showed up in the nonparadigmatic material but with much fewer examples. Table 29 presents the number of examples of each correspondence in the paradigmatic material, (subdivided for kin terms and nonkin terms), and for nonparadigmatic material, (subdivided for verbs and nonverbs).
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TABLE 28 TONE PATTERNS IN VERB PARADIGMS IN NORTH PAME AND CHICHIMECO NORTH PAME CHICHIMECO H 23 HL 71 L 18 LH 34 L H 11 HH 25 H (H) 9 HL LH 20 (H) 7 LH HL 10 F (H) 3 LH HL HH 7 F H 1 HH LH 1 L F 1 HL LL HH 1 L (H) 1 F 1 H L 1 Total 76 Total 169 There are some distributional peculiarities of Pamean *R. In the paradigmatic material it always occurs in those paradigms in which NP has high tone throughout the paradigm. In the verb material *R alternates with *F 2 in 4 out of 5 examples. Probably the correspondence NP H to Ch LH is not a reflex of a Pamean toneme but is the consequence of some rule which is an innovation in one or the other languages.
The instances of *F 2 in the nonkin paradigmatic material are also connected with NP paradigms with high tone throughout. The large number of examples in the nonparadigmatic material, however, establishes the correspondence as a reflex of a Pamean toneme *F 2
TABLE 29 TONE CORRESPONDENCES BETWEEN NORTH PAME AND CHICHIMECO Paradigmatic Material Nonparadigmatic Material kin nonkin verbs nonverbs Totals *L 7 14 7 23 51 *F 1 1 10 1 10 22 *F 2 2 6 17 30 55 *H 7 3 5 17 32 *R 3 5 5 8 21
Other Correspondences NP F to Ch LF...... 4 NP L to Ch HL...... 7 NP F to Ch HH...... 3 NP L to Ch HH...... 3 NP H to Ch LL...... 1
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 128
NP H to Ch HL...... 1 The additional tone correspondences encountered in the nonparadigmatic material are discounted at this point because of the proportionately small number of examples, such that they may represent errors in matching forms for tone.
The Pamean tonemes, then, stand at *L, *F 1,*F 2, and *H.
The cognate sets for the nonparadigmatic material are listed in Appendix I.
Reconstruction of Otomi Mazahua Tone A preliminary reconstruction of Otomi Mazahua tone was done by Donald Stewart of the Summer Institute of Linguistics in 1954 1956. 112 Stewart compared four dialects of Otomi with one dialect of Mazahua. Three of the Otomi dialects had identical tones. 113 They are labeled Western Otomi in contrast to the Eastern Otomi dialect of San Gregorio. 114 San Gregorio has different tones but there is a one to one correspondence with the Western Otomi tones except in the monosyllables where two of the tones have merged to SG low tone. The tones which Stewart reconstructs for Proto Otomi are identical with those of Western Otomi. Table 30 presents the correspondence between Western and Eastern Otomi tones and the Proto Otomi reconstructions. The correspondences are grouped according to two syllable words (i.e., those with stem formative suffixes) and one syllable words (i.e., those without). There is no contrastive tone on stem formative syllables.
TABLE 30 STEWART’S RECONSTRUCTION OF PROTO OTOMI TONE Western Eastern Proto Otomi Two Syllable H R *H Words L F *L R L *R One syllable R L *R Words H L *H L F *L He compared Proto Otomi tone with Mazahua as reconstructed four tones for Proto Otomi Mazahua as if Table 31.
112 Stewart’s study is unpublished. In 1956 he presented it orally to a “Mesa Redonda Linguistica” in Mexico City under the title “Reconstrucción de Tono para Otomí Mazahua”. I have a carbon copy of that paper. 113 The three dialects are (1) Santa Clara de Juárez, municipo de San Bartolo Morelos, Mexico, (2) San Felipe y Santiago, municipio de Jiquipilco, Mexico, and (3) Mezquital Otomi of Tasquillo, Hidalgo, and of Tlacotlapilco, municipio de Cilcuautla, Hidalgo. 114 San Gregorio, Municipio de Huehuetla, Hidalgo.
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The Mazahua dialect on which Stewart based his 1956 reconstruction is that of Santa María Citendeje, which has three contrastive tones: high, low, and falling. Since then, Stewart has been doing field work in La Concepción which is in a different section of the Mazahua area. 115 La Concepión distinguishes four tones: high, low, falling, and rising. Stewart has not pursued his reconstruction any further to take in the data from La Concepión, but he very kindly made available to me a list of the Mazahua equivalents for the Spanish glosses in my corpus of cognate sets. The Mazahua forms were marked with the tone contrasts of La Concepción.
TABLE 31 STEWART’S RECONSTRUCTION OF OTOMI MAZAHUA TONE Proto Otomi Mazahua Otomi Mazahua Two Syllable H Ha/L *H Words H F *F L L *L R Ha/F *R One Syllable R F *R Words R F *H L L *L aIn the environment followed immediately by or h and another consonant.
In order to make maximum use of the data from La Concepción, I went through the Mezquital Otomi dictionary 116 for cognates with the Mazahua forms. On the basis of Stewart’s reconstruction, cited above, the Mezquital forms would be representative of Proto Otomi tone. A substantial number of cognates, about 200, resulted from the comparison. These cognates were grouped into 12 groups according to the sets of tone correspondences. The phonological characteristics of the words in each group were noted for determining complementary distribution of the sets of correspondences. Table 32 summarizes this information. The full list of Otomi Mazahua cognates is given in appendix J.
TABLE 32 TONE CORRESPONDENCES BETWEEN OTOMI AND MAZAHUA Maz H Maz L Maz F Maz R I II III IV Ot R 4 sets 23 sets 16 sets 32 sets 11 “one”a 9 “one” 11 “one” 12 “two” 7 “two” 21 “two”
115 It is in the municipio of Ixtlahuaca, México. Santa María Citendeje is in the municipio of Jocotitlán, Mexico. 116 “Diccionario Castellano Otomí; Otomí Castellano,” Cuadernos del Valle del Mezquital, I, Numero 1, (Itzmiquilpan, Mexico: Ediciones del Patrimonio del Valle del Mezquital y el Instituto Lingüístico de Verano, 1956), vii 283.
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 130
V VI VII VIII Ot H 13 sets 40 sets 40 sets 28 sets 16 “one” 3 “one” 19 “one” 24 “two” 37 “two” 9 “two” /hCV not /hCV
IX X XI XII Ot L 6 sets 84 sets 9 sets 8 sets 82 “two” cpds. 2 “one” aThe numbers “one” and “two” refer to one and two syllable words, respectively.
The tones reconstructed for Otomi Mazahua are *H, *F, *L, and *R, the same as Stewart reconstructed. The correspondences in the present analysis differ from Stewart’s where Santa María has eliminated *R by merger with H and F. The rules specify the changes in Santa María. (1) *R > H a/F in two syllables words. (2) *R > H in one syllable words. Stewart’s reconstruction of *R in two syllable words is justified by the dialect of La concepción.
The sets of correspondences for one syllable words have been assigned to different proto tonemes. The new correspondence Ot H to Maz R (where Concepción R replaces Santa Maria H a/F) is reconstructed as *R. The correspondence Ot R to Maz F which is the same as in the earlier materials is now assigned to *F whereas Stewart had reconstructed it as *R. The new materials show Ot R corresponding to Maz L in monosyllables as reflexes of *L. This contrasts with Stewart’s correspon dence of Ot L to Maz L for *L. Table 33 presents the correspondences and the reconstructions of the two analyses. The Roman numerals refer to the groups on Table 32 above.
TABLE 33 OTOMI MAZAHUA TONE RECONSTRUCTION COMPARISON OF THE TWO RECONSTRUCTIONS Stewart Present Analysis Ot Maz Ot Maz Ot Maz Ot Maz Two Syll. H Ha/L *H H Ha/L *H (V, VI) H F *F H F *F(VII) L L *L L Ha/L *L(IX, X) R Ha/F *R R Ha/R *R (I, IV) R F *R R F *F(III) H H *H H R *R(VIII) L L *L R L *L (II) aIn the Environment followed immediately by or h and another consonant.
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The environments postulated by Stewart for the different sets of correspon dences are confirmed by the present more exhaustive study. The correspondences in Table 33 and the environments specified there match the groups in Table 32 and account for all the groups except IX (Ot L to Maz H), XI (Ot to Maz F) and XII (Ot L to Maz R). These groups have very few examples compared with the other groups. Group XI seems to be composed of compound words. The other groups do not present any distinctive characteristics. They may be false cognates or there may be some other factors involved which we can’t see at present.
Matlatzinca Ocuilteco Tone Available materials on Matlatzinca and Ocuilteco tone are too scanty to permit a reconstruction at this time.
Otopamean Tone The reconstruction of Otomi Mazahua tone for the Otomian subgroup and the reconstruction of North Pame Chichimeco tone for the Pamean subgroup provide a basis for reconstructing certain features of Otopamean tone. The lack of a Mtz Oc tone reconstruction is not crucial because we have a representative from the Otomian subgroup in the shape of Ot Maz.
For the reconstruction of Otopamean tone a corpus of 147 cognate sets was assembled for which there is a tone corresspondence between the two sub groups. The corpus is listed in Appendix K.
Table 34 displays the characteristics of the groups of words for the sets of tone correspondences between the sub groups. The number of examples of the correspondence appears in the appropriate cell along with the number of those examples which end in a POP consonant ( C) and the number which are without a final consonant ( #) and the number which have a vowel cluster (VV), The vowel cluster category overlaps the category of final consonant.
TABLE 34 TONE CORRESPONDENCES BETWEEN OTOMIAN AND PAMEAN Ot Maz *R Ot Maz *L Ot Maz *F Ot Maz *H
Pn F 1 6 sets 10 sets 3 sets 2 sets 0 C 8 C 1 C 1 C 6 # 2 # 2 # 1 # 2 VV 8 VV
Pn *F 2 4sets 14 sets 8 sets 7 sets 1 C 13 C 3 C 2 C 3 # 1 # 5 # 5 #
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 132
2 VV 6 VV 4 VV 3 VV
(cont.) Ot Maz *R Ot Maz *L Ot Maz *F Ot Maz *H Pn *L 18 sets 7 sets 18 sets 6 sets 4 C 5 C 12 C 3 C 14 # 2 # 6 # 3 # 8 VV 4 VV 6 VV 5 VV
Pn *H 8 sets 9 sets 3 sets 7 C 8 C 1 C 1 # 1 # 2 # 3 VV 2 VV 1 VV
Pn *R 3 sets 3 sets 3 C 2 C 0 # 1 # 1 VV 2 VV Note: For each correspondence the total of sets shown at the top equals the sum of the sets with final consonant and those with final vowel. The numbers given for VV are included (i.e., overlap) those given for C andór #.
Those correspondences which are represented by three or less examples are ignored as probable chance correspondences. This eliminates the correspondences Ot Maz *F to Pn *F 1, Ot Maz *H to Pn *F 2, Ot Maz *F to Pn H, Ot Maz *L to Pn *R, and Ot Maz *L to Pn *F. The phonological feature which seems most consistently connected with the tone correspondences is that of final consonantism. A final consonant is prominent in the columns with Ot Maz *L and *F. The absence of a final consonantism is prominent in the columns with Ot Maz *R and *H, except for the case of the correspondence Ot Maz *R to Pamean *H, where, conversely, final consonants predominate. In the case of the correspondence Ot Maz *H to Pn *L, moreover, the number of sets without final consonants is exactly equal to that of sets with final consonants. The reconstructed tone units I, II, III, and VI (see Table 35 below) have been chosen so as to unite those correspondences which share the same Pamean tone and which pair reflexes of Ot Maz *L in the environment of final C with those of Ot Maz *R in the environment of final V (i.e., #), or else which pair reflexes of Ot Maz *F in the environment of final C with those of Ot Maz *H in the environment of final V (i.e., #). These groupings and complementations then account for all significantly large sets of corrspondences except for the two above mentioned with aberrant incidence of tone consonantism relation (viz., Ot Maz *R to Pn *H and OT Maz *H to Pn *L). These two sets of correspondences which do not show parallel relations between tone and environment are provisionally grouped with those remaining sets showing expected tone consonant relations so as to form tone units IV and V according to the shared Pamean tone.
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TABLE 35 OTOPAMEAN TONE RECONSTRUCTIONS Final Consonant No Final Consonant POP Tone
O M *L to Pn *F 1 O M *R to Pn *F 1 I *[FL] O M *L to Pn *F 2 O M *R to Pn *F 2 II *[HF] O M *L to Pn *L O M *R to Pn *L III *[L] O M *L to Pn *H O M *R to Pn *H IV *[R] O M *L to Pn *L O M *H to Pn *L V *[F] O M *L to Pn *F 2 O M *H to Pn *F 2 VI *[H] The phonetic characteristics which we might imagine POP to have had are hinted at above in Table 35. Three POP tones seem to have had some contour of falling pitch: I *FL, II *HF, and V *F. Tone II might be thought of as low, tone IV as rising, and tone VI as high. It is hazardous to try to be more specific about the falling tones, but if F is thought of as a direct straight line fall, FL (“fall + low”) could be pictured as a sharp fall, and HF (“high + fall”) could be pictured as a slow, or delayed fall.
The Development of POP Tone
Otomian Rules Otomian lowers POP tones I [FK], II [HF], and IV [R] to L and places a downglide on VI [H]. Then it raises L to R and takes the downglide from F, producing H, in words without final consonant.
I,II,IV L (1) → VI F
L R (2) → in env. ___# F H
The derivation of Otomian tones via these rules is shown in Figure 4. I II III IV V VI [FL] [HF] [L] [R] [F] [H] Rule 1 L L L F Rule 2 R# R# R# R# H# H# Fig. 4. Derivation of Otomian Tones
Otomi moves a gliding tone to its end point in monosyllables (derived from POP roots without final consonants): *R goes to H; *F goes to L. Then all low tones (original ones and those resulting from the preceding rule) are raised to R on
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 134 monosyllables. In two syllable stems (the second syllable from a POP final consonant), Otomi takes a downglide from *F, producing H. The statement of rules in this order makes it unnecessary to state the environment for the last rule.
R H 1. → in env. ___# F L
2. L > R in env. #
3. F > H
The derivation of Otomi tone via these three rules is shown in Figure 5. *L *R *F *H Rule 1 H# L# Rule 2 R# Rule 3 H Fig. 5. The Derivation of Otomi Tones
Mazahua has one rule for the derivation of its tones from Otomian tones. A high tone is lowered to L everywhere except before a glottal stop followed by another consonant.
+ gtl H → L except in env. ___ []+ cns − cnt
The derivation of Mazahua tones is shown in Figure 6.
*L *R *F *H
L a
Fig. 6. The derivation of Mazahua Tones
aIn all environments except followed by and another consonant.
Pamean Rules There are three rules for the development of Pamean tones from POP tones. The first rule decomposes the simple tones to sequences of pitches: L, H, R, and F become LL, HF, LH, and HL, respectively. Then the sequences FL and HF (from all sources) to to Pamean F 1 and F 2, respectively. The third rule deletes the first member of the remaining tone sequences.
135 VIII Tone
[L] LL []H HF (1) → []R LH []F HL
FL F1 (2) → HF F2
(3) T(tone) > in env. T
The derivation of Pamean tones from POP tones via the three rules is shown in figure 7. I II III IV V VI [FL] [HF] [L] [R] [F] [H] Rule 1 LL LH HL HF Rule 2 F1 F2 F2 Rule 3 L H L Fig. 7. The Derivation of Pamean Tones
Pame has one derivational rule. It changes F 2 to H.
F1 F2 L H
H
Fig. 8. The Derivation of Pame Tones
Chichimeco has two derivational rules. The first rule decomposes the Pamean tones into sequences of tones, merging the reflexes of F 1 and F 2. The second rule distributes the tone sequences over the root syllable and its prefex.
L LH (1) F1, F2 → HL H HH
(2) Pref. Root T1 T 2 → Pref. T1 Root T2
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 136
The derivation of Chichimeco tones from Pamean tones is shown in Figure 9.
F1 F2 L H
HL HL LH HH
Fig. 9. The Derivation of Chichimeco Tones
CHAPTER VIII THE RECONSTRUCTION OF POP PREFIXES
The purpose of this chapter is to present the problems inherent in the reconstruction of POP prefixes. Jacques Soustelle affirmed in 1937 that if we had only the verbal prefixes to compare for the Otomi Pame group, “toute affirmation de parenté entre ces divers langages demeurerait très téméraire.” 117 He made this comment after he had demonstrated extensive matchings in vocabulary, pronouns, and parts of the morphology.
The development of the stem initial consonant alternations involved the loss of one group of prefixes and the introduction of new prefixes. One might expect that the new prefixes, having less time depth than the old consonant alternations, would present rather close matches right down the line, but this is not the case. Between the subgroups the number of cognate prefixes is very small. Within the subgroups there are more correspondences of present day prefixes, but there is not the regularity of sound correspondence that is seen in the stems. There are several possible explanations of this lack of correspondence. The formation of the new prefixes may have been through independent but parallel developments in the separate languages, making use of elements already in the language and adapting them for prefix use. These elements may have retained some of the characteristics of free forms, including that of optional occurrence. Secondly, there is evidence of a layering or clustering of prefixes with later coalescence into a single syllable by morphophonemic rules. In addition, analogic change has operated within the morphological subsystems marked by the prefixes, obscuring the results of phonetic change.
Some of the best matches with respect to the prefixes are encountered in Pamean. This is partly due to the greater integration of prefix and stem in the word. North Pame tone stress occurs mostly on the root, but it may occur on the prefix. The Chichimeco tone unit is spread over prefix and root. A good amount of data is available for the Pamean prefixes because of the paradigmatic material gathered for studying the consonant alternations. Angulo’s article 118 is the source of the Chichimeco data. For North Pame an unpublished paper by Donald Olson of the
117 Jacques Soustelle, loc . cit ., 427. 118 Angulo, loc . cit .
6/9/2010 137 The Reconstruction of Otopamean 138
Summer Institute of Linguistics provides material on verb prefixes 119 and an unpublished paper by Lorna Gibson provides material on the noun prefixes. 120
The Noun Prefixes The noun prefixes mark several different things. Some are derivational prefixes as the following North Pame analysis by Gibson illustrates. With nouns derived from the C stem of verbs, ka marks “agentive;” nga, “someone’s attitude or action;” ki, “place connected with action.” With nouns derived from the D stem, na marks “nominalized action in general;” ki, “something you do;” ko, “liquid;” ka, “agentive.” The prefix nda plus the A stem marks “instrumental.” The prefix lo plus the B stem marks “subject of intransitive action;” nda, “instrumental.” Note that two of the prefixes occur with more than one form of the verb.
Some prefixes mark number of the noun. Most of these prefixes demonstrate a morphophonemic relationship between the singular prefix (which is often one and the same with the derivational prefix) and the corresponding plural prefix. The NP data here are from Gibson. The analysis of the morphophonemics is mine, however.
The singular prefixes look like C forms morphophonemically, i.e., basic p, t, or s with a NV prefix. The plural prefixes look like B forms morphophonemically, i.e., basic p, t, or s with a V prefix. The actual morphophonemic rules here differ somewhat from those of the ABCD stem forms. Similar to C forms, the result of the nasal prefix plus a stop is a nasal consonant. In contrast to C stem forms, the result of a nasal plus the sibilant is an affricate. In addition, the nasal consonants resulting from the first rule merge to g before the vowel o.121 Table 36 shows the results of the combination of morphophonemes in singular prefixes.
Table 36 shows the results of the combination of morphophonemes in the corresponding plural prefixes. The result of the vocalic prefix plus a stop is a vocalic consonant and the sibilant is unchanged, just as in B forms. Note that either vocalic consonant becomes a nasal consonant (symbolized M) in the environment where it would occur before the vowel o (except that plural ro corresponds to singular no). The merger to M in the plural prefixes corresponds to the merger to go in the singular prefixes.
There is an alternate explanation for the singular prefix set ma, mi, go and the plural prefix set wa, wi, M an explanation which goes back to an earlier horizon. The underlying consonant is postulated as **k w which becomes POP *p except before the vowel *o (hence NP go). Thus, **NV kwa, **NV kwi, **NV kwo results in *NV pa, *NV pi, *NV ko and, consequently, ma, mi, go. Likewise,
119 Donald Olson, “Person aspect Morphemes of Pame Verbs,” 1954. (Typewritten) 120 Lorna F. Gibson, “Patterning in Pame Noun Morphology,” 1964. (Typewritten) 121 A prefix no exists, but it appears to have a different source, perhaps from a coalescence of something like na plus ko.
139 VIII Prefixes
**V kwa, **V kwi, **V K results in *V pa, *V pi, *V ko and wa, wi, * o. The * is then replaced by the nasal M. The go singular and M plural for (NV, V) t would be analogy after **k w went to *p in the underlying form This is worth noting here, since, unlike the rest of the prefix problems, it affects the reconstruction of consonant features, and ties in with other, e.g., suffix phenomena. Cf. the frequent correspondence of a reflex of *k in one language to a reflex of *m in another language, and vice versa, Chapter V.
TABLE 36 NORTH PAME SINGULAR NOUN PREFIXES a i o NV + p ma mi go NV + t na ni go, no NV + s ca i co TABLE 37 NORTH PAME PLURAL NOUN PREFIXES a i o V + p wa wi M122 V + t la, ra li, ri M, ro V + s sa ši so In addition to those prefixes just discussed, there are other NP prefixes marking number. The plural prefix for a number of NP words is ri or i although the corresponding singular prefix is of several different shapes. These may be specific plural prefixes of a more independent sort because they are matched by the South Pame plural prefixes y and re reported by Manrique.123 Unfortunately, parallel Chichimeco forms are not available for the plural prefixes. Angulo indicates that number suffixes mark the number of Ch nouns as the active process. However, some remnants of the morphophonemic relation between singular and plural prefixes are found in the prefixes of nouns which are typically plural as opposed to prefixes of nouns which are typically singular. E.g., “children” Ch ru, ri, ri, but “child” Ch nu, ni, ni. Perhaps Ch cu, ci, ci, in “wing” are plural prefixes in contrast to the singular prefixes su, si, si, as in “lips” (parallel to NP co, ci, ci; so, ši, ši). However the affricates may be by assimilation to the second syllable of the word, e.g., cúc` “my wing” from *súc` .
The Otomi and Mazahua singular and plural prefixes for nouns have just one form for singular and one for plural. These are combined with prefixes marking the category in sight/out of sight, as in Table 38.
122 The M symbolizes a nasal consonant which assimilates to the point of articulation of the stem initial consonant. 123 Manrique, “Structural Sketch of South Pame.”
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 140
141 VIII Prefixes
TABLE 38 OTOMI AND MAZAHUA NOUN PREFIXES Singular Plural in sight out of sight in sight out of sight Ot (SF) a n r kar y k Ot (MEZ) b ra ya Maz nu e k e yo k o aDialect of San Felipe Santiago, Edo. de Mexico. bDialect of the Mezquital Valley, Edo. de Hidalgo.
The sound correspondences in these prefixes are not the same as those in stems, but Otomi ra and Mazahua e appear to be cognate and Otomi y and Mazahua yo appear to be cognate.
Besides marking derivation and number, noun prefixes also mark person of the possessor for possessed nouns. An analysis I made on the basis of Gibson’s noun paper of North Pame showed a remarkable correlation of ABCD forms with prefixes containing the vowel a in the first person and the vowel o in second and third persons. There was a similar correlation of EFEF stem forms with prefixes containing o in first person and i in second and third persons. There are Chichimeco correspondences for both types of prefix sets as well as of two other types, one where the first and second persons have the vowel a and second person as i and another type where the prefix is unchanged for the three persons. The cognate prefix sets are as follows.
With ABCD Stem Forms NP na ngo ngo Ch na u u *Pn *na *no 124 *no
NP ka ko ko Ch ka u u *Pn *ka *ko *ko With EFEF Stem Forms NP ko ki ki Ch ku ki ki *Pn *ko *ki *ki
NP co i ci Ch tsu tši tsi *Pn *co *ci *ci (sing.)
124 Perhaps an early crossing with *ko.
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 142
NP so ši si Ch su si si *Pn *so *si *si (plural)
NP no ni ni Ch nu ni ni *Pn *no *ni *ni (sing.)
NP ro ri ri Ch ru ri ri *Pn *ro *ri *ri (plural) Other Patterns NP ta ki na Ch ta ki ta 125 *Pn *ta *ki *na
NP ska ska ska Ch ka ka ka *Pn *(s)ka *(s)ka *(s)ka Words which are cognate with respect to their stems don’t necessarily match for prefix set. Evidently words have been re assigned to other prefix sets in those cases. Then too, as would be expected, there are prefix sets in each language which do not match a cognate set in the other language. The cognate prefix sets mentioned above are, however, evidence of a common development of noun prefixes in Pamean at least.
The North Pame and Chichimeco kinship terms would merit special study because their prefixes are irregular, different from those found with nonkinship nouns, suggesting retentions from an older system. The kinship prefixes do not, however match in any easy fashion between North Pame and Chichimeco although there is a remarkable correlation of stem forms. The scope of the present work prohibits more than a simple listing of the forms. Table 39 presents the corresponding prefixes for cognate kinship terms in North Pame and Chichimeco. The sets of prefixes are identified by the capital letters used by Romero and Driver in their material on Chichimeco kinship. 126 Only the prefixes are given. Full forms are given in the chapter on tone.
There are no cognate noun prefixes between Pame and Otomian. Furthermore, there is a lack of agreement within the Otomian subgroup for prefixes marking possessor. The Otomian languages, with the exception of Ocuilteco, have only one set of possessor prefixes, whereas the Pamean languages and Ocuilteco point to multiple prefix sets for POP. The lack of agreement between the prefix sets
125 Ch ta is probably analogical. 126 Driver and Driver, loc . cit .
143 VIII Prefixes in the Otomian languages can be attributed to the generalization of a different prefix set or to the formation of an entirely new prefix set modeled, perhaps, on one of the POP sets.
TABLE 39 PREFIXES FOR NORTH PAME AND CHICHIMECO KINSHIP TERMS North Pame Chichimeco 1 2 3 1 2 3 J # n n i na u e127 G # y n na u e O a e wa u u e P ka ki ka ka ka ka L na ngo ngo 128 u M na ngo ngo na u u N i n wan (ma) 129 u u Q # i wa u u e D ra a wa na u e E ra a wa na u e F ra a wa na u e B ra i wo (ta) 129 u e C ra wa wa na u e
The noun prefixes marking possession in each of the Otomian languages are shown in Table 40. Otomi and Mazahua have one set each. Matlatzinca has one set for nouns referring to humans and another set for other nouns. Ocuilteco has a more complex system which has been only partially investigated. The prefix sets encountered so far are listed in the table.
TABLE 40 OTOMIAN POSSESSOR PREFIXES
1 2 3 Otomi mà nì rá Mazahua ín ìn ó Matlatzinca we tu tu (human) the ri ri (other)
127 The e corresponds to Romero and Driver’s , which appears to belong to the e phoneme. 128 There are no Ch cognates of these forms. 129 The Ch first person form is suppletive.
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 144
1 2 3 Ocuilteco m130 lì 131 nì ní ní m pì pí pì wà wè wè m nà né né n nà ná nì
The Verb Prefixes The verb prefixes show some matches but there are many irregularities of sound correspondence and many instances of suppletion and general reshaping of prefix sets.
North Pame and Chichimeco have similar prefixes for transitive and intransitive verbs in progressive, unreal progressive, perfective, and unreal perfective aspects. The names just cited are those given to the aspects in North Pame. The Chichimeco equivalents are the major prefix sets 39 and 64 for transitive and sets 59 and 65 for intransitive. 132 Ch anterior past matches the perfective; potential matches the unreal perfective; future matches the progressive; and potential and contempo raneous match the unreal progressive. Table 41 presents the corresponding NP and Ch prefix sets for these categories. First and third persons are grouped next to one another because they frequently have the same form. Second person forms are different and usually have the vowel i.
Some of the prefixes in the chart are obviously complex, inviting segmentation and the formulation of morphophonemic rules. For instance, the unreal forms appear to contain an additional nasal element. The transitive perfective forms in NP also contain an additional nasal element, but it is different from that of the unreal forms in its morphophonemic behavior.
TABLE 41 NORTH PAME AND CHICHIMECO VERB PREFIX CORRESPONDENCES
1 3 2 NP Transitive Perfective no ndo ni Ch Set 39, Anterior Past tu u ki
NP Intransitive Perfective ta ko ki Ch Set 59, Anterior Past ta u ki
130 Syllabic nasal. 131 Voiceless syllabic l. 132 The numbers of the major prefix sets and the names of aspects are from Angulo, op . cit .
145 VIII Prefixes
1 3 2 NP Tr. Unreal Perfective nto mdo mni Ch Set 39, Potential nu mu mi
NP Intr. Unreal Perfective nta mba ngi Ch Set 59, Potential ma ma mi
NP Transitive Progressive la wa ki Ch Set 39, Future ga ga ki
NP Intransitive Future ta la ko Ch Set 59, Future ta ga ki
NP Tr. Unreal Progressive ndo/nda nda ngi Ch Set 64, Potential and Contemporaneous mu mu mu
NP Intr. Unreal Progressive nta nda nko Ch Set 65, Potential and Contemporaneous na na za
The reconstruction of these prefixes (and others not shown in the above chart) will constitute an interesting study in sorting out the effects of regular sound change, morphophonemic rules affecting the coalescences of compound prefixes, and analogic reshaping. Such a study would be too extensive to incorporate in the present reconstruction.
The verb prefixes in the present day languages generally mark person and aspect. Matlatzinca verb prefixes also mark number. Soustelle drew special attention to this feature of Matlatzinca and thought it was peculiar to Matlatzinca except for a few verb prefixes marking number in Chichimeco. 133 It is true that Otomi and Mazahua verb prefixes do not mark number, but North Pame as well as Chichimeco marks the number of a first person subject in at least some aspects and prefix sets (Ch set 59, for example). There are no apparent cognates between the NP Ch number prefixes and those of Matlatzinca, however. Some of the NP and Ch number prefixes do seem to be cognate.
Table 42 presents the Matlatzinca verb prefixes for the timeless aspect. The dual forms appear to have the base kwen. The second person en shows a palatalized from an earlier *k or *kw, probably due to a compounding with second person singular i. The plural forms show an additional aspiration in the first and second persons. The third person plural prefix is a suppletive morpheme, reflecting again the Otopamean feature of especially distinguishing the third person plural.
133 Soustelle, loc . cit ., p. 426.
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 146
TABLE 42 MATLATZINCA VERB PREFIXES MARKING NUMBER
Singular Dual Plural First Person tu/ta kwen kwhen Second Person i en hen/ o 134 Third Person # kwen ron Table 43 presents some of the corresponding North Pame and Chichimeco prefixes marking the number of a first person subject. Note that the vowel a predominates in singular forms, i in dual forms, and u is frequent in plural forms. The dual i resembles the dual suffix in NP. The plural u resembles the Ch plural h .
TABLE 43 NORTH PAME AND CHICHIMECO VERB PREFIXES MARKING NUMBER
Singular Dual Plural NP la ta wa Ch na na nu ta ti gu ma ma mu
NP ta ti i nta nti mbi Ch ta ti gu ta ti ti ka ki ki Last in this survey of Otopamean prefixes is a display of Otomi, Mazahua, and Matlatzinca verb prefixes for what we will label as the present, past, and future tenses, Table 44. There are several similarities, some of which certainly reflect some cognate prefixes, e.g., Ot Maz first person past, Mtz Maz second person future, and Ot Maz third person future.
134 The alternant o is a different reflex of the labio velar *kw (*ko).
147 VIII Prefixes
TABLE 44 SOME VERB PREFIXES IN OTOMI, MAZAHUA, AND MATLATZINCA
1 2 3 Ot Present dí gí ì Maz rì ìm # Mtz tu ki/ i #
Ot Past dú gú bì Maz ró ím ó Mtz ta ki/ o tu/ka
Ot Future gù gì dà Maz rá rí rà Mtz ru ri karitatu
The prefix syllables of Otopamean present a more complex problem in reconstruction than do the stems. At present we are doing little more than lining up some of the material which may contribute to a more extensive treatment later on.
CHAPTER IX OTOPAMEAN AND OTOMANGUEAN
Otomanean is a branch of Otomanguean along with Mixtecan, Popolocan, Amuzgo, Zapotecan, Chinantecan, and Chiapanec Mangue. Similarities between Otomi and Zapotec and other of the so called Otomanguean languages were pointed out many years ago by men like Belmar and Pimentel.135 In 1939, Lawrence Ecker published a comparison of Mixtec (San Miguel el Grande) and Otomi (Mezquital), 136 suggesting some tentative phonological correspondences as well as some twelve general characteristics common to Otomi and Mixtec. (He counts Mix s Ot š; Mix š ts; and Mix k Ot p or k as fairly sure correspondences.) He hoped to demonstrate that “the two groups are not separated by such a long period of independent development as some other circumstances may seem to indicate.”137
The Otomanguean grouping was made by a “largely intuitive application of comparative and reconstructive method,” as McQuown puts it. 138 McQuown considers Ecker’s proposed Mixtec Otomi grouping to be less than convincing and short of a full reconstruction. Ecker probably did as much as anyone could to demonstrate a relationship between two languages as far removed from each other as Otomi and Mixtec. Ecker also had to work with limited data from those languages with little or no control of the sources of the present day forms in the respective languages.
Now, however, we are in a much better position to specify the relationship of Otopamean with the rest of Otomanguean because of the detailed reconstruction of Mixtecan by Longacre 139 and Popolocan by Gudschinsky. 140 Gudschinsky also laid the foundation for the reconstruction of Popolocan Mixtecan. Longacre subsequently amplified Gudschinsky’s reconstruction and further clarified the
135 Francisco Belmar, Lenguas Indígenas de M/exico . La Familia Mixteco Zapoteca y sus Relaciones con el Otomi , (M/exico: n.p., 1905), 374 pp. Francisco Pimentel, op . cit 136 Lawrence Ecker, “Relationship of Mixtec to the Otomian Languages,” El México Antiguo , IV (1939), 209 240. 137 Ibid ., p. 216. 138 Norman A. McQuown, “The Indigenous Languages of Latin America,” American Anthropologist , LVII (1955), 501 570. Quote from page 577. 139 Robert E. Longacre, “Proto Mixtecan,” Indiana University Research Center in Anthropology, Folklore, and Linguistics , Publication 5, 1957, pp. vii 195. 140 Sarah C. Gudschinsky, “Proto Popotecan,” Indiana University Publications in Anthropology and Linguistics , Memoir 15, 1959, pp. vii 118.
6/9/2010 148 149 Appendix A North Pame Verb Paradigms structure of Popolocan Mixtecan grammar. 141 He added a number of cognate sets to those proposed by Gudschinsky. The combined number of cognate sets amounts to finding Proto Popolocan Mixtecan etyma for fifty per cent of Gudschinsky’s Popolocan reconstructions. 142 Many of the Popolocan Mixtecan cognates are rather divergent in form and semantics, but they are justified by the regular patterns of consonant alternations evident in Mixtecan paradigms and by similar patterns of consonant alternations between semantically related words in both Mixtecan and Popolocan. These and other phonological modifications are explained as influenced by preposed and postposed elements. Longacre highlights five points of Proto Popolocan Mixtecan grammar (morphophonemic features) which he feels strengthens the case for the reconstruction.
(1) Noun paradigms were marked by one of two patterns of consonantal alternation, either (a) *t, *ty, y, *n or (b) * , * , y, *n. (2) Verb paradigms were marked by *k w, *k, y/*x/*w, and *t/* . (3) Any of the above could occur with a preposed nasal, either (a) *m before y, *w, and *n, or (b) *n before other consonants. This preposed nasal was sometimes final on a preposed CV syllable, sometimes simply a preposed consonant. (4) Postposed elements included: (a) an element here symbolized as * m but which could conceivably have been * mV; (b) * (or * V ) plus or minus *m, and (c) * xV plus or minus * m. Element (a) sometimes resulted in a dissimulation of labials giving such alternations as *x wV/*xVm and *k wV/*kVm. (5) * C and *C alternated in some roots. 143
Soustelle saw a number of lexical similarities between Otomi and languages of the Popolocan family, especially Chocho and Popoloca. 144 Swadesh, in his article on the Otomanguean hypothesis, 145 based his lexico statistic counts on Mazahua from Otopamean and Ixcatec from Popolocan. He found twenty two apparent cognates out of ninety seven pairs. Although there is room for disagreement respecting the identification of specific cognates, more lexical similarities are apparent between Otopamean and Popolocan than between Otopamean and Mixtecan or any of the other branches of Otomanguean. But even between Otopamean and Popolocan there is not a very impressive array of cognates demonstrating regular phonological correspondences.
141 Robert E. Longacre, “Amplification of Gudschinsky’s Proto Popolocan Mixtecan,” IJAL, XXVIII (1962), 227 42. 142 I.e., for 179 out of 356 Proto Popolocan sets. 143 Longacre, “Amplification of Gudschinsky’s Proto Popolocan Mixtecan,” loc . cit ., pp. 237. 144 See Soustelle’s section on the relationship of Otomi Pame and Mixtec Zapotec, loc . cit ., pp. 435 39. 145 Swadesh, loc . cit . Swadesh makes further observations on the incorporation of Otopamean into Otomanguean (working chiefly with Otomi and Mazahua) in “Algunos Problemas de la Lingüística Otomangue,” Anales de Antropología , I (1964), 91 123.
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 150
Proto Otopamean and Proto Popolocan Mixtecan If we had only the lexical similarities, the case would not be very good for incorporating Otopamean into the reconstruction of Otomanguean. However, in several cases where there appear to be cognates between Otopamean and Popolocan Mixtecan, there is an alternation of consonants in Otopamean which parallels fairly closely the alternations in Popolocan Mixtecan. The Otopamean consonant alternation spoken of here is an earlier phenomenon than the consonant alternation of the ABCD forms described in Chapter III. The earlier alternation is deduced from groups of words with related meanings which share certain phonological features.
The alternation of t , th, and mh is deduced from the POP words *t m “atole,” *th t “tamale,” and *mh “tortilla.” Note how similar this alternation is to Longacre’s PPnMx reconstruction * ni, *xVm ni for “maize ear.” (PPn 239 * nih “maize ear,” 199 *hme “maize;” PMx 37 * ni “maize.”) The basic root initial consonant is * n. The m replacive is due to the preposed *xVm . The t in POP alternates with n in the old tV paradigm.
The alternation of n, nh, th, and t is deduced from the POP words *nõa mh “to plow,” *nhõa mh “cornfield,” *thõa “maize,” and *t oa p “a plow.” Compare Longacre’s PPnMx reconstruction *nam, *tam, *ntam “cornfield.” (PPn 251 *nu “cornfield;” PMx *tam, * ndam “cornfield.”) The nh in POP “milpa” is a D form of the n in “to plow.” The t in “maize” and “a plow” indicate an alternation between t and n such as is found in the POP tV paradigm.
The alternation of , t , n , y, and c is deduced from the POP words *t a s, *n a s “scissors,” * ia s “to cut with scissors,” *nia s “carpenter,” and *c a s “sharp.” Compare Longacre’s PPnMx reconstruction *k we(m), ye(m), *nDe(m) 146 “sharp. (PPn 344 yahu “sharpen,” 72 *k (š ) “sharp;” Pmx ya(m) “sharp,” 55 * nde “knife.”) This set is important because the y alternant appears to be preserved in Otopamean in spite of the general elimination of semi vowels. The c in POP “sharp” could correspond to PPMx *nDe(m) because in several sets POP *c corresponds to PPnMx * .
These three instances of similar consonant alternation in probably cognate sets are strong evidence for genetic relationship. A thorough incorporation of Otopamean into Otomanguean is beyond the scope of the present dissertation. Such a work is being undertaken by Calvin Rensch for his Ph.D. dissertation at the University of Pennsylvania. Rensch is taking into account all seven branches of Otomanguean (Otopamean, Popolocan, Mixtecan, Amuzgo, Chinantecan, Zapotecan, and Chiapanec Mangue). This chapter presents forty six apparent cognate sets between Otopamean and Popolocan Mixtecan, along with preliminary observations about sound correspondences and possible explanations of the differences between
146 PPnMx D stands for a reconstruction which could be either *t or * .
151 Appendix A North Pame Verb Paradigms the phoneme inventories of POP and PPnMx. The reconstructed phonemes of PPnMx and POP are displayed in Figure 10.
Popolocan Mixtecan Otopamean
t ty k kw i ï u p t k i o
y x xw e a o c e a
n ny m s
y w m n
Fig. 10. Phoneme inventories of Popolocan-Mixtecan and Otopamean
Popolocan Mixtecan consonants include palatalized and labialized stops and fricatives and the semivowels *w and *y. The PPnMx system is in contrast to the much simpler consonant inventory in Otopamean which does not have palatalized or labialized consonants, nor does it have semi vowels. On the other hand, POP has a bilabial stop which is absent in PPnMx.
The consonant correspondences in the cognate sets are as follows: 147 POP *t : PPnMx *t (4, 41, 62, 63, 64, 82) POP *n : PPnMx *n (206G, 238G, 62) POP *t : PPnMx *n (247G, 205G, 59) POP *n : PPnMx *t/ty (85, 42G) POP *k : PPnMx *k (16, 68G, 47G, 248G, 287G) POP *k : PPnMx *k w (13, 52G, 85G) POP *p : PPnMx *w (313G, 324G, 328G) POP *m : PPnMx *w (58, 75) POP *m : PPnMx *m (58, 59, 75, 76) POP *o : PPnMx *w (71, 72, 73) POP *ni : PPnMx y (6, 8, 66, 70, 78, 82, 238G, 252G) POP *c/s : PPnMx * / (18, 19, 29, 31, 105G, 20, 24) POP *h : PPnMx *x/x w (188G, 51) POP * : PPnMx * (58, 72, 73, 78)
The correspondences of POP *t to PPnMx *n and POP *n to PPnMx *t probably reflect the alternation of *t and *n in the proto language.
The correspondence of POP *p to PPnMx *w indicates a source for POP *p. The correspondence of POP *m with PPnMx *w indicates a source for POP initial *m. The PPnMx *m was very limited in distribution, occurring chiefly in
147 A simple number marks sets from Longacre’s amplification (numbered consecutively in his list, which he did not number). A G following the number marks sets from Gudschinsky.
The Reconstruction of Otopamean 152 postvocalic position. It looks like a proto *w split to POP *m, *o and *p (*m after preposed *m, *o after certain other consonants, and *p elsewhere).
The correspondence of POP *ni to PPnMx y indicates the prefixing of *n and the general elimination of y as a consonant in POP.
The labialized and palatalized consonants may be considered as clusters with *w and y, respectively, as far as the POP reflexes are concerned.
There are two points where Otopamean and Popolocan are closer phonetically in contrast to Mixtecan. POP and PPn have sibilant and affricate reflexes of * (PPn *c, * , *š; POP *c, *s) and they have the simple *h reflex of *x.
There are six Popolocan Mixtecan vowels. The reflexes of those vowels in Popolocan Mixtecan languages are affected by preceding consonants and by the postposed nasal *m. The postposed nasal (whose presence was optional in some instances) accounts for nasalized reflexes of vowels as well as certain differences in vowel quality. No vowel clusters are reconstructed for PPnMx. Otopamean, on the other hand, is reconstructed as having four vowels and a system of vowel clusters. The POP vowel clusters sometimes correlate with *w, y, or the palatalized or labialized consonants in PPnMx. Sometimes they correlate with the postposed nasal. The centralizing element HC, postulated for POP, correlates with the postposed nasal in two instances. The stem formative consonants in POP appear to be largely, if not entirely, a new accretion. The vowel correspondences in the cognate sets are as follows: POP *a/ã : PPnMx *a (63, 75, 58, 206, 73, 188G) POP *e : PPnMx *a (64, 313G, 324) POP *e : PPnMx *e (328G) POP *e : PPnMx *u (250G) POP *o/õ : PPnMx *o (20) POP *e/ : PPnMx *i (4, 59) POP *oa : PPnMx *o (68G) POP *oe : PPnMx *e (18, 19) POP *oe : PPnMx *ï (24, 29) POP *iHC : PPnMx *(k w)e(m) (13) POP *iHC : PPnMx *a(m) (16) POP *ao : PPnMx *a(m) (41, 227G, 62) POP *oa : PPnMx *a(m) (62) POP *ai : PPnMx *(y)a(m) (85, 8, 31) POP *iã : PPnMx *(y)e (82) POP *io : PPnMx *(y)a(m) (70, 68, 252G, 6) POP *iõa : PPnMx *(ty)u (426G) POP *io : PPnMx *(y)i (78, 238G, 105G) POP * a : PPnMx *(y)i (76)
153 Appendix A North Pame Verb Paradigms
POP *oa : PPnMx *(w)a (73, 52G) POP *ao : PPnMx *(x w)e (51) POP *oe : PPnMx *(w)i (71) POP *oe : PPnMx *(w)e (72) Otopamean Popolocan Mixtecan Cognate Sets 42G PPnMx *tyu (PPn 42 *tyh ; prep: *ntyi, *tyi “nose;” PMx 267 *tum, *tu; prep: *ku, * u “nose, to sniff, smell”) POP 534 *si n o/si nõa “nose.”
47G PPn * ki “dye, paint;” POP 614 (Ot Maz) *koi h “dye.”
49G PPnMx *kam (PPn 49 *ka “ear;” PMx *kö, prep: yV “ear of grain”) POP 560 * kão “ear.”
52G PPnMx *k wa (PPn 52 *ka, prep: *ši “leaf of tree;” PMx 128 *k wa “bush, plant,” 236 *ko, prep: *ndö, yö, *xö “broom, firewood, leaf”) POP 66 (Pn) *kõa n “tree.”
68G PPnMx *ko, prep: a (PPn 68 *ku, prep: *nca “foot, leg;” PMx * ako 85G PPn 85 *k whe , prep: š “green, unripe;” POP 787 (Pn) *koih t “green.” 105G PPnMx * (PPn 105 *ch “milk;” PMx 7 * i, yi, prep: *ka, *xa, * a, *k wa “nurse, drop, breast, small quantity of”) POP 243 *cioHC t “suck,” 482 *cioHC t / “nurse.” 188G PPn 188 *ha, hã, prep: š “roast, oven;” POP 77 *hã s “roast.” 206G PPnMx *nam (PPn 206 *hnu “squirrel;” PMx 225 *nö “squirrel”) POP 70 *mi nã “squirrel.” 238G PPnMx * ni , * i (PPn238 *nih , *shã “three;” PMx * ni prep: *wa “three”) POP 860 *nh o / n “three.” 247G PPn 247 *na “buy;” POP 196 *tao m “buy.” 250G PPn 250 *nu; prep: h “laugh;” POP 677 *ten n / t “laugh at,” 677 *teh t/ n “laugh.” 252G PPnMx * nam( ) (PPn 252 * nu, prep: hi “tobacco;” PMx 233 *nö , prep: yu, *xa “cigarette, tobacco”) POP 730 *n ioi m “tobacco.” 284G PPnMx * ka, prep: *x (PPn 284G *nka, *kha “chase, run;” PMx 123 * ka, prep: *ka, *xi, *ki, * nda “walk, path”) POP 214 *kõ m / “chase, run.” The Reconstruction of Otopamean 154 287G PPn 287 *nku; prep: *ñu, yu, *ña, ya, *nu, * ni “church;” POP 165 (Ot Maz) *nkõ “house.” 313G PPn 313 *wa; prep: * u “measure;” POP 200 *pe t/ n “count.” 324G PPnMx *wa a, *wa (PPn 324 *wa a, *waha “weave;” PMx 131 *k wa , *wa , *ka , * nda “spin;” 180 * wa, prep: yu, * “thread”) POP 733 *pe “weave.” 328G PPnMx *( )we (PPn 328 * wa, prep: *šu “lace;” PMx 68 *we , prep: yu, * “straw mat”) POP 743 *pe “weave,” perhaps POP 384 *hãi n/ t / m “spin.” 4 PPnMx *ti xV, *tim (PPn 27 *the “cough;” PMx *ti(m) “sneeze”) POP 763 *he( h), *the( h) “cough, a cough.” 6 PPnMx yam, *tya(m) (PPn 35 *tya, *tye “windpipe, breath, voice:” PMx yam “throat, neck”) POP 429 * i ioHC ka “throat.” 8 PPnMx *tya(m) xV, *(n)tya V (PPn 40 *tyha “hand, arm, shoulder;” Pmx 195 *tam “span, measure,” 149 *t/ nda a “hand”) POP 484 * ai, *n iai “hand,” 179 *koi t ai “five.” 13 PPnMx *k we(m)( ), *nk we(m)( ) PPn 65 *k , *nk “extend;” PMx 147 *k w/k/x/ nd/ta “pull, guide, stretch,” 154 *ngw/k/nda “junp, arrow, dart”) POP 180 *kiHCh t/ n “belt,” 413 *kiHC n / m / t “pull.” 16 PPnMx *ka(m)( xVm) (PPn 79 *kahã “ant;” PMx 200 *kam “louse, fly, ant”) POP 393 *khiHC “ant.” 18 PPnMx *(n) e (PPn 95 *ce “star;” PMx * a “sky”) POP 327 *coeHC “star.” 19 PPnMx *n e (PPn 97 *ce “light a fire,” 147 *s “dawn, light, candle;” PMx 172 *( )yam( ), *(n) e(m) “fire, burn, sun, light”) POP 69 * coeHC t “burn,” 290 *(n) toe “burn.” 20 PPnMx *(n) o (PPn 103 *cu “nipple, teat;” PMx * o[43 “milk”) POP 473 (Pn) *c( )õ “mother,” 320 *sõ/*co “wife.” 24 PPnMx * yim (PPn 126 * ã “frost, cold;” PMx 97 y:im, * :im “hail”) POP 343 *coe “cold.” 29 PPnMx * :i(m)( ) (PPN 156 *sã “acid,” 170 *šã “liquor;” PMx 81 * :i “rum, pulque”) Otomi *ch m “pulque.” 31 PPnMx * ya, * a, *n a (PPn 168 *ša “maguey fiber,” 346 * ya “net bag;” PMx 148 * ya , *nda “maguey fiber”) POP 412 (Otn) *s a mh “maguey fiber.” 155 Appendix A North Pame Verb Paradigms 41 PPnMx *xVn ta (PPn 208 *hnta “we incl. sing;” PMx 105 x ta[2 “sing”) POP 152 *tão h “sing,” 149 *thão h “song.” 51 PPnMx *x we, *xem (PPn223 *hwa “clear, fit to drink;” PMx 15 *x we “clearly, quickly,” 52 *xe “wet”) POP 759 (Pn) *hao “drink.” 58 PPnMx *wa, *CVm wa( ) (PPn 235 * ma “clay pitcher,” 310 *wa “plate, jar;” PMx 159 * mam “land, soil”) POP 617 *mah ta/ n “bowl, dish,” Otomi mada < *m a ta “clay pitcher,” 750 *m a tha “plain, plateau.” 59 PPnMx * ni, *xVm ni (PPn 239 * nih “maize ear,” 199 *hme “maize;” PMx 37 * ni “maize”) POP 82 *t m “atole,” 731 *th t “tamale,” 761 *mh “tortilla.” 62 PPnMx *nam, *tam, *ntam (PPn 251 *nu “cornfield;” PMx *tam, * ndam “cornfield”) POP 60 *t oa p “a plow,” 63 *nõa mh “to plow,” 477 *thõa “corn,” 514 *nhõa mh “field.” 63 PPnMx *nt:i/*nta (PPn 258 *nta “cactus, nopal cactus;” Pmx * nd:i/*nda “nopal cactus”) POP 476 * oa ta “century plant,” Otomi šãt ã “nopal.” 64 PPn (259) *nta( ) (PPn 259 *nta “water;” PMx 144 * nda “water, dissolve, sprinkle, melt,” 108 *ta “river, canyon”) POP 21 * teh “water.” 66 PPnMx ya(m), ya(m) , *ntya (PPn 270 *ntya( ) “fox, wolf, badger,” 337 ya “dog;” PMx 176 *( ) yam , ya “to bark, mountain lion, coyote”) POP 219 *n io “coyote,” 600 *n io “dog.” 70 PPnMx *CVm ( )yam (PPn 299 * ñu “twins,” 352 yuhu “two;” PMx 161 *t/y/na am, *na ma “comrade, together with, a pair, twins”) POP 276 *nioh “two.” 71 PPnMx * wi(m), *wi(m) (PPn 303 * wi “fire, sun,” 196 *hmi “sky,” 225 * mi “to be named;” PMx 21 * mi (m)( ) “burn,” 47 *wi “roast, toast”) POP 669 *nhoe, **nhõe “lightning,” Otomi kw “anger.” 72 PPnMx * V(m) we, * we (PPn 307 * we “wasp;” PMx * Vmi “wasp”) POP 528 * õe/* oe/* “fly.” 73 PPnMx *( ) wa (PPn 312 *wa “white;” PMx 179 yu wa “ice, frost”) POP 105 *n oa, *t oa s “white.” 75 PPnMx * wa(m), *CVm wa(m) (PPn 326 * wa “mouth;” PMx 226 * wa m “mouth, mouthful,” 160 * mam “talk, say”) POP 252 *mã m “say.” 76 PPnMx yi, *CVm yi (PPn 330 ye “black,” 237 *ni “charcoal;” PMx yi “charcoal, darkness”) POP 157 (Otn) *th m a/ m / n ”charcoal.” The Reconstruction of Otopamean 156 77 PPnMx * yi, * ni (PPn 332 * ye “hear;” PMx 28 * ni “hear, see, know”) POP 554 * oHC t/ , C form * i oHC t/ ”hear.” 82 PPnMx *k we(m), ye(m), *nDe(m) PPn 344 yahu “sharpen,” 72 *k š “sharp;” PMx ya(m) “sharp,” 55 * nde “knife, scissors”) POP 24 *c a s “sharp,” 163 *nia s “carpenter,” 282 * ã c “to plane,” 751 *t a s “scissors.” 762 * a s “cut with scissors.” 85 PPnMx *tam, yam (PPn 355 *la a “dancer, singer, thief, ancient people,” 12 *te “dance;” PMx 151 *ta am, * nda am “dance”) POP 91 *nãih m “dance.” Appendix A NORTH PAME VERB PARADIGMS The following list of North Pame verb paradigms illustrates the predominant ABCD pattern. Although there are a number of palaces where the alternations do not fit the main pattern, such as the causative verbs which have the pattern AAAD, all the present paradigmatic material is included as a source for further study. A B C D pp dn w m b “count” pp w m b “weave” ppe e w m b “urinate” pp w m b “wait” ppa at w m b “call” ppai w m b “command” ppahi w m b “hit” ppehel w m b “cover” ppaho w m b “look” pp e w m b “smell of it” ppo w m b “give” ppal pp pp pp “heat it” phi il ph “bubble up” ppo pp pp p “descend” pp p p ph “steal” ppã p p ph “visit” mma i mm 148 mm mh “erect it” mma i mm mm mm “stand” mme mm mm mh “lose” mma a mb mm mm “shout” mmõc m m mh “pile up” mmã m m mh “say” ma m m m “go” mmeho w w 149 “be there” 148 The lack of weakening in the B and C forms may be correlated with the oral vowel. 149 Hyphens indicate that there has been suppletion. A blank means that data are lacking. 3 The kky is the result of the palatalization rule. 6/9/2010 157 The Reconstruction of Otopamean 158 A B C D maodn mm mm pp “change” mmaig mm mm pp “finsh” tt h dn t t l “laugh at” ttaho t t l “touch” ttahi tt l “receive” tt t t lh “lick” ttog t t lh “watch” ttol t t lh “break” tta og t t lh “snap it in two” tta og kky 150 tt “snap in two” ttaog t t lh “buy” tt n t t lh “step on” ttõ tt tt tt “die” tãol t t lh “rub eye” ttã tt tt tt “fire pottery” ttõ õ t t lh “plant corn” ttõl t t lh “swallow” kk he t kky tt k “marry” ttã o tt tt th 151 “search” tt on tt tt lh “fear” tt h t t l “earn, win” ndão nd nd nth 152 “sing” ddeo d dd d153 “grow” nnão n n nh “eat” nnãhol n n n “chew” nnehig nn nn nh “go out” nnõ o n n nh “see” ci cw cw cw “nurse” cciol c c c “suck sugar cane” cci c c c “carry” ccao c cc c “feel” c o c c c “spoil it” o 154 c “spoil” c odn c c c “hate” cwil cw cw “prick” cc g 155 cw cw ncw “be angry” 150 The kky is the result of the palatalization rule. 151 When the D affix h is added to a nonweakened t, the t does not become l. The word for “fear” seems to contradict this generalization, however. 152 The form with initial nth is used when referring to singing for a dead person. Otherwise the D form is nd. 153 This looks like an EEEF pattern 154 The w was deleted because of no o in the prefix. 159 Appendix A North Pame Verb Paradigms A B C D co cc c “fall” ccoc cc c cc “make vomit” oc c “vomit” cco ol c c c “bite” cco c c c “scold” chao ch ch ch “do” ssihig sw sw sw “eat a meal” šao š s h “study sao s s ch “measure” sep s s ch “tell” s s s “open” šoa at š s “tear” soc s s ch “tie” kyehi ky 156 k k “meet” gã gw157 g gw “shiver” kki i kw k khw “gather” kkã a kw(2)&& k khw “gather clothes” kkõ k(2)&& 158 k kh “chase” kkei kw k khw “grind” kwãho kkw(2)&& kk k w “confess” kko k(2)&& k kh “belittle” hily w(3)&& w w “sleep” õ op n e 159 l “show” as n 160 l “cut with scissors” a n n n “come” he w (5)&& n l w “talk” w i w (5)&& w t “do thus” o de 161 l “hear” aog w d l “bury” ahodn w d l “ask for” o “hurt” 155 The is from c by the palatalization rule; š is from s. 156 The ky is from k by the palatalization rule. 157 The w is a labialization from the preceding o. 158 No labialization from the preceding o because the root vowel is o. 159 The w is a labialization from the preceding o. 160 The C form vowel *I is cancelled out by the root *1. 161 The full form is ladeo . The e is a reflex of the C form vowel *i. The Reconstruction of Otopamean 160 A B C D h t w d l w “sew” w dnt w t “piece of cloth” weo w t “hate” eog w d l “give” nhiag nhi nhi lh “leave” hõsp h hi lh “put price up” hw hw hh hw “cause to cough” hi h nhw nh “enter” hao hw nh lh “drink” haig hi h lh “to be left” Appendix B NORTH PAME NOUN PARADIGMS ABCD PATTERN Some of the noun paradigms of NP follow the ABCD pattern with slight modifications. There is a preposed m before initial p in the A form if the root vowel is oral. The word for “manure” is an apparent exception because it shows oral vowels in the root. The other features of the paradigm for “manure” are those of a nasalized root vowel, however, such that it may be assumed that the nasalization has been more recently lost. The B forms of paradigms with root initial have been replaced by C forms. A B C D pp hi p p p “mattress” ppoi p p ph “manure” mb w m b “braid” mbao w m b “belly” mba w m b “handkerch mbehe w m b ief” “hat” ttao t t t “eye” tt l n t “mouth” 162 ttão t t lh “song” tta t t “arrow” cci c c c “tooth” cce c 163 cw c w “clay pot cce c cw c w “tail” nnõa n n nh “field” aho d d “barbecue” i dw dw l “child” o o d d l “louse” n n l “atole” õ n n “seed” hõ h h lh “name” 162 This is one of the few words which preserve the POP tV paradigm. 163 The full form of the word is goc eok which is rebuilt on the D form ngoc we with the addition of the second person suffix –k . The suffix is responsible for the changes in vowels. 6/9/2010 161 Appendix C NORTH PAME NOUN PARADIGMS EFEF PATTERN A B C D mbai p mb p “tomato” mbãi p mb p “fright” bbog b bb “cactus” bbe i b bb b “musical instr.” m ão m m “month” mmõhi m mm mm “squash” mmahag m mm mm “dish” mh mh mh mh “tortilla” ndog ky ngy t “flower” nd g ky ngy t “capulín” thwi i lyh khy lh “basket” th lyh khy lh “a cold” th lyh khy lh “tamale” thõa lyh khy lh “corn” thõe lyh khy lh “rope” thõi lyh khy “hunger” ndo ky gy “egg” nd ky gy t “water” ll ly y ll “lips” ddoa gy ggy “place one walks” ddio gg gg “dryness” ddoa gy ggy “maguey” t w i ly k y “sleep” tthãi lyh kkhy “thread” t ã ly k y “mesquite tree” t w ly k y “hill” nnõa y y “nose” nnõ y y y “knee” khwe khy khy kh “beans” gw khy g “flesh” 6/9/2010 162 163 Appendix D Chichimeco Verb Paradigms A B C D gwas ky gy kk “meat” 164 k wiš k k “paper” c aog c “avocado” chi h h ch “worm, snake” chãst h h ch “itch” ssão š šš s “shade” ssa š šš s “corn on cob” hwagog hy hy h “soil: hw hy hy h “a cough” thõs lyh khy lh “salt” w h y y “road” wei “chile” nh o hy hy “breath” khwik khi kh “blood” kkwão ky ky “outer ear” 164 From Spanish vaca “cow” (or perhaps a borrowing from Yuto Aztecan where “meat” is wakas in Yaqui and Tepehuano). The first syllable was interpreted as a prefix and the second syllable was reshaped by analogy with the word for “flesh” (above). The Reconstruction of Otopamean 164 Appendix D CHICHIMECO VERB PARADIGMS 165 A B C D a t nd r “bury” an t nd r “ask” e “be angy” “do thus” e t nd r “put” er tir ndir r er 166 “throw” ets tits ndits rits 166 “push” i “come” i “care” i “hang” i t nd r “want” or “appear” o ti ndi r o 166 “hear” un “arrive” ü n “pass” ü t nd r “kill” ü n n r “suck” ün “sleep” ür t nd r “sell” yuts “jump” hã h h h “assend” ha h h h “lag” ha nh nh rh “drink” he h h th “be left” he nhi nhi rhe “leave” 165 The list is from Jaime de Angulo, loc. Cit., pp. 177 79. Normally I cite only the initial consonants of the C, C, and D forms. Angulo’s whispered vowels, written with small raised letters, I write on the line and underlined. 166 Full forms are given in these cases because the vowels differ. The i vowel reflects the metathesized *i of the C form. 165 Appendix D Chichimeco Verb Paradigms her nh nh rh “have” A B C D hi nh nh rh “not want” ho nhi nhi rho “lose” hu nhi nhi rhu “put” hin nhin nhin rhun “throw” hunts h h “sit” hü nh nh rh “burn” ka k g kh “hit” kã k g kh “take out” ke nk g kh “take out” ker ng g kh “lean on” kev k g kh “drive” kets k g kh “pick up” khar kh kh kh “possess” kkü kk kk kk “re do” ko k k k “deny” ku k k k “be together” ku k k k “race” kun k k k “accompany” kün ng g kh “peer” mã m m mh “speak” mã m m mh “think” maf m m p “show” m an m m mh “be finished” mben mb mb mb “stone” pen mb v ph “weigh” me m m m “stand up” me m m m “stand” m m m mh “defend” m m m mh “be late” men m m mb “love” mer m m m “roll” mir m m m “wish” mur m m m “get lost” mur m m mh “forgive” nã n n nh “eat” nar n n n “burn” nda nd nd nd “lie” nd nd nd nd “grow up” The Reconstruction of Otopamean 166 ndun nd nd ndh “buzz” A B C D ndü nd nd nd “go” ndza t z tsh “try” ndze ndz ndz ndz “arrive” ndzo t z tsh “scold” nef n n nh “run” ngwa ngw m mb “go” ngwaas ngw p ph “pay” nggwe ngw m mb “strike” ngwe ngw m mb “cry” ngwe ngw m “be” ngwe n ngw ngw p “be loaded” ngwi i ngw p ph “charge” ngwin ngw m mb “stick” ngwo ngw ngw v “meet” ngwo ngw ngw ngw “be ashamed” nkün nk nk k “be tired” no n n nh “arrive” nov n n nh “last” nu n n nh “see” pa ngw m mb “cover” paa ngw m mb “look” pã nb v mb “see” pan p nb ph “heat” pãr p p p “be rich” pe ngw m mb “order” pe ngw m mb “smell” pe ngw m mb “hit” pen ngw m mb “fell” pen ngw m mb “play music” pen ngw m mb “kill” pe n ngw m mb “leave” pi ngw m mb “wait” pii ngw m mb “spy” pii ngw m mb “bring” pin ngw m mb “count” po p p p “return” po ngw m mb “dominate” po ngw m mb “give” 167 Appendix D Chichimeco Verb Paradigms A B C D pof p p ph “dwindle” pon ngw m mb “prick” poo p p “enter; por p p ph “change” por p p p “remove” ppar ngw m mb “call” ppi nb v ph “steal” ppo pp pp pp “be together” pü p p b “defecate” r r nd r “breed” rho rh th nth “be finished” r r r r “die” sa s s s “gamble” sa s s s “distribute” sa s s tsh “measure” sa s dz tsh “read” sa s s tsh “win” se s s tsh “tell” sempf s s ts open” sen s s s “agree” seni s s s “remember” ser s s s “have diarrhea” su s dz tsh “sing” sus s s ts “split” sü s s sh “peel” sü s s s “be sick” ta nd r rh “undress” ta nd r rh “touch” ta nd r rh “buy” tã t t th “search” tan nd r rh “bathe” tan nd r rh “work” tats nd r rh “clothe” tav nd r rh “cut” tcon nz z zh “bite” te t t t “go” te, ne t,n t,n t,n “go out” te t t t “be equal” The Reconstruction of Otopamean 168 t nd r rh “look” A B C D t nd r rh “wear” ten nd r rh “fear” ter t t t “marry” ter t t t “laugh” tets t t th “lift” tets t r rh “bet” tets nd r rh “receive” ti nd r rh “lick” ti nd r rh “sell” to nd r rh “watch” tsa tc z tsh “try” tsa tc z tsh “do” ts ts z ts “pay” tsen tc ts tsh “pierce” tso ts ts ts “fall” tso tc z tsh “scold” tsoh tc ts tsh “spend” tsü ts z tsh “be angry” tsün ts ts ts “urinate” tu, nu t,n t,n t,n “walk about” tu nd r rh “plant” tü t t th “finish” tü t t t “speak to oneself” tü t t t “go home” tun t t t “go in the lead” tuts nd r rh “tie” tun nd r rh “break” üts # # #167 “be always” e k g kh “heard” 167 The # indicates that there is no initial consonant. This is the only word in Angulo’s list which has no initial consonant. It probably is an error. Appendix E 168 CHICHIMECO NOUN PARADIGMS ABCD PATTERN A B C D pãts p v ph “shoe” pü p v “faeces” mba ngw m p “hat” mba ngw m “belly” mbi ngw m p “thing” mben ngw m “antler” mbe ngw n p “song” tan t r rh “work” te t r “leg” ta t r “face” te t t rh “knife” mãs m m mh “bed” nu n n nh “field” ni n n nh “word” kã k g “snot” kã k g “ear” ku k g kh “road” kke kk g “saliva” tsü ts dz “back” tse ts z ts 169 “crock” tsa ts z ts 169 “food” sots s s tsh “belt” h nhu nhi rhu “name” a n a n i “hand” os tos t is r os “house” u t t rh “hoe” ti t n “mouth” 170 nda n n “penis” poho p p v “chair” ngwa ngwe ngwa “plant” 168 From Angulo, loc. Cit. , pp. 160 61. 169 Note that here the POP pattern for the D form of root initial *c is preserved. 170 This word shows a retention of the POP tV paradigm. 6/9/2010 169 The Reconstruction of Otopamean 170 tcin tc tc z “axe” hür h h rh “arrow” Appendix F CHICHIMECO NOUN PARADIGMS EFEF PATTERN The examples of the EFEF pattern are so few that no attempt has been made to specify the system. All but the last two examples parallel rather closely the North Pame examples. They show a preposed nasal in the F form and in the second E form. The two E forms share the same vowel in contrast to the vowel of the f form. E F E F mbo v mb v “land” mba v mb “feast” mbu v mb v “thirst” ndi r nd r “water” nden r nd r “money” nthu r nth r r “clothes” hi nha nhi “body” hi nho nhi “friend” 6/9/2010 171 The Reconstruction of Otopamean 172 Appendix G CHICHIMECO NOUN PARADIGMS NO CHANGE The examples for this category are presented in paragraph style since only one form has to be cited: nu “nose,” zã “head,” –ni “heart,” –ttun “neck,” –kü “trousers,” –mor “hip,” –nha “testis,” –phã “shoulder,” –kã “temple,” –ner “tendon,” –men “knee,” –rhe “bow,” –khe “blood,” –ma “bowl,” –ti “podex,” –se “skin,” –mir “urine,” –s “arm,” –m a pain,” –ts “wing,” –tsa~ tca “shame,” – ndu “step,” –mo “bottle,” –mhu “chief,” –khü “child” Appendix H OCUILTECO AND MAZAHUA NOUN PARADIGMS Ocuilteco noun paradigms show several different patterns in the limited data I was able to secure on a brief field trip in 1964. 171 A more complete study of the noun paradigms should prove very rewarding. The paradigms recorded on that field trip are listed below. Following the list of Ocuilteco paradigms are some Mazahua paradigms for names of body parts. The Mazahua paradigms demonstrate a pattern similar to one of the patterns in the Ocuilteco material. Ocuilteco Paradigms “my” “your” “his” mdá líndá `ndá “agua” mc ó lìc ó c ó “aguacate” neplinhó nelinho lìnhó “ala” mkáhc i lìkàc í kàc í “alimentos” mt ópi lit opi t opi “arado” m hopi li hopi hopi “banco” mhñupi lìhñúpí hñúpí “boca” pšitu lišitu šítú “cabellos” mz/ønzí lìnz/ønzí z/ønzí “cadera” wèlp hú wélì hú wèl hú “esposa” kambáhli limbáhli mbáhli “caballo” nìpí nípí nímbí “barriga” nìlwí nílwí níñù “cabeza” nìh/ nìh/ níhmí “cara” pìt/ø pít`ø pìnd/ø “frente” 171 September 3, 1964, to San Juan Atzingo, Edo. de México, accompanied by Lucille Schneider of the Summer Institute of Linguistics, who transcribed some of the material. Tone was not always recorded hence its absence in some of the forms. 6/9/2010 173 The Reconstruction of Otopamean 174 “my” “your” “his” wàñ/ø wèñ/ø wèmñ/ø “mamá” wàtá wètá wèmdá “papá” nàtsí nètsí nènzí “dientes” nàtó nátó nìtó “casa” níthò “casa” (general) The list through “caballo” shows underlying m , li , and prefixes, with the noun stems remaining constant. The m becomes a p before s (;cabellos”) and before ch if preceded by l (“esposa”). The vooicless is voiced if preceded by another sylable (“ala” and “caballo”). The assumption is that it was preceded by another syllable in “ala” and that that syllable was deleted after the application of the rule. Perhaps the underlying form for is a full syllable li with contrastive suprasegmental features to the second person prefix li . The present evidence is inconclusive. The words “barriga” through “dientes” show different sets of prefixes but share the pattern of an added nasal consonant in the third person form. This pattern appears in the Mazahua paradigm for “mouth,” which reflects the POP alternation of t and n. The Ocuilteco word for “house” has a general form which looks like a D form. Mazahua Paradigms “my” / “your” ` “his” /o tegö tege n “boca” hm i hm i hm i “cara” ö ö ö ö ndö ö “ojo” ncö ö ncö ö ngö ö “oreja” hmi hmi t hmi “pecho” nkwa a nkwa a ngwa a “pie” c hni c hni k hni “saliva” chi i chi i khi i “sangre” Mazahua has palatalized forms for the first and second persons in “ojo,” “oreja,” “pecho,” “saliva,” and “sangre.” The words “cara” and “pie” would not show the effects of palatalization. Appendix I NORTH PAME AND CHICHIMECO COGNATE SETS FOR TONE RECONSTRUCTION NP H to Ch HH “andar” NP dóa Ch ét ú “atole” NP kol Ch úr / “calabazo” NP komó Ch nímó “cuervo” NP gokwá Ch úká “comprar” NP wattáog Ch rátár “flor” NP ni gyóg Ch úró “grueso” NP nim íg Ch dzím ér “macho” NP nikyw/ã Ch ír/ “mamar” NP ccí Ch éts/ü “rápido” NP manéi Ch máné “seco” NP ma ó Ch mó ó “tierra” NP kopó Ch kímbó “tijeras” NP nal y/ãs Ch tár/ s “tomar” NP waháo Ch ráhá “tripas” NP mbép Ch kúmb/ü “vacío” NP ma ó Ch mó ó “enterrar” NP wa áog Ch (/) á “mandar” NP woppái Ch (/)pé “decir” NP mmã Ch (/)m/ã “ser dejado” NP háig Ch (/)hé NP L to Ch LH “ácido” NP ma èiš Ch mè és “amargo” NP makh\ão Ch màkh/ã “araña” NP kam` s Ch kùm/ür “arco” NP golhà Ch tùrhé “cadera” NP gomò Ch rùmór “casarse” NP tt` h t Ch ìtéhér “aguja” NP nal ` Ch tàr /ü “chile” NP wa èi Ch bè é “dueño” NP wimhiò Ch nìmhú “cenizas” NP sandw` Ch nùnd/ü “espuma” NP šipphè Ch sùphé “frijol” NP rikhè Ch kànkhé “humo” NP ski Ch kì és 6/9/2010 175 The Reconstruction of Otopamean 176 “luna” NP gom `ão Ch um /ã “llorar” NP wài Ch tàpén “mecate” NP golhw` Ch kùnthé “metate” NP nakhèig Ch tàkh/ü “morir” NP tt`õ Ch gàr/ “orina” NP kom` t Ch sùmír “petate” NP imhy`ã Ch sìm/ãs “ratón” NP ni gyy`ão Ch nìng/ã “ser rico” NP p`ãn Ch p/ãr “sal” NP golh`õs Ch ùrh/õs “estar” NP kokw`ãt Ch (`)kán “preguntar” NP wa àhodn Ch (`) án “regañar” NP cò Ch (`)tsó “maduro” NP mat`ã Ch màt/ã “abajo” NP kimbyò p Ch nìmbó “soplador” NP silyhèiky Ch tàrh/ür “sop;ar” NP wahèig Ch èx/ür NP H or (H) to Ch LH “árbol” NP gokw/ã Ch tàngwá “abrir” NP was/ Ch gàs/ “adivino” NP káppãt Ch kàmb/ãr “arriba” NP koc í Ch pàc ín “cuchillo” NP nalhéš Ch ràrhé “hilo” NP golh/ãi Ch ùrh/ r “morder” NP có ol Ch gàzón “olla” NP gocwé Ch ùzé “estar” NP mmého Ch (`)ngwé / me “probar” NP ccáo Ch (`)ndzá “subir” NP tah/ão Ch (`)h/ã “yo” NP káok Ch `ìkágu “nosotros” NP káok Ch ìkágùn “contar” NP pp/ dn Ch (`)iín NP F to Ch HL “agua” NP kot[ Ch kúrì “caer” NP c[o Ch tácò “curandero” NP kad[ Ch kátèhè “grande” NP got[oe Ch nándè “noche” NP gos[ão Ch úsà “otro” NP kad[at Ch kéntà “persona” NP l[ Ch úrì “piedra” NP kot[o Ch kúrò “piojo” NP gol [o Ch rúr ò “tierra” NP gohw[aog Ch úxà 177 Appendix I Pamean Cognates “caliente” NP map[a Ch mápà NP H to Ch HL “apretar” NP wáttes Ch étès “atar” NP ittúc Ch ítùc “bailar” NP nn/ãhi Ch énèhè “blanco” NP káddoa Ch kúnú ù “calabacita” NP m/õhi Ch úm`üh`ü “corto” NP mamáha Ch sámàhà “chupar” NP wácciol Ch étz/ü `ün “dar” NP wá eog Ch é è “dinero” NP rand/ h dn Ch úrèhèn “fiesta” NP gobáho Ch kímbà “granizo” NP kí gyo Ch kíndò “gritar” NP ppá at Ch émá àr “hacha” NP stácc dn Ch názì ìn “huevo” NP nándo Ch múndò “jalar” NP waqqé edn Ch ékè èn “maguey” NP goddóa Ch kún ù “oír” NP (/) o Ch é ò “oler” NP ppé e Ch épé è “parar” NP má i Ch émé è “rajar” NP wasóa ac Ch ésú ùs “reír” NP t/ h l Ch ítèhè r “sembrar” NP wattó o Ch étú ùn “silla” NP gop óho Ch nábòhò “tú” NP héok Ch ìhyék ù “sudar” NP wóppap Ch ríppà “cigarro” NP ndóehig Ch út `üh`ü “tamales” NP ilh Ch úr ` h` “tejer” NP wópp Ch pì “tragar” NP (/)ttõl Ch ét` n NP (BC) t[õl Ch “vender” NP wá ei Ch rá `ü r vergüenza” NP gochá Ch nítcà “malo” NP í o Ch núc òhò “dormir” NP w/ hily Ch (/) `ün “echar” NP wá aily Ch (/) èr “enojado” NP ncw/ g Ch (/)ts`ü “espejo” NP nak /õhily Ch nág/üh`ün “esperar” NP kippy/ Ch (/)pì ~ LH “estudiar” NP liššáo Ch (/)sà “mirar” NP wáppaho Ch (/)pàa “robar” NP pp Ch (/)ppì “tocar” NP ndotáho Ch (/)tà “acabado” NP (/)hog Ch (/)thò The Reconstruction of Otopamean 178 “buscar” NP (/)ttã o Ch (/)t`ã “calentar” NP (/)ppal Ch (/)pàn “comer” NP n/ão Ch (/)n`ã “correr” NP wakk/õ Ch (/)kùn “crecer” NP waddéo Ch (/)nd` “dar” NP wóppo Ch (/)pò “tres” NP ránho Ch tínhùn “cansado” NP ndak / mp Ch kúnk `ün “dejar” NP nhiág Ch (/)nhì NP F to Ch LH “arder” NP n[aol Ch èndón “casa” NP kom [os Ch ùr ós “gordo” NP pimb[i Ch pìmbé “decir” NP s[ep Ch (`)sé ~ HL NP L to Ch HL “coser” NP la ` dnt Ch é `üh`ür “grande” NP mand`ãi Ch már` “mirar NP ndon`õ Ch énù ù “perder” NP mmè Ch úngwé è “salir” NP nannèhig Ch (/)nè ~ LH NP naalh[et Ch “vestirse” NP t` hi Ch (/)t` “vomitar” NP locccòc Ch ítšò ò “quebrar” NP ndotòl Ch (/)tùn “rana” NP kok wà Ch kúngwà “visitar” NP pp`ã Ch (/)p/ã “voz” NP ni h`ã Ch rìnhí NP F to Ch HH “arder” NP n[ol Ch (/)nár, éndón “despertar” NP nn[õ Ch énú “telar” NP nab[ Ch úp í Miscellaneous Correspondences “lamer” NP L t` Ch HH (/)tí “medir” NP H sáo Ch HH (/)sá “miedo” NP L watt` on Ch HH (/)tén “frotar” NP H tt/ãol Ch LL it`ãhàn Appendix J OTOMI AND MAZAHUA COGNATE SETS FOR TONE RECONSTRUCTION Group I (Ot R to Maz H) “frotar” Ot t]ãhmi Maz th/õ t “levantar” Ot p]a ci Maz páhs “padre” Ot d]ada Maz táhta “tener” Ot p] ci Maz p/ hs i Group II (Ot R to Maz L) 172 “hongos” Ot x]o Maz khòho “largo” Ot m]a Maz maha “leña” Ot z]a Maz za a “morder” Ot c]a, cá Maz sa a “mosca” Ot g] we Maz ng w “pestaña” Ot š]ida Maz šì ö “saber” Ot p]ãdi Maz pãra “sentir” Ot c]a, cá Maz sö ö “venir” Ot ] he, / he Maz he “uno” Ot n]a, rà Maz nàha “arar” Ot w]ãhi, w/ãhi Maz w`ãhma “asar” Ot h]ãši Maz hãša “calabacita” Ot m]u Maz m` u “nariz” Ot š]iñ Maz šìhhñu, šìñu “cambiar” Ot p]ati Maz p`öht “cantar” Ot t]uhu, túhu Maz t`õhõ “casa” Ot ng]u Maz ng` m “cuervo” Ot k]a Maz kà a “decir” Ot ]enã Maz ñ “defender” Ot ñ]ãni Maz ñãn nã “entrar” Ot k] t/ i, k/ t i Maz kic i estrella” Ot c]ø Maz sèhe “mitad” Ot (ma)d]e Maz ndè e 172 Mazahua words without tone written on them in Stewart’s list are assumed to be low tone. 6/9/2010 179 The Reconstruction of Otopamean 180 Group III (Ot R to Maz F) “frijol” Ot x] Maz kh[ “hondo” Ot h] , hn] Maz h[ “labio” Ot š]ine Maz š[ine “maduro” Ot d]ã Maz ya nd[ã ã “mirar” Ot n]u Maz n[ “moco” Ot b]aši Maz b öši “nombre” Ot th]uhu Maz th[ “árbol” Ot z]a Maz z[a a “ayer” Ot mánd]e Maz ànd[ø ø, nd[øhø “blanco” Ot t?]aši, t áši Maz nát [öš “camino” Ot ñ] Maz ñ[ hi “cenar” Ot c]i Maz s]i š[ dy i “correr” Ot r]ihi Maz ód [ihi “dar” Ot ]uni, úni Maz [ n “dientes” Ot c ]i Maz s [ib i “espejo” Ot hñ Maz hñ[ h Group IV (Ot R to Maz R) “ácido” Ot ]iši Maz ]iši “amanecer” Ot h]ac i Maz hy]ãs “arder” Ot z]ø Maz z]ørø “armadilo” Ot nk ]inxwa Maz k ],]inkhwa “blando” Ot t]udi, túdi Maz t]õr “cal” Ot nãni Maz ñ]õn n “caña” Ot y]o(mfø) Maz dy ]e e “cara” Ot hm]i, hmí Maz hm] i “coyote” Ot m]i ño Maz m]iñ ño, m]indy o “criar” Ot t]ede Maz ]eze “chile” Ot ñ]i, ñí Maz ]i i “dejar” Ot c]ogi, cógi Maz s]og “dolor” Ot ñ] , ñ/ Maz ] “dormir” Ot ]ãhã, /ãhã Maz ] hi “duro” Ot m] Maz m] “escalera” Ot r]ede Maz d ]e e “grano” Ot nd]a Maz nd]ö ö “grueso” Ot p]idi, pìdi Maz p]i i “hambre” Ot th] hu Maz th] hmi “hoja” Ot š]i Maz š]i i “jugar” Ot ]eni, éni Maz ] ñe “llegar” Ot c]øhø Maz s]øhø “madre” Ot n]ãna Maz n]ana “mamar” Ot c] Maz s]i i “mecate” Ot nth]ãhi Maz th] hm “metate” Ot x] ni Maz kh] hn 181 Appendix J Otomi and Mazahua Cognates “raíz” Ot y] Maz dy ] “sabroso” Ot k] hi Maz n/ãk] hmi “salir” Ot p]øni Maz p]edy e “saludar” Ot z] ngwa Maz z] ngwa “tomar” Ot c]i Maz s]i i “tos ferina” Ot k ] the Maz k ] the “vender” Ot p]a Maz p]ö ö Group V (Ot H to Maz H “apagar” Ot hw/ ti Maz hwé e “besar” Ot c/ ci Maz s/ tp ?on]e e “calzones” Ot hwít wa Maz hwí kw a “cinco” Ot k/ t a Maz cí a “crecer” Ot té Maz té e “desgranar” Ot t/ãki Maz t/õ m “doblar” Ot tó ti Maz ó t “escarbar” Ot š/ mi Maz š/ me “esperar” Ot tø mi Maz té b e “lana” Ot ší yo Maz ší dy o “lavar” Ot pé te Maz pé e “machucar” Ot k / ti Maz k / i “máscara” Ot hmíte Maz hm/ h a GroupVI (Ot H to Maz L) 173 “abrir” Ot šóki Maz šòhk “acabado” Ot thége Maz thèze “aguacate” Ot c áni Maz s `ön n “ala” Ot hwá Maz hwàha “arar” Ot w/ãhi, w]ãhi Maz w`ãhma “arrear” Ot ` t i, / t i Maz dy i “bañar” Ot šáti Maz šàhti “barrer” Ot pàši, páši Maz paši “borracho” Ot tí Maz t “cantar” Ot t/ hu, t] hu Maz tõho “doler” Ot / Maz “encontrar” Ot nth/ be Maz h` “entrar” Ot k/ t i, k] t i Maz ki i “enjado” Ot kw/ Maz kw` “ganar” Ot t]ãha Maz tõho “gritar” Ot màfi, máfi Maz màphi “gritar a” Ot mà ti Maz mà t i “hijo” Ot t / Maz t i i “hilar” Ot h` t i, h/ t i Maz h` e “hormiga” Ot š/ãkh Maz šãnkhã 173 Mazahua words without tone written on them in Stewart’s list are assumed to be low tone. The Reconstruction of Otopamean 182 “jugo” Ot ngí Maz ngi “ladrón” Ot b/ Maz mb e “llorar” Ot w/ Maz w` “mazorca” Ot th/ã Maz th`õ o “miedo” Ot cú Maz s` u “mojado” Ot nk á Maz k àg “morir” Ot tú Maz t` u “mujer” Ot b/ hñã Maz b ` hhña “podrida” Ot yá Maz ya dy a a “reir” Ot théde Maz the e “sentir” Ot cá, c]a Maz sö ö “sombra” Ot šúdi Maz š`õr “sudar” Ot h/ø nthe Maz høb ø(ndehe) “tejer” Ot pé Maz pe e “terminator” Ot hwádi, hwáti Maz khwar , khwahti “toser” Ot héhe Maz hèhe “traer” Ot h/ã Maz h “veinte” Ot náte Maz dy öhte “venir” Ot / he, ]ehe Maz he “vestir” Ot héte Maz hehce “yo” Ot núga Maz n` cko Group VII (Ot H to Maz F) “agua” Ot déhe Maz nd[ehe “alimentos” Ot hñúni Maz hñ[õn n “araña” Ot méše Maz m[eše “barbas” Ot x/ ni Maz k [ d “blanco” Ot t áši, t ]aši Maz t [öš “borrego” Ot d ti Maz nd[ n r “caer” Ot tági Maz t[ög “papas” Ot rók a Maz d [ok a “caballo” Ot pháni Maz ph[ad “cancion” Ot th/ hu Maz th[õhõ “cántaro” Ot š/øni Maz š[øhnø “carbón” Ot th/ hña Maz th[ hme “carne” Ot ng/ø Maz ng[e e “cerrar” Ot kót i Maz k[ot i “ciego” Ot góda Maz ng[orö “comer” Ot ñúni Maz ñ[õn n “chupar” Ot c/ t i Maz s[ t “dar” Ot úni, ]uni Maz [ n n “diez” Ot e/ t a Maz dy [ a “dos” Ot yóho Maz y[ehe “elote” Ot m/ãnša Maz m` ša “enaguas” Ot ng/øde Maz kh[e e “espumar” Ot f/ ki Maz ph[ gi 183 Appendix J Otomi and Mazahua Cognates “fumar” Ot c/ t y` i Maz s[ t th/ hs “hilo” Ot th/ãhi Maz th[ hm “huaraches” Ot thíza Maz th` za “jícara” Ot šímo Maz š[imo “lágrimas” Ot gída Maz ng[i ö “llave” Ot nsóki Maz sh[ogi “mañana” Ot šúdi Maz š[õr “medicina” Ot ñ/ thi Maz ñ he “milpa” Ot hw/ãhi Maz hw[ãhmã “mano” Ot y/ Maz dy [ “perro” Ot yò, yó Maz dy [o o “molcajete” Ot máda Maz m[ãzà “preguntar” Ot áni Maz [ön “pulque” Ot t áfi Maz t [aph “seis” Ot ráto Maz ñ[anto “sol” Ot hyádi Maz hy[ar “tomate” Ot d/ mši Maz nd[ m`ösi Group VIII (Ot H to Maz R) “afuera” Ot thí Maz ]athi i “amargo” Ot nxú Maz nákh]õ o “andar” Ot yò, yó Maz nzhod “blando” Ot túdi, t]udi Maz t]õr “boca” Ot né Maz n] “cabeza” Ot ñ/ã Maz ñ] “caliente” Ot pá Maz p]a a “cara” Ot hmí, hm]i Maz hm]i i “conejo” Ot xwá Maz khw]a a “confesar” Ot nxw/ãni Maz khw]ãm mã “chiflar” Ot h/ ši Maz h] š “chile” Ot ñí, ñ]i Maz ]i i “dedo del pie” Ot ñ/ãmo Maz ñ] mo “dormir” Ot /ãhã, ]ãhã Maz ] h “feo” Ot c ó Maz s ]o o “frente” Ot d/ Maz nd] e “frío” Ot c/ Maz nas] “hablar” Ot ñ/ã Maz ñ]ã a “jugar” Ot éni, ] ni Maz ] ñe “levantar” Ot nángi Maz n]ãngã “malo” Ot c ó Maz s ]o o “ojo” Ot dá Maz nd]ö ö “oreja” Ot gú Maz ng]õ õ “peine” Ot nt éñã Maz t ]et o “perder” Ot b/ di Maz b ] i “pieedra” Ot dó Maz nd]oho “pie” Ot wá Maz ngw]a a The Reconstruction of Otopamean 184 “piojo” Ot t ó Maz t ]o o Group IX (Ot L to Maz H) “amarrar” Ot th`ãt i Maz th/ t “casarse” Ot th`ãti Maz h/ ht “corto” Ot nc ìki Maz c íhk “para” Ot bài Maz b /ö b “rodilla” Ot ñàhmu Maz ñ/ hhmo “sesos” Ot b`ø yo Maz mbéhhñãkh Group X (Ot L to Maz L) 174 “alzar” Ot x` Maz h s “arado” Ot t àbi Maz t `öph “arrear” Ot ` t i, / t i Maz dy i “atole” Ot t èi Maz t ` hme “bailar” Ot n` i Maz n` m me “bautizar” Ot hìti Maz hìh i “barrer” Ot pàši, páši Maz paš “buscar” Ot hòni Maz hod “calentar” Ot pà ti Maz pa t “camarón” Ot mài Maz mö b “carrizo” Ot šìthi Maz šìthi “catarro” Ot thèhe Maz thè “cenizas” Ot bòspi Maz b òzìvi “cerro” Ot t `øhø Maz t èhe “comal” Ot dò yo Maz ndè ye “comprar” Ot tài Maz t`öm “contar” Ot pède Maz pe e “contestar” Ot th`ãdi Maz th` r “cuarenta” Ot ñòte Maz ye dy öhte “cuatro” Ot gòho Maz nzìyo “culebra” Ot k ` ña Maz k ìhmi “encontrar” Ot nth` gi Maz h` vi “enterrar” Ot àgi Maz ög “escoba” Ot bàši Maz b àš “escribir” Ot òfo Maz oph “escupir” Ot cògi Maz sòg “estar” Ot b` i Maz b ` b “estudiar” Ot šàdi Maz š`öhtp , šör “flor” Ot d`øni Maz nd`øhnø “fuego” Ot cìbi Maz sìvi “gritaar” Ot màfi Maz màph 174 Mazahua words without tones written on them in Stewart’s list are assuumed to be low tone. 185 Appendix J Otomi and Mazahua Cognates Ot mà ti Maz mà t “hacer” Ot `øt e Maz øt ø “hilar” Ot hèt i, hét i Maz h` e “huérfano” Ot hyòya Maz hyòya “instrumento Ot bìda Maz b ì i musical” “negar” Ot k`øni Maz kød ø “jalar” Ot x` mi Maz kh` b , kh/ b Ot g` t i Maz kh` t “juntar” Ot mùnc i Maz hm` ht “laguna” Ot zàbi Maz zàph “laringe” Ot y` ga Maz dy ìzi “lavar” Ot š` ki Maz šib i “lavar ropa” Ot pèni Maz pedy e “lengua” Ot x`ãhné, x`ãne Maz k ` hni “liendres” Ot b`øt o Maz mbè ó “lodo” Ot b`øhài Maz mbèh`öm “luna” Ot z`ãnã Maz z`ãn nã “maguey” Ot wàda Maz wàr “medir” Ot ` ni Maz dy i “mentira” Ot f` dri Maz b ` hine “mirar” Ot hàndi Maz h`ãnda “moler” Ot k` ni, k/ ni Maz k hn “negar” Ot k`øni Maz kød ø “noche” Ot š` i Maz š`õm “nube” Ot g` i Maz ng`õm m “oír” Ot `øde Maz ørø “pagar” Ot xùt i Maz khõt i “pararse” Ot mài Maz b `öb “pecho” Ot t` ñã Maz t` hm “pedir” Ot àdi Maz `ör “probar” Ot càpi Maz sö ö “quebrar” Ot wàki Maz wahk “querer” Ot nè Maz ne e “reír” Ot thèni Maz theñe “relámpago” Ot hw` i Maz hw s i “rezar” Ot šàdi Maz šör “río” Ot d`ãthe Maz ndàre “saliva” Ot xìhní, xìni Maz k ` hni “seco” Ot yòt i Maz nady òd “siete” Ot yòto Maz yèn o “soplar” Ot hwìfi Maz hwiphi “tamales” Ot th` di Maz th` e “teñir” Ot k`ãt i Maz k`ãt a “tierra” Ot hài Maz h`öm The Reconstruction of Otopamean 186 “tirar” Ot fàni Maz ph`ög “tocar” Ot thàni Maz th`ör “trabajar” Ot p` fi Maz p` phi “trabajador” Ot m` fi Maz mb` phi “trabajo” Ot b` fi Maz b ` phi “vacío” Ot y`øni Maz dy `ød ø “uno” Ot n]a, rà Maz nàha “zopilote” Ot pàda Maz ndóhpàre Group XI (Ot L to Maz F) “año” Ot x` ya Maz kh[ “camote” Ot b`ø kwã Maz b [engw`ãm m “capulín” Ot nd` s Maz nd[ ns “cuero” Ot šìfni, šìfri Maz š[iphàd “maíz” Ot d thã Maz nd[ hõ “olla” Ot c `øe Maz s [øb ø “pan” Ot thùhm Maz th[õm` i “piel” Ot šìfri Maz š[iphàd “venado” Ot fànthø Maz ph[ant e Group XII (Ot L to Maz R) “andar” Ot yò, yó Maz n ]od “canasto” Ot b`øc e Maz b ]os i “cosechar” Ot šòfo Maz š] phe “estornudar” Ot hèc e Maz h] ns e “grueso” Ot pìdi, p]idi Maz p]izi “salado” Ot ñùsi Maz ]õši “tripa” Ot šèfo Maz š] pho “zorrillo” Ot ñ`ãi Maz ] hm Appendix K COGNATE SETS FOR OTOPAMEAN TONE Otomian L to Pamean F POP TONE I *[FL] “arado” Ot t àbi Maz t `öph NP CH úr ù “cerro” Ot t `øhø Maz t èhe NP gol w[ Ch “cuatro” Ot gòho Maz nzìyo NP ki y[oi Ch “estudiar” Ot š`ödi Maz š]ör NP sáo CH (/)sà “hilar” Ot h` t i Maz h` e h/ t i h/ me NP wahãi Ch urh “huéerfano” Ot hyòya Maz hyòya NP lonh[eodn Ch “lavar” Ot š` ki Maz šìb i NP s[ig CH “Noche Ot š` i Maz š`õm NP gos[ão Ch ús`ã “tierra” Ot h`öi Maz h`öm NP gohw[aog Ch úxà “tragar” Ot t` t i Maz NP (/)ttõl Ch étùn t[õl 6/9/2010 187 The Reconstruction of Otopamean 188 Otomian R to Pamean F 1 POP TONE I *[FL] “caliente” Ot pá Maz p]a a NP map[a CH mápà “caña” Ot y]o Maz dy ]e e NP Ch ur uhu “comer” Ot c]i Maz s]i i NP Ch átsé “mosca” Ot g]i w Maz ng w NP ska [ i CH k/ ` “piedra” Ot dó Maz nd]oho NP kot[o Ch kúrò piojo” Ot t óni Maz t ]o NP gol [o Ch rúr ò Otomian L to Pamean F 2 POP TONE II *[HF] “arado” Ot t àbi Maz t `öph NP CH úr ù “bailar” Ot n` i Maz n` m me NP nn/ãhi Ch én` h` “calabacita” Ot mm] Maz m` u NP m/õhi Ch úm`ühü “calentar” Ot pà t i Maz pà t NP láppal CH / pàn “correr” Ot k` i Maz NP wakk/õ Ch /kùn k`õ “gritar” Ot màa t i Maz mà t NP ppá at Ch (/)ppàr 189 Appendix K Cognate Sets for POP Tone “jalar” Ot kh` mi Maz kh` b NP waqqé edn CH ékè ` n “maguey” Ot wàda Maz wàr NP goddóa Ch kún ù “oir” Ot `øde Maz `ørø NP (/) o Ch é ò [o o HL~LH “sembrar” Ot t` hu Maz t` hm NP watt/õ Ch étù ún “tabaco” Ot y` i Maz NP ndóehig CH út `üh:`ü “tamales” Ot th` di Maz th` e NP golh/ Ch úr ` h` “tocar” Ot th`öni Maz th`ör NP táho Ch (/)tà “tragar” Ot t` t i Maz NP (/)ttõl Ch étùn t[õl Otomian L to Pamean L POP TONES III * [L] “estar” Ot k]ã Maz k`ãra NP k`ãt Ch (/)kán “grande” Ot nd]ã Maz nd`ã a NP mand`ãi Ch “nariz” Ot š]iñu Maz šìñu NP i y`õa Ch kàn/ “negar” Ot k`øni Maz k`ød ø NP wakkò Ch (/)kó “pedir” Ot `ödi Maz `ör NP wa àhodn CH “soplar” Ot hwìphi Maz hwìphi The Reconstruction of Otopamean 190 NP wahèig Ch èx/ür “visitar” Ot p]ãdi Maz p`ãra (“saber”) NP pp`ã Ch (/)p/ã Otomian R to Pamean L POP TONE III * [L] “acido” Ot ]isi Maz ]isi NP ma èiš Ch mè és “amargo” Ot kh/ Maz kh]õ o NP makh`ão Ch màkh/ã “boca” Ot né Maz n]e e NP kon` Ch ùní “cabeza” Ot ñ/ã Maz ñ] i NP kan`ão Ch “conejo” Ot khwá Maz khw]a a NP gokhwà CH “chile” Ot ñí, ñ]i Maz ]i i NP wa èi Ch bè é “frío” Ot c/ Maz s] NP mac` Ch mà í “ir” Ot má Maz m]a NP m`ã~H Ch (/)ngwáa ~ HL “mecate” Ot th]ãhi Maz th] hm NP ngolhw` Ch kùnth/ “metate” Ot kh] Maz kh] hn NP nakhèig CH tàkh/ü “mirar” Ot n] Maz n[ u NP nn/õ o Ch énù ù n`õ ~ LH “ojo” Ot d/ö Maz nd]ö ö NP got`ào Ch ùrá “oreja” Ot g/ Maz ng]õ o 191 Appendix K Cognate Sets for POP Tone NP iky`ão Ch sìg/ã “pesado” Ot hy/ ~ R Maz hy] NP mahèo Ch maxá “pié” Ot wá Maz ngw]a a NP makoà Ch ègú “ratón” Ot ng] Maz ng]õ o NP ni gy`ão Ch nìng/ã “sambroso” Ot k] hi Maz k]ihm NP maqèi Ch “sangre” Ot khí Maz k]i i NP kokhwì CH ùkhé Otomian L to Pamean H POP TONE IV * [R] “atole” Ot t ` i Maz t ` hme NP kol / Ch ùr / “comprar” Ot t`öi Maz t`öm NP ttáog CH ràtár “cuervo”“ Ot k]a Maz kà a NP gokwá Ch úká “enterrar” Ot `ögi Maz `ög NP wá aog”n ~F Ch (/) á ~ LH “flor” Ot d`øni Maz nd`øhnø NP gotóg Ch úró “decir” Ot m/ã ~ R Maz m`ãma NP mm/ã CH (/)m/ã “saliva” Ot khìhni Maz k ìhñi NP khwíg Ch síkhé “seco” Ot yòt i Maz dy òd NP ma ó Ch mó ó “vacío” Ot y`øni Maz dy `ød ø NP ma ó Ch mó ó The Reconstruction of Otopamean 192 Otomian R to Pamean H POP TONE IV * [R] “grueso” Ot pìdi ~ R Maz p]i i NP nim íg CH dzím ér “mamar” Ot c] Maz s]i i NP wácce e Ch étš/ü “tripa” Ot š] mpho Maz š] pho NP mbép Ch kúmb/ü “zorrillo” Ot y`ãi Maz ] hm NP konóã a Ch kár /ã “agudo” 175 Ot nc ]ã Maz s ] NP nin / s Ch “asar” Ot h]ãši Maz h`ãša NP wah/ãs Ch (exüs) chiflar” Ot h/ ši Maz h] š NP nhéos Ch “hambre” Ot th] hu Maz th] hmi NP golh/õi Ch Otomian F to Pamean L POP TONE V * [F] “araña” Ot méše Maz m[še NP kam` s Ch kùmür “barbas” Ot kh/ ni Maz k [ d NP khwèl CH “caballo” Ot pháni Maz ph[ad NP wàhal Ch “carne” Ot ngø Maz ng[e 175 The last four sets are ambiguous for Pamean tone because Ch tone is lacking. They could be either *H or *F 2. They are assigned to *H here, because it places the sets in the only tone class where Otomian R is found in association with final consonant. 193 Appendix K Cognate Sets for POP Tone NP ri gy` Ch “casa” Ot t óši Maz t [oš NP gol òs Ch ùr ós “dientes” Ot c ]i Maz s [ib i NP gocì Ch “elote” Ot mánša Maz m[ ša NP masà CH “enaguas” Ot nkh[ode Maz kh[e e NP nakhòi Ch rùkhú “espuma” Ot ph/ gi Maz ph[ g NP šipph`è Ch sùphé “frijol” Ot kh] Maz kh[ NP khwè Ch kà khé “labio” Ot š]ine Maz š[ine NP i ` t Ch šìní “maduro” Ot d]ã Maz nd[ã a NP mat`ã CH màt/ã “mano” Ot y/ Maz dy [ NP skan ià Ch kàn í “milpa” Ot hw/ãhi Maz hw[ãhma NP konhw`ã Ch kìnhú “moco” Ot m]öši Maz b [öši NP mbàos Ch “perro” Ot yò, yó Maz dy [o o NP nadò Ch “plato” Ot máda Maz m[aza NP nimmyàhag Ch nìmá “preguntar” Ot /öni Maz [ön NP wa àhodn Ch (/) án Otomian H to Pamean L The Reconstruction of Otopamean 194 POP TONE V * [F] “aguacate” Ot c /öni Maz s `ön n NP c àog Ch “ala” Ot hwá Maz hwàha NP hwà Ch “cinco” Ot k/ t a Maz cí a NP kik yài Ch “llorar” Ot w/ Maz w` NP wài Ch (/)ngwé ~ HL “morir” Ot t/ Maz t` u NP tt`õ, (/)ttõ Ch (/)r/ “terminar” Ot tége Maz tèze NP lottwì Ch (/)t/ü Otomian F to Pamean F 2 POP TONE VI * [H] “blanco” Ot t áši Maz t [öš NP káddoa Ch kúnú ù “corto” Ot Maz dy [a m[aha NP mamáha Ch sámàhà “jícara” Ot šímo Maz š[imo NP ímmyó Ch nimò zìtás “llevar” Ot c]i Maz s[ihi NP waccí Ch “tres” Ot hy] Maz hñ[ i NP ránhõ Ch tínhùn “chupar” Ot c/ t i Maz s[ t NP wácciol Ch étš/ü `ün “canción” Ot th/ hu Maz th[õho NP golh/ão Ch “gallina” Ot øni Maz [øhnø NP ko óg Ch 195 Appendix K Cognate Sets for POP Tone Otomian H to Pamean F 2 POP TONE VI * [H] “arar” Ot w/ãhi Maz w]ãhma NP nn/õa a Ch “crecer” Ot té Maz té e NP waddéo Ch (/)nd` “maíz” Ot thá Maz th`õ o NP golhõ/ã Ch “reírse” Ot théde Maz thè e NP tt/ h dn Ch “robar” Ot p/ Maz p e NP pp/ Ch (/)ppì “tejer” Ot pé Maz pè e NP wópp Ch (/)pì “toser” Ot héhe Maz hèhe NP lóhw Ch Miscellaneous Correspondences “decir” Ot šíphi Maz šìphi H:F1 np s[ep ch (/)sè ~ LH “podrida” Ot yá Maz dy a a H:F 1 NP miyy[ã Ch “agua” Ot déhe Maz nd[ehe F:F 1 NP kot[ Ch kurì “comer” Ot ñ/ ni Maz ñ[õn n F:F 1 NP n/ão Ch (/)n`ã ~ LH “dos” Ot yóho Maz y[ehe F:F 1 NP n[oi Ch “excremento” Ot ph]o Maz ph[o o F:H NP mphói Ch úph/ü “rápido” Ot níhi Maz n[ hi The Reconstruction of Otopamean 196 F:H NP manéi Ch máné “tijeras” Ot ñ]ãši Maz ñ[ãša F:H NP nal y/ãs Ch tár / s “hilo” Ot th/ãhi Maz th[ hm F:R NP golh/ãi Ch ùrh/ r “nombre” Ot th] hu Maz th[ hu F:R NP golhó Ch ùnh/ “olla” Ot c `øe Maz s [øb ø F:R NP gocwé Ch ùc é “contar” Ot pède Maz pè e L:R NP pp/ dn Ch (/)pín “estar” Ot m` i Maz b ` b L:R NP mmého Ch (/)mè ~ LH “probar” Ot c`öhpi Maz s`ö ö L:R NP ccáo Ch (/)ndzá ~ HL ~ HH Compounds “año” Ot kh` ya Maz kh[ NP ní g he Ch “catarro” Ot thèhe Maz thè NP gol/ Ch “cosechar” Ot šòpho Maz š]ephe NP wass/ Ch “instrumento Ot mìda Maz b ì i musical” NP nibbí i Ch “ombligo” Ot c `öi Maz s `ön n NP gocáog Ch “patos” Ot tìga Maz tìzi NP kátti Ch pestañas” Ot š]idö Maz šì ö 197 Appendix K Cognate Sets for POP Tone NP ši gyá p Ch “teñir” Ot k`ãt i Maz k`ãt a NP wákkã Ch APPENDIX L LIST OF ALL COGNATE SETS The cognate sets are arranged according to their Spanish gloss. One reason for not arranging them according to their reconstructed form is that the stem initial consonant alternations make an alphabetical listing by initial consonants rather difficult. When a reconstruction is based on only a few languages and those are from the same subgroup, the reconstruction is more limited than when it is based on evidence from nearly all the languages or from representatives of the major subgroups. Following the Spanish gloss and its English equivalent, a reconstructed form is listed. Whenever possible the A form of the stem is reconstructed. However, nouns often must be reconstructed in a B, C, or D form. A weakened consonant of a B or C form is marked by a preceding equals sign. The syllable nucleus follows immediately after the stem initial consonant(s) with the glottal element written after the vowel(s). The stem formative consonant(s)are separated from the root by a hyphen. The glottal element in a stem formative is written after the other consonant(s), if any. The basic cognate elements of the constituent languages are presented in tabular form, utilizing a uniform orthography in so far as possible. (Vowel symbols peculiar to the Otopamean languages are: the central vowels [ ], ø [ ]; the low front vowel [ae]; the low back vowel ö; and the front rounded vowel ü.) Where necessary or deemed useful a paragraph of supplementary information follows. Such information includes the older transcriptions of Matlatzinca, different semantics in the various languages, different attestations of forms, paradigmatic ABCD forms, cross reference to other sets, etc. A number of abbreviations are used. The languages are abbreviated as follows without parentheses: Otomi, Ot; Mazahua, Maz; Matlatzinca, Mtz; Ocuilteco, Oc; North Pame, NP; South Pame, SP; and Chichimeco, Ch. Dialects of a language are abbreviated according to the town or region where spoken: San Felipe (SF), San Gregorio (SG), Santa Clara (SC), Mezquital (Mez), Pacula (P), Jiliapan (J), etc. Different attestations are abbreviated according to the investigator: Guevara (Gu), Basalenque (Bas), Castro (Cas), Moisés Romero (R), Andrews (A), Lorna Gibson (LG), Donald Stewart (Stw), etc. The paradigmatic forms are identified by A,B,C,D,E, or F, without parentheses. 6/9/2010 198 199 Appendix L All POP Cognate Sets Otomi and Mazahua forms are cited without prefixes. Pame and Chichimeco forms are usually cited with prefixes because the tone patterns are spread over prefix and root. Matlatzinca and Ocuilteco forms are usually cited without prefixes. 1. “Abajo below” *(m)po Mtz map o Oc NP kimbyò p Ch kumpu (R) nìmbó SP (J) kumpu , (P) p[u 2. “Abandonar abandon” *pai k Ot p gi Maz mp zi 3. “Abeja bee” * k a ne Ot gãne Maz ng[ hn 4. “Abrir open” *so h k Ot šohki Maz šohk Mtz šo ki (Gu) xohoqui Oc šoki Note: In Otomi and Mazahua, an h before the stem formative distinguishes the transitive from the intransitive. This may not belong to an earlier horizon, however. Cf. “llave” for the noun derived from this verb. 5. “Abrir open” *s n NP was/ Ch gàs/ SP mansì 6. “Absorber absorb” *si n Ot cini Maz siñi 7. “Acabado finished” *ho n NP hog Ch A, B rho NP C hog ; D –tthog Ch C tho; D ntho 8. “Acabado used up” *the k Ot thege Maz theze Ot tege “to use up” Maz teze 9. “Acercarse get close” *thã c Ot thãci (SF) Maz thãs ã 10. “ácido sour” * i s Ot iš Maz iš Mtz t iši Maz t iš NP ma èiš Ch me SP (J) cuš, (P) cu wìs The Reconstruction of Otopamean 200 11. “Acordarse remember” *mp n Ot mb ni Maz mbéñ e 12. “Acostarse lie down” *m ai n /# Ot m ni Maz bembat NP ndab[at (pl) Ch ébé è SP n` ba a 13. “Acostarse lie down *n a NP da a (sg.) Ch nda SP mantand/ã a 14. “Acostarse to bed” * o m Ot oi Maz [ob 15. “Adherir stick to” *koa h t Ot kwahti Maz kwaht 16. “Adivino soothsayer” * pã t Ot bãdi Maz NP káppãt Ch kàmb/ãr SP kumpã Note: The NP form looks like an A form. The others could be B or C forms. The reconstruction is a B form. 17. “Adobe mud brick” Compound with *hao m Ot ñãhöi (SF) Maz ñíhöm Mtz (na )kahani Oc (nilco) kha NP Ch úhà ( écàn Note: Ot and Maz have preposed yã “head.” Mtz and Oc have preposed ka. 18. “Adormecido asleep (arm or leg)” *m pã mh Ot mbãhi Maz mbãhmã 19. “Afuera outside” *thi Ot thí Maz th]i i Mtz he ti Oc thi 20. “Agarrar grab” *pai nt Ot p nt i Maz p n i 201 Appendix L All POP Cognate Sets 21. “Agua water” * teh Ot déhe Maz nd[ehe Maz intawi Oc ndà NP kot] Ch kúrì NP A kónd B kiky` C kí gy Ch A kúndì B kìrí C kíndì 22. “Aguacate avocado” *c öni Ot c öni Maz s `öhn Mtz c oni Oc c o NP c aog Ch SP nc awn 23. “Aguantar endure” *cai h t / *coe h t Ot c hti Maz s h i 24. “agudo sharp” *(n)c a Ot nc ã Maz s NP nin / s Ch Note: NP has a suffix s. 25. “Aguja needle” *t oe NP nal Ch tàr /ü SP (P) nét è, (J) nt w` 26. “Ahogar suffocate” *kh a t Ot (SF) khãti Maz ch nt 27. “Agujerear pierce” *pioHC k Mtz m i Oc m ki NP pphèog Ch Mtz (Bas) muixchi, puixchi Mtz (Gu) –muchii “agujero hay” 28. “Agujerear pierce” *ciHC h k/ t Ot nc hki Maz Np cél “a hole” Ch úcèn SP cì n Note: Cf. Ot (SF) nch ni “injection.” NP cwel “pricking.” Perhaps the HC of the reconstruction should be a vowel cluster with an o either before or after the i. 29. “Aire wind” *n tã mh Ot ndãhi Maz ndãhmã The Reconstruction of Otopamean 202 30. “Ala wing” *(n)hoa Ot hwá Maz hwàha Mtz inhowi Oc linhó NP manhwà SP nhnoa 31. “Alacrán” *con ti n NP cond[eily Ch súndèn 32. “Alegre happy” *h o n NP lah/ o Ch márh` 33. “Alimentar feed someone” * oi n Ot wini Maz wiñi 34. “Alimentos food” *hyão n Ot (SF) hñ ni Maz hñ[ön 35. “Aliviar to make better (of sickness)” * ø ya te Ot øhte Maz øt ø Mtz ø ya Oc øbiá Mtz (Cas) quitobeayaata “curar enfermedad” (a ø) 36. “Aliviarse get better” *th c Ot (SF) th ci Maz this i 37. “Alto high” *h c Ot *h c i Maz h s 38. “Alumbrar give light” yo t / c / k Ot yot i Maz yo o “vela” Mtz yoki Oc yóc i Mtz (Bas) yohotzi, yotze: (Gu) niyoo “candelero” Oc (Weitlaner, 1934) tiyothik “alúmbrame.” 39. “Alzar raise” *hõ s Ot A h c , C hy c i, D th c i NP A –hosp, B h`õsp, C –nhìõsp, D lh`õsp Ch A hu, B nhi, C nhi, D rhu 40. “Alzar raise something” *ta h c Mtz tahc i Oc tahc i 41. “Amanecer get light” *noe t (?) Mtz neti Oc (tàl)néti 203 Appendix L All POP Cognate Sets 42. “Amanecer get light, dawn” *ha c / p, *hã c Ot hy]ac i Maz hy]as Mtz hyabi Oc NP nhãs “to arise” Ch 43. “Amar love” *thi ya Mtz thiya Oc thiya 44. “Amargo bitter” *khão Ot (n)kh Maz kh[ö ö Mtz hø Oc hø NP makh`ão Ch màkh/ã 45. “Amarillo yellow” *k a s t Ot (n)k ašt i Maz k ašt 46. “Amarrar tie” * oe t Ot we t ti Maz wë i Mtz weti Oc wéhtí 47. “Amarrar tie” *th a t Ot th`ã Maz th/ t 48. “Amarrar tie” *tõ t Ot (Mez) t/ ti Maz tõ t “ 49. “Ancho wide” *si/*s Ot š di Mtz šintiru “camino ancho” NP nišše e SP niší i 50. “Ancho wide” *mhi Mtz mi Oc mhi 51. “Andar walk” *n ioa Ot yo Maz n od Mtz tru Oc NP dóa Ch ét ú SP ndóak 52. “Animal animal” *m pai NP A nambá i, B gowá i, C gomá i, D mb pt Ch A nãmbè, B ùngwé, C úmè, D úvè 53. “Anteayer day before yesterday” *n ante Mtz ranta Oc phlamda The Reconstruction of Otopamean 204 54. “Año year” *khai /*kãih Ot kh ya Maz kh[ Mtz inkhø”ø Oc khøn ø NP ni g h Ch Ot (Relación de Querétaro) Quenza. There are several different postposed elements in the different languages. 55. “Apagar (la lumbre) extinguish” *hõe t / k Ot hw t i Maz hw Mtz hu u i Oc (lí)hñin i 56. “Apetito, tener to have an appetite" *mo s Ot moši Maz moš 57. “Aprender learn" *phai h t Ot ph hti “imitate” Maz ph h i 58. “Apretar squeeze” *ti s NP wáttes Ch étès 59. “Aquí here” *koa Ot gwa Maz a ñekhwa NP ikyúwa Ch kíkú SP kùà, kwà 60. “Arado—a plow” *t oa p Ot t àbi Maz t oa p Mtz int opi Oc t opi SP nt oá Ch úr ù Cf. “Arar.” 61. “Araña spider” *me s Ot meše Maz m[eš Mtz inmaši Oc màši NP kam` s Ch 62. “Araña spider” *me n SP (P) emén Ch kùm/ür 205 Appendix L All POP Cognate Sets 63. “Arar plow” *nõa mh Ot wãhi Maz wãhmã Mtz nomi Oc NP nn/õ a Ch 64. “Arar plow” *pi c SP maph n puic Ch ú /ö épèc 65. “Árbol tree” * ca Ot z]a Maz z[a a Mtz insa Oc dza 66. “Árbol tree” * koã n NP gokwá Ch tàngwá SP (P) nu gw/ã Ch (R) kà /ã 67. “Arco bow” *thai (?) NP golhà Ch tùrhé 68. “Arder burn” *nõa n or *nõ n Ot nãni “cal” Maz ñö n “cal” NP n[aol “arder” Ch nar “arder” SP (P) kiñãw “arder” Ch (R) min/ã “cal” 69. “Arder burn” * coe t Ot (n)zø Maz zørø Mtz ceti 70. “Ardilla squirrel” *mi nã Ot m nã Maz mini Gu mini (yntemini) Oc mi (ndemi) NP koméig 71. “Arena sand” *m o m Ot * mom (Ot has preposed mo ) Maz Mtz mumi (n i mumi) Oc mu (ñùmú) NP mm/ o SP m i 72. “Armadillo” *tho Mtz Oc tho NP lhó SP nthú 73. “Armadillo” *nk i nkhoa Ot nk ]inkhwa Maz k nkhwà The Reconstruction of Otopamean 206 74. “Arrear herd” *kõaoh n NP kwãho Ch kun Ch A dun, B kun, C gun, D khun. 75. “Arrear herd” * ai t /n Ot ` t i, t i Maz dy i 76. “Arriba up” *c n Mtz makuc i Oc NP koc / ( ) Ch pac ín 77. “Asar roast” *hã s Mtz hãši Oc NP h/ãs Ch ehüs (?) SP hwãš 78. “Asustar frighten, startle” *pi t Ot pidi Maz pì i 79. “Asustarse fear” *cõ Ot c Maz s 80. “Atar tie” *tõ (n) c Ot t c i Maz t nc Mtz tuc i Maz tunc i NP ttóc “sandals” Ch tuc NP A tuts, B nduts, C ruts, D rhuts. 81. “Atar tie up” *th a t Ot thãt i Maz th t t 82. “Atole thick drink made from corn” *t m Ot t i Maz t hm Mtz t emi Oc t e SP ket Ch úr / NP A ka , B kon , C kon , D kol 83. Atravesar cross” * na c / h k Ot * nac i Oc lác ì Ot * nahki “brincar” Maz dahk “brincar” 84. “Aventar trigo winnow grain” *pi h k Ot pihki Maz pihci 85. “Axila armpit” *hoa 207 Appendix L All POP Cognate Sets NP sanhwàp ( p “his”) Ch nính/ nìmb/ö SP šnhùa 86. “Ayer yesterday” *m te Ot mánd]e Maz ànd[ø ø Mtz nta Oc mdá 87. “Tarde late afternoon” *n te Ot nd]e Maz Mtz rinta Oc milindá, tàhndá NP wand` p ( go báho) “It’s eve, the fiesta” 88. “Ayudar help” *phao c Ot phöc i Maz phös 89. “Azadón hoe” *t oa Ot (SG) t api Ch (R) úr ù sadó Cf. “arado.” 90. “Azul blue” *k a n k Ot k angi Maz k ãngã 91. “Bailar dance” *nãih m Ot n i Maz n m Mtz nøhøbi Oc ñøøbi NP nn/ãhi Ch énèhè SP n/ãha 92. “Bajar come down” *kã m / t Ot kãi Maz Mtz abi Oc NP k[ã t SP gwáhat 93. “Banco bench, stool” * hopi Mtz hopi Oc n hopi NP šin oho (?) 94. “Bañar bathe” *si h k/ t Ot š hki Maz Mtz šuti Oc šuti NP sig SP šin Cf. “Lavar.” 95. “Bañar (a alguien) bathe someone” *sa h t Ot šáhti Maz šàht The Reconstruction of Otopamean 208 96. “Bañarse bathe” *sah Ot (n)šaha Maz šàh 97. “Barbas chin, beard” *khi n (Should have HC?) Ot kh/ ni Maz k [ d Mtz n ri Oc nd[z li Np khwèl SP igy n NP A ikkìl , B gw[el , C gwìl , D kwèlp. 98. “Barranca gulley” *hy Ot *hy Maz Mtz ipyhewi Oc ndóhñè 99. “Barranca gulley” *nhã NP nanh/ã Ch sính`ã “río” SP nhnáw 100. “Barrer sweep” *pa s Ot páši Maz paš Mtz paši Oc mbáš i 101. “Escoba broom” *m a s Ot * maši Maz baš Mtz baši Oc ši aš i SP stpã Ch táp` (R) 102. “Barriga belly” *m pao NP A namb]ao, B gowào, C gom]ao, D gob]ap Ch A námbà, B ùngwá, C úmà SP (P) námpáw, (J) (m)m]u. 103. “Bautizar baptize” *hi h t Ot hìhti Maz hìh i 104. “Besar kiss” *cioHC t/ p/ t Ot c hti / r ne (SF) Maz s/ tp o n]e e Mtz cupi Oc cupi NP cciol “chupar” Ch Cf. “chupar,” “mamar.” 105. “Blanco white” *t oa s/*n?oa/*noa Ot t áši Maz t ]öš Mtz t oši Oc NP káddoa Ch kúnú ù SP škándóà 209 Appendix L All POP Cognate Sets 106. “Blando soft” *tão t Ot t di Maz t]ö r , ö r SP ty t Oc tøti “carne blanda” 107. “Blusa blouse” *pa h n Ot pahni Maz pahna 108. “Boca mouth” *te/*ne Ot né Maz n]e e, te e Mtz na Oc NP kon Ch ùní SP khne NP A katt` , B kol] , C kon` , D n` t, kon` t Ch A kàtí, B útì, C ùní 109. “Bordar embroider” * oe t Ot w hti Maz w h i 110. “Borracho drunk” *t /*ni m Ot nt Maz t` Mtz nimi Oc ni 111. “Borrego sheep” *tão t Ot d hti (d +t di) Maz nd[ n r Mtz inšitøti Oc nimtønti “algodón” 112. “Brazo arm” *s SP n`øs` Ch sìs/ 113. “Brotar to sprout” *poeHC c Ot pøc e Maz pes e 114. “Brujo *ho sorcerer” NP kahó Ch káhó SP kuhú 115. “Buscar look for” *ho n Ot hòni Maz hod Mtz hori Oc holi 116. “Buscar search” *tao NP B,C ttã o, D thã o Ch A,B,C tã, D thã 117. “Caballo horse” *pah n The Reconstruction of Otopamean 210 Ot phani Maz ph]ad Mtz pari, impahari Oc báhli NP wàhal SP mpàhàl 118. “Cabellos hair” *si *nõa/*tõa Ot šta Maz ñ ste Mtz ši nú Oc šitu 119. “Cabellos hair” *ka nh /*th SP skinhn]i Ch kánthè NP skanh] 120. “Cabeza head” *niõ Ot šiy “nariz” Maz šihñ “nariz” Mtz nu Oc ñu NP i `õa “nariz” Ch kàn/ “nariz” 121. “Cabeza head” *n a/*não n Ot yã Maz ñ NP kan`ão SP kinyãu 122. “Cadera hip” *mo Ot yãmo “dedo del pié” Maz ñ mo “dedo del pié” NP gomò Ch rùmór SP škumú 123. “Caer fall” *co Ot co Maz so o NP cco Ch co 124. “Caer fall” *hø m Ot høi Maz høb ø The Ot Maz ø comes from either *oHC or *eoHC. 125. “Caer de arriba fall from above” *tao k *Ot tögi Maz tög 126. “Caerse fall over" *nioHC k Maz n g Mtz nuki 127. “Caja box” *hoa ta Ot hwada Maz hwar Mtz wati Oc hwati 211 Appendix L All POP Cognate Sets 128. “Cal lime” *thi to Mtz thuto Oc thindó 129. “Cal lime” *ci p Ot cibi “fuego” Maz sivi “fuego” Ntz ininsipi “cenizas” Oc nimcipi “cenizas” NP lac i “cal” SP sì ìc í “cal” 130. “Calabacita little squash” *mõ Ot m Maz m Mtz mu Oc gánc ìmúhli NP mõhi SP m h` 131. “Calabazo gourd” *mo Ot (SG) t/ãšmbo (tã+šimo”) Oc ndšíhmó NP komó Ch nímó SP nc , mí`w (low tone w) 132. “Calavera skull” *si mo Ot šimo Mtz šimo NP immyó (sg) , šimmyó (pl) 133. “Calcetín sock” * kwa, *t i t NP makwà kot wé t Ch égù r e r Note: The reconstruction of the stem formative is uncertain. 134. “Caldo broth” *n ki teh Ot githe Maz ng re 135. “Calentar heat it” *pa ( ) t / n Ot pà t i Maz pà t Mtz pari (al fuego), pati (al sol) Oc pátí NP ppal Ch pan NP ABCD ppal Ch A,B pan, C nban, D phan 136. “Caliente hot” *pa Ot (m) pa Maz pa Mtz pawi Oc pa NP map]a Ch mápà SP múpã 137. “Calzones trousers” *khoi Ot z škho Mtz in ho NP na khòi Ch rùkhü SP šnkhu Cf. “Enaguas.” The Reconstruction of Otopamean 212 138. “Calzones trousers” *hwi t kwa Ot hwit wa Maz hwi kwa 139. “Camarón shrimp” *mao m Ot möi Maz mö b 140. “Calzar put on shoes” *t t Ot t t i Maz t i 141. “Cama bed” *m i NP gob[ Ch nimbi SP /mbíe (high tone m) 142. “Cambiar change” *pao t/ n Ot pöti (tr.), mbödi (intr.) Maz pöhti Mtz pac i Oc NP mmàodn Ch por NP A,B,C mmaodn , D ppàodn Ch A,B,C por, D phor 143. “Camino path, road” *n o Ot y Maz ñ h Maz ru Oc ndluhu 144 “Camino road, path” *n õeh NP n o` Ch nánk ` h` (?) SP n/ h` NP A non ò h , B ni y h , C ni y ` h , D nan h Note: The Ch form would fit except for the k. 145. “Camote sweet potato * poeHC (n) k(h)õa m Ot bøk wã Maz b [emgwã mã Mtz Oc bøn u SP (P) pikhw`ã, (J) pikiw Ch pik/ 146. “Papas potatoes” (under “camote”) *n o/*t o Ot nok a Maz d ok a Mtz int o Oc NP pi o Ch Note: The second syllable in the Ot and Maz words may have something to do with the morpheme in “camote,” above. Although both “camote” and “papa” appear to be compounds, the first element in “camote” is more like a prefix whereas the first element in “papa” is a root morpheme. This could account for the different reflexes of the second element. 213 Appendix L All POP Cognate Sets 147. “canasta basket” *th(o)i Ot mithi Maz b e he Mtz insønthiwi Oc Note: Ot and Maz have preposed *m i; Mtz has preposed cøn. NP llhwi i: NP A nothwí i , B nilyhí i, C nikyhí i 148. “Canasto large basket” *m ø c i Ot møc e Maz b os i Mtz Oc bøc i SP šmtikic ]i Ch kúc è Note: The ø in Otomian probably is from POP *oHC, although the reason that Maz has the reflex o is obscure. 149. “Canción song” *thão h Ot th h Maz th[ohõ Mtz inthøwi Oc NP golh/ão A nattão, B got`ão, C got[ão 150. “Cansado tired” *k õi n NP ndak / mp Ch kúnk `ün SP m`øtíkìw 151. “Cansarse get tired” *cao ya Ot cöya Maz söya Mtz coya Oc nzoya Note: The ya suffix is still to be explained because at present no y is reconstructed for POP. 152. “Cantar sing” *tão h Ot t h Maz tõhõ Mtz tøwi Oc tø NP ndão, D nthão 153. “Cántaro water jug” *sø nh Ot šøni Maz šøhnø Note: The Ot Maz ø comes from either *oHC or *eoHC 154 “caña sugar cane” *n io Ot yo Maz dy e e Mtz ro Oc lo NP Ch úr ùhù Mtz (Cas) yndo (de maíz verde); ynziiro (seco) The Reconstruction of Otopamean 214 155. “Capulín wild cherry” *choe Ot d ch Maz nd[ ns Mtz insewi Oc che 156 “Cara face” *hmi Ot hmi Maz hmi i Mtz mhi Oc mhi 157. “Carbón charcoal” *th mia/ m / n Ot th yã Maz th hm Mtz thubi Oc thuli 158. “Cárcel jail” *phao t Ot phödi Maz phör Cf. “Cuidar.” 159. “Cárcel jail” *khã n NP ki khyã a Ch ùkh/ã (màger) SP khi/ k gwa 160 “Carne humana human *n koeHC flesh” Ot ngø Maz g[e e NP gw` SP mug` A ro gw` , B riky[ , C ri gy` , D ri gy` t 161. “Carne meat” *n i m Mtz indimi Oc ndli 162. “caro dear, expensive *m a t Ot mãdi Maz mi i Ch m h 163. “Carpintero carpenter” *nia s Ot yaši Maz yaš 164. “Carrizo reed” *thi Ot šithi Maz šithi Mtz inthiwi Oc NP lhi SP nthí 165. “casa house” *n kõ Ot ng Maz ng m Note: The Mazahua second syllable may be from a contraction of 215 Appendix L All POP Cognate Sets höm “soil” as the second element of a compound. The houses in the area are of adobe brick. 166. “Casa house” *t o s Ot t oši “cena, cama” Maz t oš “nido” Mtz t oši “cena” Oc NP l òs “casa” Ch ùr ós “casa” SP nt us “casa” 167 “Cenar eat supper” * o s Ot oši “pasar la noche” Maz oš “pasar la noche” Mtz yoši “cenar” Oc 168. “Casarse get married” *t ah t Ot (n) thãhtiwi Maz h/ ht Mtz tøhønye Oc NP tt` he t Ch ìtéhér SP t h NP A, C tt` he t, B kky` he t, D ky ` he t 169 “Catarro a cold” *the OT thehe Maz the Mtz katuhyewi Oc NP A noth , B nilyh , C nikhy , D rikhy t 170. “Cebolla onion” * toe n si Ot d nši Maz nd nš Note: The Ot Maz could come from either POP *ai or *oe after an alveolar consonant. 171. “Cenizas ashes” *m o ci p Ot mo(h)cibi Maz b ozivi Mtz nimbo, inincipi Oc nimcipi 172 “Cerca fence” *k õah n NP gok wãhol Ch k òhò SP nt uškahu 173. “Cerca near” *no SP šnú Ch manó 174 “Cerrar close” *ko t Ot kot i Maz kot Mtz ko ti Oc The Reconstruction of Otopamean 216 175. “Cerrar close” *ceo / n NP wacc o// Ch gàcen 176 Cerro mountain, hill” *soeHC c Ot šøc e “encima” Maz a šes e “encima” Mtz inšøc i Oc 177. “Cerro mountain” *hãi c Ot h c i “alto, cielo” Maz h s e “cielo” Mtz høc i “cerro” Oc høc i “cerro” NP h` c “alzar” 178 “Cerro mountain” *t oeHCh Ot t øhø Maz t èhe NP l w[ SP nt úè 179. “Cinco five” *koiHC t ai Ot k t a Maz ci a Mtz kut a Oc kwìt á NP kik yai Ch 180. “Cintura belt” *kiHCh t / n Ot ng ti Maz nz nt Mtz h ti NP kéhel SP kugwíhin 181. “Ciudad town” *nh n Ot hnini Maz ndahni ñi 182. “Clavar nail” *tø t Ot tøt e Maz tøt ø Note: The Ot Maz ø comes from either POP *oHC or POP *eoHC. 183. Cobija blanket” *t oe NP l w` Ch ùr /ü SP nt we 184. “Cocer en la olla cook” *hoHC c *heoHC c Ot høc e Maz høs ø 185. “Codiciar covet” *ne h p Ot (SF) nehpi Maz nehpe 186. “Codo elbow” y n Ot y ni Maz y d Note: There is as yet no satisfactory explanation for Ot Maz y . 217 Appendix L All POP Cognate Sets 187. “Cola tail” *c ioHC /*c oiHC Ot c Maz Mtz c inci Oc cindzi NP nc [oe Ch NP A nácce , B gocèok , C goc[oe , D nc [oep 188. “collar necklace” *the p Ot thebe Maz theve Mtz Oc thàpí NP nlh NP A att , B got[ , C nd 189. “Compañero companion” *(n) io i (dual) Ot n yowi Maz dy ofi Note: The * i is the dual morpheme the only vowel suffix. 190. “Comal clay griddle” *n io Ot do yo Maz ndèdy e Mtz nowi Oc no Note: Ot and Maz have preposed * to. 191. “Comal clay griddle” *c i NP ši é Ch c é 192. “Comer eat” *n ao n / n Ot y ni Maz ñö n NP n/ão Ch nã SP (Mi) ninyã (prob. Ji) NP A, B, C n/ão , D ndonh/ão Ch A, B, C –nã, D nhã 193. “Comer eat” *ci Ot ci Maz si i Mtz cici Oc cinci NP Ch nácè 194. “Comezón itch” *(n)sã mh Ot nšãhi Maz šãhmã 195. “Componer fix” *ho h k Ot hohki Maz hohk The Reconstruction of Otopamean 218 196. “Comprar buy” *tao m Ot töi Maz töm Mtz tami Oc ta NP ttáog Ch ta SP ntáw Ot A töi, C döi, D n öi Maz A töm , C ndöm , D d öi NP A ttaog , B taog , C taog , D lhaog Ch A –ta, B –nda, C –ra, D rha 197. “Conejo rabbit” *khoa Ot khwá Maz khw]a a Mtz khwa, ho Oc NP khwà Ch 198. Confesar confess” *kõah n/ m / nia Ot (n)khw/ãni Maz khwãm ã Mtz kunya Oc keyungyá NP kkwãho Ch NP A kkw`ãho , B kkw`ãho , C kk`ãho , D k w`ãho 199. “Consolar comfort” *ho t Ot ho t i Maz ho t p 200. “Contar count” *pe t/ n Ot pede Maz pè e Mtz Oc mbáti NP pp dn Ch pin NP A pp? dn, B w dn, C m dn, D b dn Ch A pin, B ngwin, C –min, D mbin 201. “Contestar answer” *t ah t/*tãih t Ot thãdi Maz th` r Mtz tønti, tøhønti Oc tømti 202. “Copal, incienso incense” *n ki tho n/pã Ot githoni Maz ngi h hn Mtz in i pø Oc n ípø 203. “copiar copy” *sø h k Ot šøhke Maz šøhkø Note: Ot Maz ø comes from either *oHC or *eoHC. 219 Appendix L All POP Cognate Sets 204. “Corazón heart” *m m Ot m i Maz m b Note: Ot Maz comes from either *iHC or *ioHC. 205. “Correcto correct” * i t SP nìdí i Ch írì r 206. “Cortar cut” *ta a SP ta a Ch tútá à o , (A) étàv 207. “Cortar flores pick flowers” *t h k Ot t hki Maz t hk Note: Ot Maz comes from either *iHC or *ioHC. 208. “Cortar quelites pick wild greens” *pai mh Ot p hi Maz pehme 209. “Corteza bark” *h s Ot h ši Maz Mtz ših ši Oc ših ši Note: Otomian comes from either *iHC or *ioHC. 210 “Corteza bark” *mo SP nímmiú Ch rímó 211. “Corto short” *mah NP mamáha Ch sámàhà SP smáhà 212. “Correr run” *nãih SP (P) n/ãh` Ch nef, D nhef SP (J) n/ãhã Note: The Ch suffix f may be the third person object * p. 213. “Correr run” *ti h/*n i h Ot tihi Maz d ihi 214. “Correr run” *kõ m / Ot k i Maz Mtz kubi Oc NP kk/õ Ch kun “to race” NP A kk/õ , B k`õ , C k`õ , D kh`õ Ch A kun, B kun, C gun, D khun The Reconstruction of Otopamean 220 215. “Cosechar harvest” *se ph/# Ot šopho Maz šephe Mtz šepi Oc NP ss SP (P) mán ni ì (?) 216. “Cosechar (frijoles) harvest” *sa Ot ša NP sá 217. “Coser sew” *oe t/ n Ot w di, D t di Maz Mtz weri Oc gweli NP w dnt “piece cloth” NP h t “sew” Ch é `üh`ür SP ùhèt 218. “Aguja needle” (Cf. “Coser”) *t oe NP nal ` Ch tàr /ü SP nt w 219. “Coyote” *n io Ot m n yo Maz mindy o Mtz nšu yowi Oc šuyo NP man ò Ch 220. “Crecer grow” *te/*n e Ot té Maz té e NP ddéo Ch nd 221. “Creer believe” * h mh Ot m Maz hm 222. “Cuarenta forty” *nio te Ot yòhte Maz ye dy `öhte Mtz nenta, nehenta Oc myèndá NP n[oi ly[ dn SP tide 223. “Cuatro four * ki nioh Ot goho Maz nzìyo, nzioho Mtz kunhowi Oc ngunhó NP ki h[oi Ch 224. “Cuchillo knife” *khoa m Ot khwai Maz NP gokhwá a “flint knife” SP (P) pikhwá , (J) bìkhìõ 221 Appendix L All POP Cognate Sets 225. “Cuchillo knife” *thai n *thi s Ot (SG) th ni Maz th dy i Mtz hari “cortar” Oc NP nalhéš Ch ràrhé 226. “Cuerpo body” *nhia NP gonhìa Ch ùnh/ 227. “Cuervo crow” *ka Ot ka Maz kà a Mtz in a a Oc k a NP gokwá Ch ùká SP nèká Note: There is a very strong probability that this resemblance is due to onomatopoeia. 228. “Cuidar watch” *to n NP A ttòg , B tòg , C tòg , D lhòg Ch A to, B ndo, C ro, D rho 229. “Cuidar take care of” *phao t Ot phödi Maz phör 230. “Culebra snake” *k mia Ot k yã Maz k ` hm Mtz n imi Oc i 231. “Culebra snake” *chi /*chi NP kochí Ch kúc è r 232. “Culpa fault” *c o h k Ot c ohki Maz s ohk 233. “Curandero medicine man” *n iai m Ot n y i Maz Mtz imi “curar” Oc i “curar” NP d Ch tehe SP ðe Cf. “medicina.” 234. “Chapulín grasshopper” *t a s Ot t ãši Maz t š SP skant ès Ch ríté The Reconstruction of Otopamean 222 235. “Chiflar whistle” *hioHC s Ot h ši Maz h š Mtz h ši Oc h ši NP nhéos Ch énés (nhes ?) SP nú úš 236. ”Chilacayote squash” *mõih Ot d m Maz nd mi i Mtz šimu u Oc šikmúhli NP mm/õh Ch 237. “Chicle chewing gum” *c a h po Ot c/áhpo Maz c ahpo Ch c áp ó Note: Perhaps the Ch form is a borrowing from Otomi. 238. “Chile chile pepper” *(m) i Ot (n) i Maz i i Mtz mi Oc mi NP wa èi Ch è é SP í 239. “Chile seco dried chiled” *n io m i Ot yom i Maz dy [o i Mtz niyomi Oc yok ami 240. “Chile verde green chile” *sa m i Ot š m i Maz Mtz ša mi Oc šami Note: The Ot form shows assimilation of the first vowel to the vowel in the second syllable. 241. “Chispa spark” *ci p Ot d (h)cibi Maz nd sivi Mtz nšicipi Oc šínz`øcípi 242. “Chivo goat” *ki t NP ikíl Ch tàkér 243 “Chupar suck” *cioHC t *coiHC n Ot c t i Maz s t Mtz Oc cúti NP cciol Ch étš/ü `ün NP A cciol , B,C –ci[ol , D c i[ol 223 Appendix L All POP Cognate Sets 244. “Dañar spoil something” *c on /# Ot c oni Maz s od “lastimar” NP c o Ch 245. “Dar give (not as a gift)” *po k/# Mtz po i (ki) Oc póki NP A ppo, B wo, C mo, D b[o Ch A po, B ngwo, C mo, D mbo 246. “Dar give” *õ n Ot ni Maz [ n 247. “Dar give” * eo n NP A w[eog , B w[eog , C d[eog , D l [eog Ch A e, B –te, C –nde, D r e 248. “Dar give *pa n Mtz pari, pahri Oc mbali 249. “Deber owe” *tõ Ot t Maz t 250. “Decir say” *si p Ot šíphi Maz šìphi Mtz ši Oc NP sep, D chep Ch se, D che 251. “Decir say” * na Ot nã Maz ñ NP hi (?) Ch 252. “Decir say” *mã m/ t Ot mã D mhã Maz mãmã Mtz møti Oc mø NP A mmã , B,C mã , D mhã Ch A mã, B,C mã, D mhã 253. “Dedo finger” *n a n iai Ot Maz ñidy Mtz nu ye Oc nuye Note: The word is a compound of “head” and “hand.” 254. “Dedo finger” *saoh Ot šöhö Maz šöhö The Reconstruction of Otopamean 224 255. “Dedo del pié toe” (*n a) *mo Ot yãmo Maz ñimo Mtz nu mo Oc ñumo NP skamo “claw” Ch Note: The word is a compound of “head” and “foot” in Otomian (cf. “finger”). The NP word contains the “foot” morpheme. 256. “Defender defend” *mã t Ot mãdi “love, protect” Maz m`ãrã 257. “Dejar leave, abandon” *co k Ot cogi Maz sóg 258. “Dejar leave” *hai k/ m Ot h gi, C hy gi, D th gi Maz h zi, C hy zi, D th zi Mtz habi, (i)he i Oc habi, he i NP A haig , B,C nhíag , D lháig Ch A he, B,C nhi, D rhe 259. “Delgado thin” * pia s NP nip[i s Ch dzíbès SP níbìš 260. “Desgranar maíz shell corn” *tõa h k/ m Cf. “frotar.” Ot tãhki Maz tö m Mtz tobi Oc tubi 261. “Derramar pour out” *phao n Ot phöni Maz phöd 262. “Desabrido without flavor” * oe (Onomatopoeia ) Ot (SF) w Maz w 263. “Despertar awaken (tr.)” *nõ(h) Ot (SG) n h Maz Mtz nuwi Oc ñu NP nn[o Ch énú SP n[u 264. “Dientes teeth” *c i m /# Ot c i Maz s ibi Mtz cibi Oc ci NP nc i SP nci NP A ccì , B c[i , C ccì , D nc èpt 225 Appendix L All POP Cognate Sets 265. “Diez ten” *n ai t ai Ot n t a Maz dy a Mtz ndat a Oc mblát a NP sesk ai The second element is a D form of “hand,” cf. “hand.” 266. “Difícil difficult” *h e m # Ot hy i NP mah t 267 “Dilatar delay” *m t/ n Ot m di Maz me e NP mm n Ch m , D mh 268. “Dinero money” *n taih n NP nd h dn Ch (R) úrèhèn SP dãhãn Ch A túndèn, B kùrén, C nírèn, D úrèn 269 “Dios god” *k ah m/*kiah p Ot okhã Maz (mi o) khimi mökhã “priest” mb/ökhìmi “priest” nikhã “church” ñichi mi “church” Ch nt àgéhé “Monday” The Ch word for Monday is a compound of “one” and an unidentified mor pheme which may be cognate with the Ot Maz word for “god.” The Ch gehe could come from *kiah p differing from the Ot Maz only in nasality. 270. “Doblar fold” *to m Ot to mi Maz Mtz tobi Oc tobi 271. “Doler hurt” * io Ot Maz NP ma [ o Ch 272. “Dolor pain” * io Ot Maz Mtz i Oc 273. “Dolor pain” * ãi SP (P) b/ã ãi, (J) bá a Ch ním `ã Ch A núm `ã, B nìm /ã, C ním `ã 274. “Dormir sleep” * ah n /# Ot ãhã Maz h Mtz wi Oc NP hil Ch én `üh`ün Note: The Ch vowel points to a cluster *õi. NP has such a cluster after an o The Reconstruction of Otopamean 226 in the preceding syllable. Perhaps the NP Ch underlying form should be * õi(a)h n . 275. “Sueño sleep” (D form of “sleep) *t ah Ot t ãhã Maz t h 276. “Dos two” *nioh Ot yoho Maz yehe Mtz nowi, tenowewi Oc no, mno NP noi SP (P) tíyùi 277. “Dueño owner, chief” *mhõ Ot hm Maz hm Mtz mhu Oc mhu NP wimh ò ( mhõ) Ch mhu 278. “Duro hard” *mãi Ot m Maz m Mtz mø Oc mø SP mmã Ch 279. “Eclipse” (“moon and “die”) *m ão *tõ NP tt`õ gom ão Ch ùm /ã ír/ gúndù SP mpã gut 280. “Echar throw” * ai t / n Ot t i, ni Maz NP aily Ch er SP nu wá Ot A ni, C y ni, D t ni Ch A er, B tir, C ndir, D r er 281. “Elote ear of corn” * sa Ot m/ãnša Maz m[ ša Mtz muša Oc muša NP A nossà, B niš[a, C niššà, D masà, pl. wasà Note: The preposed element does not fit the established correspondences. Perhaps it is a remnant of an older prefix system. The NP form looks like the adjective prefix plus the root “cut,” cf. “cosechar” (216). 282. “Emparejar plane” * ã c Ot ã c i “shave wood” Maz ãs ã Note: Cf. “tijeras” and “cortar con tijeras.” 227 Appendix L All POP Cognate Sets 283. “Empezar begin *phiHC t/*piHCh t Ot ph di Maz ph r Note: Ot Maz comes from either *iHC or *ioHC. The aspirated stop may be a D form or it may be the result of the syncope of the first vowel of a VhV sequence (*Vh). 284. “Empujar push” * a n /* oa n NP (G) wal wadn Ch ú án SP man nu wán Note: The first reconstruction requires no explanation for the Ch form, but does not explain the w in the Pame forms. The second reconstruction explains the Pame forms, but would give Ch * on or * un . 285. “Enaguas skirt” *khoiHC t/*khoi Ot (SF) nkhøde Maz khe e NP nakhòi Ch rùkhú (prob. rùkh/ü) SP (P) nøkwè SP (J) nkhù NP A nakkòi , B nákkoi , C nakòi , D rakhò p Note: Ot Maz reflexes require *kkoeHC. NP Ch reflexes require *khoi. The NP Ch i may be the dual suffix. 286. “Encargar entrust” *tai h t/ *t(o)e h t Ot t hti Maz eh e 287. “Encender kindle a fire” *thiHC t / h t/ *thioHC Ot th t i Maz th` ht 288. “Encender kindle a fire” yo k Mtz yoki Oc yoki 289. “Encender kindle a fire” *cao /*c aoh t NP ca o Ch úc àhàr 290. “Encender burn, kindle” *(n) toe Ot nd Maz nd NP ni gy` “fire” Ch nùn/ü “ashes” sandw` “ashes” SP (P) s èntè “ashes” 291. “Encino Oak” *si Ot (SG) zašiza Maz Mtz insica Oc NP kasé e SP škøsí i The Reconstruction of Otopamean 228 292. “Encontrar find” *pã t Ot pãdi “know” Maz pãrã “know” Mtz pøti Oc pøndi NP pã “visit” Ch 293. “Encontrar find (an.)” *thai i/*thoe i Ot nth wi Maz h vi Note: The i is the dual suffix. 294. “Endurecer harden” *mãi k Ot m gi Maz meze Note: Cf. “duro” (278). 295. “Enfermo sick” * n/# Mtz i Oc i NP n SP ns i 296. “Enjuagar rinse” *noa t / n t Ot wa t i Maz want 297. “Enojado angry” *coe mia Ot nc ya Maz NP ncw g Ch cü, C zü, D chü 298. “Enseñar teach” *hi h t Maz híh i Mtz hiti 299. “Ensuciar dirty (tr.)” *po s k Ot poški Maz pošk 300. “Entero entire, all” *nsoeHC k/*nsoHC k Ot nšøge, n høge Maz hi i Note: The Maz root vowel has been replaced by i, probably because of the preceding palatalized consonant. The conditions are not clear. 301. “Enterrar bury” * ao k Ot ögi Maz ög Mtz aki Oc aki NP aog Ch a Ot A ögi, C yögi, D t ögi NP A aog , B w[aog , C daog , D l aog Ch A a, B –ta, C –nda, D r a 229 Appendix L All POP Cognate Sets 302. Entrar enter” *nhoiHC t Ot Oc h NP nhí Ch nhür SP tìhít 303. “Entrar enter” *poHCh Ot pøhø “come out” Maz Mtz phøwi Oc phø “door” Ch poo 304. “Escalera ladder” *n e c , n e t Ot tec e “climb” Maz d e e “ladder” nede “ladder” SP ndèc Ch 305. “Escarbar dig” *sa m Ot ša mi “scratch” Maz ša b 306. “Escarbar dig” *saoh t SP nsáhaut Ch ésòr 307. “Escoger choose” *hoa nh Ot hwahni Maz hwahn 308. “Escoger choose” *soi t/*soe t SP sú ut Ch gàsü r 309. “Escopeta gun” *n ca ph Ot nzaphi Maz záph 310. “Escopeta gun” *thoi t NP lhèiky Ch tarh/ür SP (P) níthín, (J) nthùt 311. “Escribir write” *sa t/*sao t SP nsãt Ch ìsár Note: Cf. “rezar”and “estudiar.” 312. “Escribir write * o ph Ot opho Maz oph 313. “Escribir write” * oe c /# Mtz we Oc we NP wa éc kíly ya Ch The Reconstruction of Otopamean 230 314. “Escupir spit” *co k Ot cogi Maz s[og Mtz co Oc congi 315. Espalda back” *siHC tha/*sioHC tha Ot š tha Maz š[ th 316. “Espejo mirror” *khõih t/ n Mtz inkhuti Oc NP nak /õhily Ch nág/üh`ün SP nkhwéhen 317. “Esperar wait” *pe NP A –ppy , B w` , C m` , D b` Ch A –pi, B –ngwi, C –mi, D mbi 318. “Esperar wait” *toeHC m Ot tø mi Maz te be Mtz tebi Oc tebi 319. “Espinas thorns” *m i n Ot mini Maz b idy i 320. “Esposa wife” *sõ/*co Ot (SG) šicu, šisu Maz sú u Mtz šumhi Oc hú NP Ch màsú “my wife” 321. “Espumar bubble up, froth *phiHC k/ t / Ot ph/ gi Maz ph[ g Mtz phø Oc phø NP phi il; mmig “boil”; Ch sùphé “espuma” šipphè “espuma” SP šphwi “espuma” 322. “Estar be, live” *m ioHCh m Ot m` i Maz b ` b NP B wého, C mmého Ch A,B ngwe, C me 323. “Estar be (pl.)” *kã t/# Ot k]ã Maz kàrã NP k`ãt Ch kan 324. Estar adentro be inside” * o Ot o Maz o o 231 Appendix L All POP Cognate Sets 325. “Estar (líquido) liquid to be in sthg.” *po Ot po Maz po o 326. “Éste this” *nh /*n NP nh SP kènì Ch kínní 327. “Estrella star” *coeHC Ot cø Maz shehe Mtz nce e Oc mce 328. “Estornudar sneeze” *h(i)e c / k Ot hec e Maz h s Mtz hye i Oc hec i, heši 329. “Estudiar study *sao t/ Ot (n)š`ödi Maz š`ör NP A šáo , B šaó , C sáo , D háo Ch A –sa, B –sa, C –dza, D cha 330. “Excremento manure” *phoi /# Ot pho Oc pø NP mphói Ch úph/ü SP (P) phí, (J) í ì NP A –ppói, B –pòi, C –pói, D mphép Ch A –pü, B –pü, C vü 331. “Exprimir squeeze” *toe m /*tai m Ot t mi Maz t b i 332. “Faja belt” * p a t Ot bãt i Maz mb t 333. “Falda skirt” *thõ n /# Mtz thu Oc NP šilyh/õl “camisa SP nth/ n 334. “Feo ugly, bad” *c o Ot nc o Maz s o, s o o NP i o Ch 335. “Fermentado fermented” * i s k Ot iški Maz iški 336. “Fiesta feast” *m aoh Cf. “luna” NP báho Ch mba The Reconstruction of Otopamean 232 Ch A kúmb`ã, B kìv/ã, C kímb`ã 337. “Flauta flute” *p(h)i p/ /# Mtz phipi Oc NP pphí i Ch pè 338. “Flor flower” * toHC n Ot døni Maz ndøhnø Mtz intøni Oc ndø NP gotóg Ch úró NP A nondóg , B nikyòg , C ni gyóg 339. “Fluir flow” *nih t SP (bøsa) tøñít Ch (kúrì) énèhèr 340. “Frente forehead” * tãi Ot d Maz nd Mtz tø Oc tø 341. “Frente forehead” * tao NP pikyào Ch ùr[a p á SP kàddà m ú 342. “Frijol bean” *khiHC Ot kh Maz kh[ Mtz h Oc h NP khwè Ch kànké NP A rokhwè , B rikhyè , C rikhyè , D rikhye t 343. “Frío cold” *coe Ot c Maz s Mtz ce Oc ce NP mac` Ch mà í SP b/ cè 344. “Frotar rub” *tõa h mh/ t / n Ot tãhmi C dãhmi Maz th/ö t D nãhmi NP A tt/ãol , B,C t[ãol , D lh[ãol 345. “Fuente fountain, spring” *poHC the Ot pøthe Maz mb[erèhe Mtz pøntawi Oc pønda 346. “Fuerte strong” * cai t/* coe t Ot z di Maz z i 233 Appendix L All POP Cognate Sets 347. “Fumar smoke” *ciHC t / m Ot c t i Maz s[ t Mtz c bi Oc cuti “cigarro” 348. “Gallina hen” * oHC n Ot øni Maz øhnø “guajolote” Mtz øni Oc ø NP ko óg “guajolote” talóg “gallina” SP kú ù “guajolote” 349. “Ganar earn, win” *tõah Ot tãhã Maz t/õhõ Ot A tãhã, C dãhã, D nãhã, N thãhã 350. “Gavilán hawk” *pai n c io (Cf. “cola”) Ot p nc Maz p ns 351. “Gemelos twins * ko i Ot go Maz NP gokói SP nkui 352. “Golpear hit” *paih m / t / n Ot ph mi, ph t i Maz Mtz Oc phé “pegar” NP ppáhi , ppaig ky Ch gwé en Ch A pe, ngwe, B ngwe, C me, D mbe 353. “Gordo fat” * pi Ot Maz pi i Mtz pi Oc nbi NP pimb[i Ch pìmbé 354. “Grande big” *n tãi Ot ndã Maz ndã ã Mtz Oc ndø NP mand`ãi Ch már` SP (P) mád/ , (J) mãdã 355. “Grande big” *noh Ot noho Maz noho 356. “Grande big” *te Ot te “alto” Maz te e “crecer” NP got[oe Ch nándè , (R) érè r The Reconstruction of Otopamean 234 357. “Granizo hail” *n to Ot ndo Maz ng ndo Mtz ninto Oc nimdo NP kíngyo Ch kíndò SP kudu 358. “Grano eruption, *sã s/*chã s sore” Ot chãši Maz šãšã “sarna” Mtz canwaši “viruela” Oc chøši NP chãst “sarna” Ch ùc/ãs “viruela” SP n `ãš “viruela” 359. “Gritar call, shout” *pa t/*ma t Ot ma t i Maz ma t NP A ppá at, B wá at, C má at, D bá at (tr.) A mmá a, B mba a, C mmá a, D mmá adnt (intr.) Ch A ppar, B ngwar, C maar, D mbar 360. “Grueso thick” *pi t/*m i t/ n Ot (m)pidi Maz pi i NP m íg Ch dzím ér SP mbít 361. “Guardar keep” *pai c Ot p c i Maz p s i 362. “Gusano worm” * yo s Ot Maz dy oš Mtz yoši Oc nyoši 363. “Hablar speak” *n a Ot yã Maz ñã ã 364. “Hablar speak to” *n co ph Ot nzopho Maz z[oph Mtz copi “rezar” Oc nzópì “llamar” 365. “Hacer do” oHC t / * eoHC t Ot øt e Maz øt ø 366. “Hacer do” *hø Mtz høwi Oc hø 235 Appendix L All POP Cognate Sets 367. “Hacer do” *chao NP chào Ch cha Ch A ca, B a, C ca, D cha 368. “Hacer do” * NP i, D t i Ch 369. “Hacer do” *ha Ot kha Maz kha a 370. “Hacer con do *kha h p with” Ot khahpi Maz khahp 371. “Hacha axe” *coe n Ot c ni “cortar, rajar” Maz Mtz ceri “rajar leña” Oc céli NP stácc dn Ch nází ìn SP (P) nìcé en, (J) mc é Ch A tátcìn, B kìtcín, C tátcìn, D názìr 372. “Hallar find” *tao t Ot töt i Maz öt 373. “Hambre hunger” *th o mh/thõi Ot th h Maz th hm Mtz thumi Oc thu NP golh/õi Ch 374. “Hembra female” *thoi NP ni khy[oi Ch nìnth/ü SP (P) enthwí, (J) nthi 375. “Hembra female” *sõ Ot c , š Maz š t i “hija” Mtz šu Oc hu 376. “Hermana de mujer woman’s sister” *khõ hoe Ot kh hw Maz kh hw 377. “Hermano del hombre man’s brother” *khõa tã m Ot khwãdã Maz khwãrmã 378. “hermano de mujer woman’s brother” * i tã m Ot dã Maz nin öm The Reconstruction of Otopamean 236 379. “Hervir boil” *k oa c Ot (SG) k wà c i Mtz k wac i 380. “Hígado liver” *nia Ot ya Maz Mtz ya “estómago” Oc NP niá SP nk iá Note: The South Pame form is aberrant because of the k , but it parallels the k in the Ch form in the set “camino.” 381. “Hígado liver” *pø t Mtz impøti Oc mbøti Note: Mtz Oc ø comes from a variety of sources, one of which is *ã. It could be that this word for liver has something to do with divination and, thus, with *pã t “saber.” 382. “Hija daughter” *t i *sõ Ot t iš Maz šut i Note: Ot and Maz have different orders for the elements in this compund word. 383. “Hija daughter” *mhõ te Ot (SG) hm hte Maz Mtz nihmuta Oc wehmunda 384. “Hilar spin” *hãi t / m Ot h t i Maz he e Mtz høti Oc høndi NP h[ãi Ch úrhé SP hw[a 385. “Hilo thread” *thãi mh/ t *th a mh Ot thãhi Maz th hm Mtz th mi Oc th NP lh/ Ch ùrhér SP nthát Note: Cf. “malacate,” “mecate,” and “raíz.” 386. “Hincharse swell” *pi n Mtz pini Oc NP pé ig Ch pé èn SP mpw 387. “Hoja leaf” *mhi Mtz mhi Oc mhi 237 Appendix L All POP Cognate Sets 388. “Hoja leaf” *si Ot ši Maz ši i Mtz ši Oc NP nišši Ch rìsé 389. “Hombre man” * tõa NP kyw/ã Ch ír/ SP iðí 390. “Honda sling shot” *t ai n to Ot t ndo Maz t n o 391. “Hondo deep” *hãi Ot h Maz h Mtz thø ø Oc NP h “difícil” SP kohwãi “hondo” 392. “Hongos mushrooms” *kho Ot kho Maz khòho Mtz in howi Oc ho 393. “Hormiga ant” *khiHC Ot šãkh Maz šãmkhã Mtz in h wi Oc ne h NP Ch úkhè 394. “Hoyo hole” *ci t NP cíl SP zin Ch ézén 395. “Hoz sickle” *cha Ot cha (t i) Maz shà (t b i) Mtz sa (ši) Oc cha (thú) NP sá ( khwe ) “cosechar (frijoles)” 396. Mistake in numbering Blank 397. “Huaraches sandals” *th Ot z šthi, th za Maz th za Mtz thi aki, inthi 398. “Huaraches sandals” *phã c SP mphãc Ch úph`ãc The Reconstruction of Otopamean 238 399. “huérfano orphan” *hio hia Ot hyoya Maz hyoya Mtz c ehyawi Oc c ehya Mtz (Gu) ynyoya “descuidado” NP lonh[eodn 400. “Hueso bone? *n to io/ n io Ot ndo yo Maz nod ye Mtz (nk a )ró Oc 401. “Hueso bone” *pi n kõa n/ NP pi gyw/ã SP bin á Ch pín á Note: The palatalization of the *k in SP and Ch is not explained by the present analysis. 402. “Huevo egg” * to Ot do øni Maz Mtz inhoto Oc NP nándo SP ntìw Ch múndò Note: The common element is “piedra stone” 403. Humear smoke” *ph n Ot mph ni Maz ph d Note: Ot Maz comes from either *iHC or *ioHC. 404. “Húmedo damp” *sa Ot ša Maz Mtz ša Oc šáhá 405. “Humo smoke” *m i ph Ot miphi Maz b iphi Mtz inbipi Oc mbíphí 406. “Humo smoke” *ki i NP ski ì SP ší ì Ch kì és 407. “Instrumento musical musical instrument” *m i ta Ot mida Maz b i i Mtz biti, (Cas) bithhi Oc NP A nobbé i, B nibí i, C nibbí i, D nibbí iky 239 Appendix L All POP Cognate Sets 408. “Invertir turn over” *piHC n c Ot p nc i Maz ph] n “voltear” Mtz p nc i Oc mb nc i 409. “Ir go” *pa/*ma/*wa Ot ma, pa Maz m]a Mtz pa Oc NP wa, mã Ch ma Ch A ngwa, B ngwa, C ma, D mba 410. “Ixtlahuaca name of town” *hia ph Ot hyaphi Maz hyaph 411. “Ixtle maguey *s a mh fiber” Ot šãhi Maz (kh )ši mi Mtz šumi Oc díšu 412. “Ixtle maguey fiber” *thãi NP nlhw (šiggyoa) SP thi (š i) Ch kunthé 413. “Jalar pull” *kiHC n / m / t Ot kh mi, kh t i Maz kh b u, kh t Mtz Oc ng bi NP qqé edn Ch ékè èn SP kuin 414. “Jarro jug” *c( )i NP macì, macèi Ch úc é SP c ink[i The Reconstruction of Otopamean 240 415. “Jícara *si mo gourd” Ot šimo Maz šihmo Mtz šimo Oc šimo NP immyó Ch nímò (zìtás) SP (m h ) nimíw 416. “Jorobado hunchback” *mp(h)o n SP nipwì šump[u Ch zímphon 417. “Jugar play” * n Ot ni Maz eñe t ni “juguete” t eñe “juguete” Mtz eni Oc e 418. “Jugo juice” *(n) ki Ot gi Maz ngi Mtz n i tawi Oc NP gi Ch 419. “Juntar pile up” *mõ c / t Ot m c i, D hm c i Maz hm r , hm` ht NP A mm/õc , B,C m`õc , D mh`õc SP (P) kúm/ c , (J) kúm` c “laguna” 420. “Juntar gather (clothes)” *kã /h Ot kãhã, C gãhã Maz kãhã D khãhã NP A wakk/ã ã, B ndokw/ã ã, C lak/ã ã, D ndokhw/ã ã 421. “Labio lip” *si ne Ot šine Maz šine Mtz ši na Oc šina NP i ` t Ch sìní NP A coll , B ily[ , C i , D ši ` t Ch A sùní, B sín1i, C sìní Note: The first element probably is a plural prefix as reconstructed. Compare the NP C form (sg.) with its D form (pl.). 422. “Ladera side” *(n)koa t/ n Ot (SF) nangwadi “a un lado” Mtz inkwari Oc kwahli 423. “Lagartija lizzard” *(ti) ka Ot (SF) chandiga Maz korga 241 Appendix L All POP Cognate Sets NP SP šunkwà 424. “lago lake” * ca p/ ph Ot zabi Maz zaph Note: The POP suffix * p is rare, whereas * ph is fairly common. The Maz ph may be a later replacement of * p by the more common form. 425. “Lágrimas tears” *(n) ki tao Ot gidö Maz ngi ö Mtz n i tawi Oc n indá NP (Mz) kin i kyau SP (Mi) gidyau 426. “Lamer lick” *te c / Ot tec e Maz Mtz (Cas) tazi Oc NP A tt` , B t` , C t` , D lh` Ch A –ti, B –ndi, C –ri, D rhi 427. “lana wool” *si (n) io Ot ši yo Maz ši yo NP (so) dò SP šin íw 428. “Largo long” *ma/*m ao n Ot ma Maz maha Mtz t umba Oc tùbálì NP mabá o Ch mámbá à SP mb/ o 429. “Laringe throat” * i ioHC ka Ot y ga Maz yizi Mtz ni yuwi Oc 430. “Garganta throat” *to n SP cádúdú Ch (A) kùttún (R) nátsà érún 431. Lavar wash” *soiHC k/ t / m Ot š ki, š t i Maz šib i Mtz šu i, šuti, šubi Oc hubi NP s[ig , s[ily SP tíšín ndochw[ily “lo lavaron” 432. “Lavar la cara wash one’s face” *soiHC tao Ot š dö Maz šin ö 433. “Lavar ropa wash clothes” *pe n / k The Reconstruction of Otopamean 242 Ot peni Maz pèdy e Mtz pa a i Oc mbálì 434. “Lavar ropa wash clothes” *tãh t/ n NP ttãha t Ch it`ãhãn SP (P) t/ãhat, (J) táha 435. “Lavar el pelo wash hair” *hi Ot hi Maz hi i 436. “lavar (legumbres) wash (vegetables) *pe t Ot pe t e Maz pé e 437. “Leche milk” *m a Ot ma Maz b a 438. “Leer read” *hi h t Ot Maz híh i Mtz hiti Oc hítì “rezar” 439. “Lejos far” *hãi Ot Maz h/ NP (G) kohu/ i Ch m`ãh/ã SP (P) bãhãi, (J) b`ãhã 440. “Lengua tongue: *kk a h ne Ot khãhne Maz k ihñi Mtz nin umi Oc n i 441. “leña firewood” *(n) ca Ot (t n)za Maz za a Mtz inca Oc nzá 442. “Leña firewood” *t ão t Ot t di za “burning wood” Maz t ö r Mtz nit ø “ocote” Oc nit ø “ocote” 443. “leña firewood” * kõa n NP gw/ã ncwì Ch ríg/ SP (P) iðywá, (J) g` w ` 444. “León (puma) mountain lion? *ca h te Ot (SG) ph[anzàhte Maz Mtz incate Oc 243 Appendix L All POP Cognate Sets 445. “Levantar lift” *(t)h c Ot h c i “high” Maz NP ndohw` c D ndoth` c Ch tets D thets 446. “levantar lift up” *kiHCh c// Ot kh c i Maz NP ndokwéhec Ch kec Ch A kec, B kec, C gec, D khec 447. “Levantar raise up” *so c Ot šoc i Maz šos 448. “Levantarse get up” *na n k Ot nangi Maz nãmgã 449. “Liendres lice eggs” * poeHC t o Ot bøt ó Maz mbè o Mtz impøt o Oc mbøht o 450. “Liendres lice eggs” *n to t o NP ní go gol o Ch rúr ò múndò 451. “Limpiar clean, wipe” *th o h k Ot th hki Maz th hci 452. “Limpiar pencas de maguey scrape maguey leaves: *tai/*toe Ot t Maz t h 453. “Limpio clean” *ci n NP ni ìg Ch dzìsé n SP in 454. “Liso smooth” *ko n Ot koni Maz kohn 455. “Lodo mud” * poe hao m Ot bøhöi Maz mbehöm Mtz impøhami Oc 456. “luna moon” *m ão Mtz imbø Oc NP m `ão Ch ùm /ã nínth`ü SP (P) m ãã, (J) m mõ 457. “Luna moon” * cã nã Ot zãnã Maz zãnã, zã nã The Reconstruction of Otopamean 244 458. “Llamar call” *(n) co pho/ nh Ot nzopho, nzohni Maz zohn Mtz so pi, copi Oc nzópì 459. “Llave key” *cho k Ot chogi Maz shog Mtz choki Oc choki Note: This is the D form of *so k “abrir.” 460. “Llegar arrive” *ceoHC h Ot cøhø Maz søhø NP Ch ndze 461. “Llegar arrive” *(n)hoa Mtz ho owi Oc ho o NP nhwá a Ch no, D nho 462. “Llegar allí arrive there” *ceoHC t Ot cøt e Maz søt ø 463. “Llenar fill” *si t Ot šit i Mtz ši 464. “Lleno full” *n o t Ot ny di Maz ni i Mtz nuti Oc nuti NP n` SP (P) k/ nné 465. “Llenarse eat to the full” *ni m a Ot n yã Maz nihmi 466. “Llevar en las manos carry in the hands” *thai ( ) c Ot th c i Maz th s i 467. “Llevar carry” *tõ c / n / k/ m Ot t , t c i Maz t n , t s Mtz tuki Oc tumba, tuni 468. “Llevar (una persona) take (a person)” *ci c / n / t Ot c]i, cic i Maz sidy i, s[ihi Mtz citi Oc NP A waccí , B ndocèi , C lacèi , D ndoc ì 469. “Llorar cry * koe/* koai Ot w Maz w` 245 Appendix L All POP Cognate Sets Mtz kw e e Oc kw e NP wài Ch ngwe 470. “Lluvia rain” * i e m Ot ye Maz dy eb e 471. “Macho male” *meo /*peo /*weo Ot me Maz Mtz mha Oc NP A raw , B wí o , C wámm o “father” Ch A , B úngwè, C émè, D búpè “father” 472. “Machucar bruise *coe m Ot c mi Maz s b i Mtz cebi Oc 473. “Madre mother” *c( )õ NP c `õ Ch c 474. “Madrugar stay up til dawn” *ha c i Ot ha c i Mtz ha i 475. “Maduro ripe” *(n) tã Ot ndã Maz ndã ã “cocido” Mtz tø Oc ndø NP mat`ã Ch màt/ã SP møta 476. “Maguey century plant” *(n) oa ta Ot wada Maz wàr Mtz Oc nlóti NP goddóa Ch kún ù SP (P) pindywà, (J) šíndyoà NP A nóddoa, B nidyòa, C níggyoa, D god[oa 477. “Maíz corn” *thõa Ot thã Maz thö ö Mtz inthuwi Oc thu NP golhõá SP thiu NP A nothõá, B nilhyõa, C nikhyõa 478. “Maíz desgranado grains of corn” * toe thõa Ot d thã Maz nd hö Mtz Oc dathu The Reconstruction of Otopamean 246 479. “Malacate spindle” *thãi t /# Ot th t i Maz th Mtz inthøti Oc thøndi NP (mz) lhain Ch ùrh/ SP (P) náthãi, (J) nth`ã 480. “Maldecir curse” *ca n Ot cani Maz sad 481. “malo bad” *(n)c o Ot nc o Maz s o o NP í o Ch núc òhò SP š íw 482. “Mamar nurse” *coiHC t / Ot c] , c t i, c hti Maz s]i i, s t Mtz u u Oc ci NP cci Ch étš/ü SP (P) ši , (J) zùi NP A cí , B kocwí , C cwí , D kocwí ky 483. “Mandar command” *pai nh/ n te Ot p hni “send” Maz pehñe “send” Mtz panta Oc NP A woppái, B ndowái, C lamái, D bbái Ch A –pe, B –ngwe, C –me, D mbe 484. “Mano hand” * ai/*n i ai Ot y Maz dy [ Mtz ni ye Oc nè”é NP A ska ài, B skan [a, C skan ià, D skand ` p Ch A kàn í, B kà á, C kan à, D kàn í 485. “Mano izquierda left hand” *(n) k ah Ot gãhã Maz ng h , nz h 486. “Mano derecha right hand” *ho k n iai Ot hogi y Maz hody 487. “Mano de molcajete pestle” *t(h)ãoh t Ot nth/ãnt i Maz NP nal /ãhol Ch táràhà (mút ü) SP nt/ãh nt 247 Appendix L All POP Cognate Sets 488. “Manzana apple” * i s Ot iši Maz iši 489. “Mañana tomorrow” *são t/ m Ot š di Maz šö r Mtz šømi (mušømi) Oc šu (mùšú) 490. “Marido husband” *n õa n NP wan w/ã Ch ná ` SP ù w/ã 491. “Marihuana— *n (o)ih n hemp?” NP ndóehig Ch tár ì úró Note: Cf. “tabaco.” 492. “Masa de maíz corn dough” *tõih t NP nikky`õhily Ch mokori tühün SP (P) nítyúhin, (J) ntìhìn 493. “Masa de maíz corn dough” *khiHC n Ot kh ni Maz kh hn Mtz in h ni Oc h 494. “Máscara mask” *mh te/ ta Ot hmihte Maz hm/ h a Mtz hmi ta Oc hmìndá 495. “Matar kill” *tõ Mtz tuwi Oc tú NP ttõ SP t 496. “Matar kill” *pao t Ot (SF) pö t i Maz pö t 497. “Mazorca ear of corn” *thõa Ot thã Maz thö ö Mtz inthuwi Oc thú NP lhõá SP nthu m [a 498. “Mecate rope” *th a mh/*th(o)ãi Ot nthãhi Maz th hm Mtz inth mi Oc ñímth NP lhw` Ch kùnth/ The Reconstruction of Otopamean 248 SP (P) nth , (J) nth NP A nothõè, B nilhy[e, C nikhy` , D golhw` 499. “Medicina medicine” *n i ãi th/t e Ot y thi Maz ñ[e h Mtz teyeti Oc teyendi NP šily [ Ch tár ì SP tét è NP A stad[e, B skigy[e, C snad[e, D šily [ p 500. “Curar treat sickness” *n iãi m/* i m/*n ai Ot n y i “curandero” Maz Mtz imi Oc i NP kad[e “curandero” Ch kátèhe “curandero” SP k/ndè “curandero” 501. “Medio middle” *(n) te Ot made Maz nde e Mtz pira, pirinta Oc pìmdá 502. “Medir to measure” * ai n Ot ni Maz dy i nt ni “medida” t dy i “medida” 503. “Medir measure” *sao NP sáo , D cháo Ch sa 504. “Mensajero messenger” *m ai nh/ p Ot (Mez) m hni Maz Mtz Cas) vee bapy Oc NP gobái, nambái “my messenger” 505. “Mentira lie” *m ai thine Ot (SF) b hth ni, m tri Maz b ine Mtz be unanta Oc ben umná 506. “Mes month” *m ão Mtz imbø Oc mbø NP m `ão Ch ùm /ã SP m mõ 507. “Metal metal” *t ai k Ot t gi Maz t zi 508. “Metate grinding stone” *khoiHC n / 249 Appendix L All POP Cognate Sets Ot kh ni Maz kh] hn Mtz inkh ni Oc ni h/ NP nakhèig Ch tàkh/ü NP A takèig , B kik[iig , C nakèig , D rakhebmpt 509. “Metlapil rolling pin” *n ioiHC/*t oiHC Ot y Maz dy i i Mtz riwi Oc lí NP Ch mút /ü 510. “México Mexico City” *m o n tao Ot mundö Maz b ondö 511. “Mezquite mezquite tree” *k / SP erk w/ Ch úk / 512. “Miedo fear” *t o n / k Mtz tiki Oc tíli NP tt` on Ch ten NP A ttèo , B tt` o , C tt` o , D lh` o Ch A –ten, B –nden, C –ren, D rhen 513. “Miel honey” * ão (*ski m ) SP (P) škìmí ì /ã aw Ch b/ `ã 514. “Milpa cornfield” *nhõa mh Ot hw/ãhi Maz hw[ãhmã Mta nomi Oc nu NP konhw`ã Ch (R) kìnth/ SP nhnù NP A kann`õa, B kon[õa, C kon`õa, D konhw`ãp(t) Ch A kùnú, B kínù, C kìnú, D kìnhú 515. “Mirar look” *nõ Ot n Maz n[u u Mtz nu Oc NP nn/õ o Ch énú ù NP A nn/õ o, B, C n`õ, D nh`õ Ch A –nu, B, C –nu, D nhu 516. “Mirar look” *paoh NP A ppáho , B wáho , C máho , D báho Ch A –paa, B –ngwaa, C –maa, D mbaa 517. “Moco mucus” *m ao s The Reconstruction of Otopamean 250 Ot möši Maz b öš Mtz maši “nariz” Oc máši “nariz” NP mbaos SP skámbáw 518. “Moco mucus” * kã SP igia Ch ùg/ã, (R) ùkh/ã 519. “Mojado wet” *(n)k a t Ot nk a Maz k a a NP (G) nk al Ch zí gá àn SP nk iá 520. “Molcajete bowl for grinding *mah ta chile” Ot mada Maz maza Mtz mati Oc mati NP Ch kàmáhá (kúrò) 521. “Moler grind” *kiHC n k/ c Ot k ni Maz k hn Mtz k n i Oc k NP kkèi , B ndokwèi , C lakèi , D ndokhwèi 522. “Moler grind” *tõih n SP (P) –ntáhù, (J) nt h nt Ch ùtühün 523. “Montar caballo ride horseback” *teoHC k Ot tøge Maz øge Mtz Oc ndyembáli NP ll g Ch 524. “Monte mountain with woods” *pi n ca Mtz impinca Oc púnza 525. “Morder bite” *ca Ot ca Maz sa a Mtz ca Oc ca 526. “Morder bite” *co n / t Ot coni Maz zod NP ccó ol Ch gàzón NP A ccó ol, B có ol, C có ol, D c ó ol Ch A on, B –nzon, C –zon, D zhon 251 Appendix L All POP Cognate Sets 527 “Morir die” *tõ Ot t , C d Maz t Mtz tuwi Oc tu NP ttõ Ch gàr/ SP d 528 “Mosca fly” * õe / * oe/* Ot w Maz ngi w Mtz ni u Oc ní gwí NP ska [ei, go w[ei Ch k/ e “gusano” SP skú ` 529 “Mostrar show” * õ h t/ p . Ot hti Maz Mtz (Cas) uuntyta Oc umtinda NP A,B /õ op, C lan / ep, D ndol /õ op 530 “Mudo dumb” *ne (“boca”) Ot gone Maz ngo nè Mtz ni na Oc nìná 531 “Muelas *c a ph . molars” Ot c aphi Maz s aph 532 “Mujer woman” *(n)sõ . Ot Maz ndìšu Mtz bešuwi Oc wè hú 533 “Murciélago bat” *coa c . Ot cac i Maz Mtz (Cas) yntzotzi Oc c ólno NP ni òac SP n úac 534. “Nariz nose” *si nio/ noa Ot šiy Maz šihñ , šìñ/ NP A conn`õa, B i y`õa, C i y`õ a, D ši yhõa Ch A kànú, B kánù, C kànú SP šiñù The Reconstruction of Otopamean 252 535. “Negar deny” *koHC n /# Ot køni, C gøni, D khøni Maz k`ød ø NP A wakkò, B ndokò, C lakò, D ndokhò Ch A ko, B ko, C ko, D ko 536. “Negro black” *(m)po th/# Ot pothi Maz poth Mtz bo Oc NP mamb]o, mboi Ch úmbó SP kúmpù 537. “Nene infant” * oe ne/* oai ne/*k oe ne Ot w ne Maz w ne 538. “Nido nest” *m( )a ph Ot maphi Maz Mtz (Cas) mapy Oc mápì NP commàp SP nìmbíe 539. “Nido nest” *t o s Ot t oši Maz t oš 540. “Nieto grandchild” *m ai (h) to Ot m hto Maz b h e Mtz we rutowi Oc wèplít]o 541. “Nieve snow” *si kha Ot šikha Maz šichi Mtz (Cas) in xychi Oc 542. “Niño child” *t oiHC Ot t Maz t i i NP gol wép Ch bùr /ü NP A na i, B godwì, C god]oi, D gol wép 543. “Nixtamal boiled corn” *chão n Ot ch ni Maz shõn , shõn 544. “Nixtamal boiled corn” *k o n NP rikk/ o Ch ríké SP m`ãk[e 545. “No hay there is none” *m /*m /*phe Ot Maz dy a phé Mtz memo Oc tàmé NP mep Ch pám` 253 Appendix L All POP Cognate Sets 546. “Noche night” *são m Ot š i Maz šõm Mtz šømi Oc šu NP gos[ão Ch ús`ã SP mw nsãw 547. “Nombre *thiõ h/ name” Ot th h Maz th[ h Mtz ni šu, (Cas) inihoo Oc šú NP golh/õ Ch únh/ , úrh/ SP nhn/ NP A nah/õ , B goh/õ , C gonh o , D golh/õ pt Ch A nah/õ, B únh` , C ùnhí, D úrh/ 548. “Nopal cactus” *ha t Mtz inhati Oc mihati 549. “Nube cloud” *(n) kão m Ot g i Maz ngõm Mtz ninkø Oc núngøhø 550. “Nudo knot” *t(h) nc / c Ot th c i Maz Mtz tunc i Oc túmtsi NP Ch it` c 551. “Nuevo new” *n a n io Ot na yo Maz d ady o 552. “Ocote pine” *toiHC t Ot t di Maz ti i 553. “Odiar hate” *c o n Ot c o, c oni Maz s od NP cc ódn Ch 554. “Oír hear” * oHC t/ Ot øde, C yøde, D t øde Maz ørø Mtz øti Oc ø NP o Ch é ò SP man ú ù NP A o , B [o , C dèo , D l [o Ch A o, B ti, C ndi, D r i The Reconstruction of Otopamean 254 555. “Ojo eye” * tao Ot d/ö Maz nd]ö ö Mtz ninta Oc ta NP gotào Ch ùrá “cara” SP ntaw NP A nattào, B gotào, C gotào, D ndàot Ch A kàtá, B útà, C ùrá 556. "Oler smell” *s a t Ot nšã Maz ši i Mtz šu ti Oc šúnti 557. “Oler smell” *p a c Ot pã c i Maz p s NP A ppé e, B wé e, C me e, D bé e Ch A pe, B ngwe, C me, D mbe 558. “Olla clay pot” *c eoHC m / Ot c øe Maz s øb ø NP A naccé , B goc éok , C gocwé , D goc wé p Ch A natsé, B ùtsé, C ùzé, D ùtsé 559. “Ombligo navel” *c ao m /c ão m Ot c öi Maz s `ön Mtz inc ømi Oc ndzø NP gocáog , nc abmpt 560. “Oreja ear” *(n) kão Ot g Maz ngõ õ Mtz nin ø Oc nen ø NP ik`ão Ch sìg/ã Sp šigiãw NP A cokkw`ão, B iky`ão, C iky`ão, D ši kh`ãpt Ch A sùk/ã, B sík`ã, C sìg/ã 561. “Oriente east” *h(i )a t/ c Ot (SG) nipøšãhyati Maz ní mb]eš e ehy[ar hac i “amanecer” Mtz Oc pì àc ìšá NP mànhá a konhõ Ch 562. “Orina urine” *m i t / t Ot (Mez) bit i Maz 255 Appendix L All POP Cognate Sets Mtz Oc mišnda NP kot[ Ch sùmír, (R) sìmhí r SP kìmí i 563. “Orinar urinate” *pi t / c Ot pit i, C mit i Maz NP A ppe e , B we e , C me e , D bbe e 564. “Oscuro dark” *m ai são m Ot m š i Maz b šõm 565. “Otro another” *n a Ot (Mez) ma na Maz šed aha Mtz murahni “otra vez” Oc mulá NP kad[at “otros” Ch kéntà 566. “Oveja sheep” * toe tão t Ot d hti, bod t di Maz nd n h r Note: Compound with *tão t “blando” as second member. 567 “Pagar pay” *cãi SP (P) cãi , (J) nca Ch ece 568. “Pagar *po(i) k pay” Mtz po i(ki) Oc póki 569. “Pagar *khão t pay” Ot kh t i Maz kh`õt 570. “Pájaro bird” *thia n Mtz inruthani Oc nlíthá NP nilyháig SP nthiá 571. “Pájaro bird” *c ioHC/*c iHC Ot c inc , c c Maz s 572. “Palabra * poe mã m word” Ot mã “say” Maz mãmã “say” Mtz bemømi Oc mbémø NP mã “say” 573. “Palabra word” *nh a The Reconstruction of Otopamean 256 Ot hyã Maz hña a Mtz (Cas) inyhaa (a ø) Oc niyø “voz” NP ni hã Ch rinhí 574. “Pan bread” *thao mhe Ot th hm Maz th]õm i Mtz (inc o ) mhewi Oc 575. “Papel paper” *cV kõa m Ot c kwã, c hkwã Maz skwã mã, šisko ma 576. “Papel paper” *k oi s NP gok wéš SP šk íš nak wéš “amate fig tree” 577. “Papel paper” *hai m Ot h mi Maz h b i 578. “Parar stand something up” *m ao m Ot mö mi Maz b /ö b 579. “Parar stand something up” *mai NP mmá i Ch me, (R) émé è 580. “Pararse stand up” *m ao m Ot möi Maz b /öb Mtz Oc nbóho i 581. “Pararse stand up” *mai NP mma i Ch m e, D mh e 582. “Pared wall” *khã Ot (Mez) khãdo Maz Mtz Oc nukhø, ñùkø NP gokhw/ã Ch 583. “Palmo palm tree” *m a mhe Ot m ahe Maz m]ãhmã NP Ch súbá à 584. “Palmo palm tree” *hoa t Mtz hwati Oc NP šihwa a SP škuhúa 585. “Pariente relative” *m n 257 Appendix L All POP Cognate Sets Ot m ni Maz m ñ 586. “Parir give birth” *mi/*me n Ot mi Maz mi mi Mtz meriwi Oc mel(gwa) SP man du mwi Ch ím` 587. “Pasar lista call the roll” *noHC n /*noeHC n Ot nøni Maz nød ø 588. “Patos de la laguna wild ducks” *ti ka Ot tiga Maz tizi Mtz ti i Oc NP kátti Ch 589. “Pato duck” *so mo Ot (SG) šòmbo SP šúmù 590. “Pecho chest” *ti m a Ot t yã Maz t` hm NP Ch A sútì, B sìtí, C sítì 591. “Pedir ask for” * ao t Ot ödi, C yödi, D t ödi Maz ör Mtz ati Oc ati NP A àhodn , B wàhodn , C dàhodn , D l àhodn? 592. “Pegajoso sticky, *(m) pe slimy Ot (m)pe Maz pé e 593. “Pegar hit” *paih NP mahi Ch A pe, B ngwe, C me, D mbe 594. “Peine comb” *(t) e h k/ m * (i)e k/m Ot ehke “peinarse”; nt éhke Maz eb e “peinarse” t eht o Mtz yebi “peinarse,” ye i Oc 595. “Peine *chV m a comb” Mtz chøbawi Oc chuba Note: The correspondence of Mtz ø to Oc u is puzzling. 596 “Pensamiento thought” *(m) ph n Ot mph ni Maz pheñe The Reconstruction of Otopamean 258 597. “Peña cliff” *nhie/*n ie Ot ma ye; nhye “deep place” Maz ñin e “barranca” Mtz inyewi Oc n e, ndóhñè 598. “Perder lose” *m ai t/# Ot m di Maz b i Mtz bati Oc bati NP mmè, D mhè Ch úngwé è 599. “Persona * te person” Ot te “gente” Maz nte e “gente” Mtz ta NP l] Ch úrì SP šm` d` 600. “Perro *n io dog” Ot yo Maz dy o o NP nadò SP en ]u 601. “Perro *(n)chini dog” Mtz inchini Oc nchí 602. “Pesado heavy *hi ioHC *thioHC Ot hy Maz hy , hy n Mtz thi Oc mèthí NP mahèo Ch maxá SP bìhì 603. “Pescar fish” *k(h)ã SP k/õ `ã Ch úkh/ã `ã 604. “Pescar fish” *pa Ot pa Maz pá a 605. “Pestañas eyelashes” *si tao Ot šidö Maz Mtz šita Oc šíndá NP ši gyáo 606. “Petate straw sleeping mat” *(si)ph h Ot ši(m)ph Maz phingwa Mtz imphiwi Oc mphi 259 Appendix L All POP Cognate Sets NP A pp hi , B, C p hi , D mb / he p 607. “Petate straw sleeping mat” *si mhãs NP imhy`ã Ch sì mh/ãs SP ši(m)hmie Ch A sùm/ãs, B sím`ãs, C sìm/ãs, D sìmh/ãs 608. “Pie * koa foot” Ot gwa Maz ngwa a NP makòa Ch ègú SP nøgwà NP A makkwà, B mákkwa, C makwà, D wa khwàpt Ch A nàkú, B ékù, C ègú, D èkhú 609. “Piedra stone” * to Ot dó Maz nd]oho Mtz imto Oc níndó NP kot]o Ch kúrò Ch kúdù 610. “Piel humana human skin” *si pah n / n Ot šiphani Maz šiphad Mtz nišipari Oc šìmbáli NP níbbyahag Ch rìsé (cognate?) 611. “Pierna leg” * koa Ot gwa Maz ngwa a Mtz ni kwahtu Oc NP ikyòa SP šíkíwà 612. “Pino (Ocote) pine tree” * kõa n NP nákwã Ch éngú SP neg[u 613. “Pinole ground dry corn” *khoiHC n( t e mh) Ot kh nthi Maz kh nt ehme NP khwìg Ch éngú 614. “Pintura dye” *koiHC h Ot k h Maz c]ihi 615. “Piojo louse” *t o Ot t oni Maz t o o Mtz int o Oc ñìt o NP gol [o Ch rúr ò The Reconstruction of Otopamean 260 SP /nt ù NP A na ]o, B godò, C god[o, D gol ]o 616. “Plato plate, bowl” *mo mh Ot móhi Maz m]ohm NP mammò Ch nímó Ch A númó, B nìmó, C nímó, D nìmhó 617. “Plato bowl, dish” *mah ta/ n Ot máda “molcajete” Maz m]aza “molcajete” Mtz mmati Oc máhti NP A nommàhag , B nimyàhag , C nimmyàhag , D rimmyàhadnt Ch A numá, B nímà, C nìmá, D nìmhá 618. “Pleito quarrel” *ci m Mtz cibi Oc cibi 619. “Pobre poor” *cai n SP cán Ch cén 620. “Podrida rotten” *ia/*iã Ot ya Maz dy a a Mtz ya, i ya “pus” Oc ya, iya “pus” NP miyy[ã Ch 621. “Poner adentro put inside” * iHC t /* ioHC t Ot t i Maz t 622. “Poner adentro put inside” *koa t Ot köt i Maz köt 624. “Poner encima put on *hõ c top” Ot h c i Maz h s 625. “Poner encima put on * iHC c /*ioHC c top” Ot c i Maz s 626. “Poner encima put on *poHCic /*peoHC c top” Ot pøc e Maz pøs ø 627. “Posesiones possessions” *mai h t Ot m hti Maz m h i “dinero” Mtz (Gu) machi “hacienda” Oc ma i 261 Appendix L All POP Cognate Sets 628. “Preguntar ask a * ao n question” Ot öni Maz ön Mtz ari Oc at li Np A àhodn , B wahodn , C dàhodn , D l àhodn Ch A a, B tan, C ndan, D r an 629. “Prestar lend” *mhi h/*mih n Ot hm hi Maz Mtz mhindi Oc démilpi nda 630. “Probar try” *cao( h p) Ot cöhpi, C zö, D c ö Maz s/ö ö Mtz copi “gustar” Oc co NP A ccáo, B cáo , C ccáo , D c áo Ch A ndza, B tša, C za, D tsha 631. “Pulga flea” * ao Ot ö Maz ]ö Mtz in a Oc ni á 632. “Pueblo town” *nhi n Ot hnini Maz hñi ñi 633. “Puerco pig” *c ioHC t/na * c Ot c di Maz Mtz c ina Oc (p ) c ú SP køz/ Ch kùz/ Note: The Pamean forms might be from Sp. “cochino.” 634. “Puerta door” * ko s thi Ot gošthi Maz ngošti 635. “Pulque fermented drink from the century plant” *t a ph Ot t aphi Maz t aph Mtz t a pi Oc t ápi 636. “Púrpura purple” *hoiHC po m Ot nkh hpöi Maz khipob 638. “Pus” *phão NP kiphy[ão Ch síph/ã 639. “Quebrar break” *poHC t/*peoHC t Ot pøde Maz p`ørø The Reconstruction of Otopamean 262 Mtz pøti Oc 640. “Quebrar break” *to t NP A ttol , B tòl , C tòl , D lhòl Ch A tun, B ndun, C run, D rhun 641. “Quebrar break” *koa m / k Mtz kwa abi “romper” Oc ngwá i 642. “Quebrar break (something hard)” *k ai ( ) t Ot (Mez) k ti Maz k i 643. “Quedar stay, remain” *kio mh Ot kohi Maz ngehme, kehme 644. “Quemar leña burn firewood” * ão t Ot di Maz õr 645. “Quemar algo burn something” *cã t Ot cãt i Maz sãt ã 646. “Querer want” *ne Ot ne Maz ne e Mtz na, nawi Oc na NP nn 647. “¿Quien? *kho who” Ot kho o Maz kho 648. “Quince días fifteen days” *(n)N ait ai koiHC t ai Ot n n t amak t a Maz d ik i a 649. “Quitar de encima take *kã h k down” Ot kãhki Maz kãhkã 650. “Quitar la punta de granos shell corn from the cob” *tõa h k Ot tãhki Maz tõhk 651. “Quitar (sombrero) take off (hat)” *h a h k/ m Ot hãhki; hã mi “sacar” Maz h hk ; h m Mtz Oc h bi 652. “Raíz root” *th NP nikhy` “its rope” Ch nìthé 263 Appendix L All POP Cognate Sets SP kunthi 653. “Raíz root” * i iHC/* i ioHC Ot y Maz dy Mtz di Oc bli 654. “Rajar split *soa c /n c wood” Mtz Oc šól i NP sóa ac Ch ésú ùs SP sóa 655. “Rajar split *coe n wood” Ot c ni Maz Mtz seri Oc celi 656. “Rama branch” *n iai ca Ot y za Maz dy za 657. “Rana frog” * k( )oa/* koe Ot w Maz w Mtz in o kwa Oc n únkw á NP kók wa Ch kúngwã SP kúk wá 658. “Rápido fast” *tih/*ni(h) Ot nihi, tihi Maz n h , d ihi NP manéi Ch máné SP mer]i 659. “Rasguñar *sa m scratch” Ot ša mi Maz šab 660. “Raspar suck maguey juice” * a ph Ot aphi Maz aph 661. “Ratón mouse” *n kão Ot ng Maz ngõ õ NP ningy`ão Ch nìng/ã SP nkyãw nci 662. “Recibir receive” *taih c NP ttàhi D l àhi Ch tec, B –ndec, C rec, D rhec The Reconstruction of Otopamean 264 663. “Red net” *t ao c Ot t öc i Maz t ös 664. “Redondo *tao s round” SP ntìàuš Ch dzìtás 665. “Regañar scold” *co NP A cco, B cò, C cò, D c ò Ch A ndzo, B tšo, C zo, D tsho 666. “Regar irrigate” * o n ( teh) Ot nthe Maz iñi 667. “Reír laugh at” *teh n /t Ot theni Maz theñe Mtz tari Oc táhti NP t h l Ch ítèhè r 668. “Reírse laugh at” *teh t/ n Ot théde Maz thè e Mtz tati Oc táhtì NP tt h dn SP t/ h NP A tt` h dn , B, C t h dn , D l h dn 669. “Relámpago lightning” *n(h)oe/*n(h)õ c / m Ot hw c i “flash”; hw i Maz hw ši “flash”; hw b i Mtz manihe i Oc rùmhé i NP gonw/ “thunder” Ch enüts SP (P) tìñwin, (J) tìñìn 670. “Remendar mend” *poHC t /*peoHC t Ot pø t e Maz p/øt ø Mtz pø ti Oc pøti 671. “Reñir quarrel” * ioHC ( i “dual”) Ot wi Maz NP A lo wèo, B ndo wèo, C la èo, D ndot èo 672. “Repetir repeat” *nio h p Ot yohpi Maz yehpe 673. “Respirar breathe” *ci n(h) a Ot cihyã Maz Mtz kusinu Oc 265 Appendix L All POP Cognate Sets 674. “Rezar pray” *sao t/# Ot šödi Maz šör SP cá Ch úp èhe e sá à 675. “Rico rich” *pã n / t NP p`ãn Ch pã, (R) ip/ãr SP dipi t 676. “Río river” * teh (“water”) Ot dãthe Maz ndàre Mtz betawi Oc mbinda NP got]oe kot] Note: All the words for “river” mean “big water,” but the words for “big” differ. 677. “Robar rob, steal” *p Ot p , C b , D ph Maz p Mtz pewi Oc pe NP A pp , B p , C p , D ph Ch A ppi, B nbi, C vi, D –phi 678. “Ladrón thief” * p Ot b Maz mb Mtz pewi Oc pe NP p Ch kámb r 679. “Rodilla knee” *n a h mõ n Ot yãhm Maz ñihmo Mtz nu muni Oc numú 680. “Rojo red” *(n)thai n Ot th ni Maz nth ni 681. “Saber know” *pã t Ot pãdi, C bãdi., D phãdi Maz pãrã Mtz pøti, pøya Oc mbøya NP káppãt “adivino” Ch èp/ã SP pã 682. “Sabroso delicious” *kiHC mh Ot nk hi Maz kihmi NP makèi “fragrant” Ch 683. “Sabroso delicious *t ø Mtz ku it ø Oc mèt /ø The Reconstruction of Otopamean 266 Note: Mtz Oc has a number of sources: *ã, *oHC, *eoHC, etc. 684. “Sacar take out” *khiHC c /# Ot kh c i Maz kh s NP A kki i, B kwi i, C ki i, D khwí i Ch A ke, B nke, C ge, D khe 685 “Sacerdote priest” *we n *wai n . NP kaw dn Ch rangwí SP (P) kuwáin SP (J) kùwàn 686 “Sal salt” *thõ s Mtz inthuši Oc nthuši NP golh`õs Ch urh/õs SP thìuš 687 “Salado salty” * ão s Ot ` ši Maz ]õš / “sal” ]õ õ NP ãos 688 “Salir go out” *poeHC n Ot pøni Maz pedy e Mtz Oc pøli 689 “Salir go out” *nih n NP nnèhig Ch te, ne 690 “saliva spit” *khi nh Ot khìhni Maz k ` hñ Mtz ini Oc n i NP khwígn Ch síkhé SP šømøkí NP A ikkíg , B gwìg , C gwíg , D nkhwíbmpt Ch A súkké, B síkké, C sígé 691 “Saludar greet” *n koa/*n kao Ot z ngwa Maz z] ngwa NP ngwào , D ndo khwào Ch A gá, B gá, C ngá, D ngá 692 “Sangre blood” *khi Ot khí Maz kh]i i Mtz ihabi, (Gu) chiyabi Oc n íhyá 267 Appendix L All POP Cognate Sets NP kokhwì Ch ùkhé SP khì NP A kokhwìk, B kikh[i, C kikhì, D kikkhìk Ch A kòkhé, B kíkhè, C kíkhè, D kìkhé 693 “Secar dry out” * o t Ot yot i Maz dy ot 694 “Seco dry” * o n /# Ot n yoni Maz od Mtz yo Oc yo NP dío, ma ó Ch mó ó, (A) nindò SP mú ú 695 “Sed, tener be thirsty” *tõ teh Ot t the Maz tùre 696 “Seis six” *n a h to, *ti ti n a Ot nahto Maz ñanto Mtz indatowi Oc mblàhndòhó NP teli gyá SP tikient ( ) 697 “Semana week” *nimpãi NP nímbyãi Ch nímb`ã SP mpiã 698 “Sembrar plant (corn)” *tõ mh/# Ot t h , C t h , D n h Maz t` hm Mtz tumi Oc tu NP ttõ o Ch étú ùn NP A tt/õ o, B t/õ o, C t/õ o, D lh/õ o Ch A tu, B –ndu, C ru, D rhu 699 “Semilla seed” *n tao Ot ndö Maz ndö ö Mtz da Oc ndátu 700 “Sentarse sit down” *(i) kho n Mtz hori Oc holi 701 “Sentarse sit down” *coh NP ccóho SP cuhu 702 “Sentarse sit down” *mi/*m oh . Ot mi, mihöi Maz mimi, mim mi The Reconstruction of Otopamean 268 NP (AL) m h 703 “Sentarse sit” *hõc / t Ot h c i, h di Maz h r NP koh[ c “on top of” Ch hunts 704 “Sentir feel” *cao Ot A cö, C zö, D c ö Maz s/ö Mtz Oc có NP A –ccáo , B –áo , C –cáo D –c áo 705 “Servir work for” *pai h p Ot p hpite Maz p hpi 706 “Servir comida serve food” *si c Ot šic i Maz šis i 707 “Sesos brains” * kã NP gokw`ã p Ch ùg/ã SP (P) yw`ã , (J) nky`ã ? 708 “Sibling hermano” *n i o i (dual) Ot n yowi Maz dy ohwi 709 “Siete seven” *nio to *ti ti nioh n Ot yohto Maz yèn o Mtz netowi Oc myèhndoho NP tely yòhig SP tiktí ( ) 710 “Silla chair” *p( )oh NP gop óho Ch nábòhò Ch A tapoho, B kipoho, C tapoho, D navoho 711 “Sol sun” *hia t/ m Ot hyadi Maz hy[ar Mtz inhyabi Oc 712 “Sólo only” *n a Ot (SF) dach Maz Mtz ra Oc la NP dahap 713 “Sombra shade, shadow” *são t *sõ p/ m Ot š m i, š ti Maz š`õr Mtz šubi Oc húbi NP kos[ãot 269 Appendix L All POP Cognate Sets 714 “Sombrero hat” *piHC m Ot ph i Maz NP A mbéhe , B wéhe , C méhe , D béhe 715 “Soplar blow” *hoi p/ n / t Ot hwìphi Maz hwìphi Mtz n ihupi “soplador” Oc nìlhw/ípì “soplador” NP hèig 716 “Norte north” *hoi p Ot (Mez) mahwifi Maz Mtz n ihupi “soplador” Oc nimhnupi NP sohòp ( gop[ãi ) 717 “Soplador fan” *hoi t / k/ t Ot hwìt i Maz hwì i “aventar” Mtz ruthuh i “soplar” Oc muhwiptí “soplar” NP šilyhèiky SP štuthwé e 718 “Sordo deaf” * ko kão Ot gog Maz ngogo 719 “Sordo deaf” *mo t SP neka mud[u Ch nàng/ã í múr 720 “Sospechar suspect” *hoHC c /*heoHC c Ot høc e “acusar” Maz h[øs ø 721 “Subir raise (price) *hõ c Ot h c i, C hy c i, D th c ?i Maz h s NP A h/õsp, B –hi`õsp, C hiõsp, D h`õsp 722 “Subir go up” *poHC c /*peoHC c Ot pøc e Maz pøs ø “poner en la lumbre” Mtz pøc i Oc 723 “Subir ascend” *hão NP A tah/ão, B kohww/ão, C nh/ã o SP ma ta hãwk Ch gàh/ã 724 “Subir ascend” *te c Ot tec e Maz tes e The Reconstruction of Otopamean 270 725 “Sucio dirty” *mpo s Ot mpoši Maz poš 726 “Sudar sweat” *pa Mtz Oc ndepáki NP lilyh[et wóppap Ch rípà énèhèr SP rpià ten/ hi 727 “Suegra de mujer woman’s mother in law *kao Ot kö Maz kö?ö 728 “Suegra de hombre man’s mother in law *to Ot to Maz o o 729 “Tabaco tobacco” *n ioHC m Ot y[ui Maz Mtz rumi Oc NP ndóehig Ch (R) út ühü Ch (A) A núnd/üh`ü, B n`r/üh`ü, C nínd`üh`ü, D út`üh`ü 730 “Tamales” *th t Ot th di Maz th Mtz intheti Oc thenti NP lh Ch úr ` hì SP nth/ NP A noth , B nilhy , C nikhy 731 “Tapar cover” *ko m Ot ko mi Maz kob 732 “Tejer weave” *pe Ot pe, C me, D e Maz pè e Mtz pa Oc mbá NP pp Ch pì SP we NP A pp , B –w , C –m , D bb 733 “tejocote kind of fruit” *pai n Ot p ni Maz p dy i Mtz pari Oc mbali 734 “Telar loom” *m e Ot me Maz b è e NP nab[ Ch úp í SP m é 271 Appendix L All POP Cognate Sets 735 “Temblar shake” * pi Ot bi Maz mbi i 736 “Temblar shake” *hõa/* kã Ot hwã Maz hwã khã “sacudir” NP ngã Ch íg`ãn “temblor de tierra” 737 “!!Ten! here!” *nã Ot nã Maz nã ã 738 “Tenamaxtle ”hearth stones” *nh o m/ t” Ot hy i Maz hñ m Mtz Oc nyut 739 “Tener (milpas have (fields)” *thai Ot th Maz th 740 “Tener have” *mi Mtz miwi “agarrar” Oc mi “agarrar” NP mm 741 “Tener have” *h a t Ot hã Maz h/ Mtz yø Oc SP hyún Ch her Ch A her, B –nher, C nher, D rher 742 “Teñir dye” *kã t/ Ot kãti (k h ) Maz k`ãt ã Mtz nikhøti “pintura” Oc mukøndi, nikhøndi “pintura” NP kkã SP kw/ãn 743 “Tercera persona third person” * p Ot pi Maz pi Mtz pi Oc pi NP p Ch 744 “Tercio a third (bundle of *khao t wheat)” Ot khödi Maz khör 745 “Terminar finsh something” *te k/*toi Ot tége Maz tèze thege “used up” theze “used up” Mtz ta i Oc ta i The Reconstruction of Otopamean 272 NP ttwì Ch tü, D tü 746 Terminar finish” *khwa t Ot khwadi Maz khwar 747 “Tiempo de aguas rainy season” *hie teh Ot nhyethe Maz Mtz inhyeti Oc héti 748 “Tierra land, soil” *hao m Ot h`öi Maz h`öm Mtz hami Oc ha NP hw[aog Ch úhà SP ihyáw NP A nóhwaog , B nihyàog , C níhyaog 749 “Tierra land, ground” *po Mtz mapo o “abajo” Oc NP kopó Ch kímbó Ch kúmbò, B kìvó, C kímbó, D úvó 750 “Tierra plana plain, plateau” *m a tha Ot matha Maz bath Mtz inbati Oc bati NP nibià Ch 751 “Tijeras scissors” *n a s/*t a s Ot (SF) ñãši, (Mez) t ãste Maz ñãšã NP nal yãs Ch tár s NP A ti y/ãs, B ki y/ãs, C ni y/ãs, D nal y/ãs 752 “Cortar con tijeras cut out with scissors” * a s Ot ãši, C yãši, D t ãši Maz ãšã NP A,B i/ãs, C n i/ãs, D l i/ãs 753 “Tirar throw” *h(i) o t/ n NP wah[ ol Ch hun, B, C nhin, D rhun 754 “Tocar touch” *taoh n /# Ot thöni, C döni, D nöni Maz thör Mtz tari Oc NP A ttaho, B táho, C táho, D l aho Ch A ta, B nda, C ra, D rha 755 “Tocar mmúsica play music” *pai m /p *pai n 273 Appendix L All POP Cognate Sets Ot p i Maz ph b i Mtz papi Oc mbápi NP Ch pen Ch A pen, B ngwen, C men, D mben 756 “Todo all” *t s/ cho Ot Maz t š Mtz te so Oc ndechó 757 “Toluca capitol of state of Mexico” *n ciHC mh Ot nz hmi Maz z mi 758 “Tomar drink” *ci Ot ci Maz si i Mtz ci Oc ci 759 “Tomar drink” *hao NP háo Ch ráhá SP manh[u NP A waháo , B, C hwáo , D lháo Ch A ha, B, C nha, D rha 760 “Torcer twist” *k s SP kwíš Ch gak/ s 761 “Tortilla corn cake” *mh Ot hm Maz Mtz imhewi Oc mhme NP mh SP mh 762 “Tortuga turtle” *ko mo NP kommó Ch kúmmó 763 “Toser cough” *he(h)/*the(h) Ot hehe; thehe “tos” Maz hehe; thehe “tos” Mtz Oc he NP hw SP bøditkhy[e 764 “Tos a cough” *k iHC c Ot k c i Mtz k øc i 765 “Trabajar work” *pai ph Ot p phi, mp phi Maz p phi 766 “Trabajador *mai ph worker” Ot m phi Maz mb phi The Reconstruction of Otopamean 274 767 “Trabajo work” *t a m Mtz t ami Oc t a 768 “Traer bring” *pi k/# Mtz piki Oc NP Ch pii Ch A pii, B ngwii, C mii, D mbii 769 “Tragar swallow” *tõ t / n Ot t t i, C d t i Maz SP t Ch étùn NP A ttõl , B, C tõl , D lh[ol 770 ”Tres three” *nh o / n . Ot hy ; hyãhto “ocho” Maz hñ ; hñin o “ocho” Mtz šu, hyu Oc phyu NP nhõ Ch tínhùn (R) tín ùhùn SP hn` u 771 “Tripas intestines” *phoi . Ot š mpho, c ãmpho Maz šepho Mtz n imphowi Oc NP šimphio k, mbép Ch kúmb/ü 772 “Triste sad” *te o c t a m . Mtz te ost ami Oc te ust a 773 “Triste sad” *ma p . SP ma abi Ch m aha 774 “Tronco trunk of a tree” * po kõa n . NP nimbyo ni gw/ã Ch ríg/ rábó SP nk rbu 775 “Trueno thunder” *mphoHC nh/*mpheoHC nh . Ot mphøhni Maz phøhnø 776 “Tú thou” *k e/*k . Ot k e, k Maz k e 275 Appendix L All POP Cognate Sets Maz ka i Oc ka i NP heok , k Ch ihék ù SP hùk 777 “Tuna cactus fruit” *ha t . Mtz hati Oc hati 778 “Vacío empty” *n i oHC n /# * oHC . Ot yøni Maz dy ød ø Mtz Oc nul éli (?) NP ma ó Ch mó ó 779 “Valer be worth” *mo i(dual) . Ot muwi Maz muwi Mtz mu Oc 780 “Vecino neighbor” *m n kõ m . Ot m ng Maz menzum 781 “Vela candle” *nio . Ot yo Maz yo o 782 “Veinte twenty” *n a(o) te . Ot n nöhte Maz dy öhte Mtz nronta Oc blóhndá NP ndaly [ dn SP náde 783 “Venado deer” *pah n . Ot phašthø, phanthø Maz phanthe, phant ehe Mtz inhapaari (Gu) ynte tzacapaari Oc nc ambali NP SP ph/ãmp` i 784 “Vender sell” * oi n / / t . Mtz uri Oc wili NP ei , B w[ei , C dèi Ch ür Ch A ür, B –tür, C nd:ru, D r ür SP ù The Reconstruction of Otopamean 276 785 “Vender sell” *pao . Ot pö Maz pö ö 786 “Venir come” * h/* a . Ot h Maz h Mtz i Oc p i NP A w` , B, C n ` a, D kon ` at Ch A i, B, C i, D i 787 “Verde green” *koih t . NP ni géhily Ch kuk`ü SP nkíhìl 788 “Verde oscuro dark green” * poe th . Ot bøthe Maz mbe e 789 “Vereda path” * p n o . Ot b y Maz mb ñihi 790 Vergüenza shame” *cha . Ot cö (?) Maz NP chá Ch chà a 791 “Vestir a alguien dress *he t . someone” Ot hehte Maz heh e Mtz hati Oc hati 792 “Vestirse wear clothes” *t h . NP t` hi Ch t` Ch A –t , B –nd , C –r , D rh 793 “Vestirse wear clothes” *he . Ot he Maz he e 794 “Viejo old” *n oi . NP madó i SP mr ndí ì 277 Appendix L All POP Cognate Sets 795 “Viejo old” *t õ ma . Mtz intoma, tuma Oc t uma 796 “Visitar visit” *pã t/# . Ot pãdi “saber” Maz pãrã “saber” NP A pp`ã, B – pã, C –pã, D ph`ã Ch A – pã, B –nbã, C –vã, D mbã 797 “Vomitar vomit” *co k/ c / mia . Ot cogi, C zogi, D c ogi Maz n ohk Mtz Oc c oya NP ccòc Ch ítšò ò NP A ccòc , B òc , C cóc , D òc 798 “Ultimo last” *m ai pha . Ot b pha Maz b pha 799 “Untar anoint” *ko c . Ot koc i Maz kos 800 “Uno one” *n a/*t a . Ot na, n na Maz d aha, n àha Mtz indawi Oc bla, la NP nda Ch nant a SP ná 801 “y and” *n h . Ot n h Maz ñé, ñéhe 802 “Yerba grass” *t e/*n . Ot t i Maz t b i SP dét e Ch ún ` 803 “Yo I” *kao * k . Ot gö, kö gi, ki Maz gö, kö gV, kV Mtz kaki Oc kaki The Reconstruction of Otopamean 278 NP káok k Ch ìkágù SP kàki 804 “Nosotros we pl, incl.” *kao hoi/ n (*hoiHC) . Ot göh Maz göhi Mtz kakhowi Oc kàkhó NP kaok Ch ikágùn SP kàkh 805 “Zacate fodder” * ca pah n *c a pah n . Ot zaphani Maz s aphad 806 “Zancudo mosquito” *mo tao . Ot modö Maz mödö 807 “Zapatos shoes” *phã c . SP mphãc Ch úph`ãts Ch A náp`ãts, B úp/ãts, C úv`ãts, D úph`ãts 808 “Zapote blanco white zapote fruit” *c o n . Mtz ints oni Oc ts o 809 “Zopilote buzzard” *pa ta/*wa . Ot pada Maz ndohpar Mtz impati Oc NP nawá a Ch 810 “Zorra fox” *ha . Ot (Mez) haho Maz Mtz Oc yohá 811 “Zorrillo skunk” *n a m/ m /# . Ot yãi, (SG) n `ãi Maz hm Mtz bi Oc nim øøli (?) NP kon/õa a Ch kár /ã SP kr a APPENDIX M LANGUAGES REPRESENTED IN THE COGNATE SETS Otomian and Pamean 347 sets 1, 10, 12, 16, 17, 21, 22, 24, 27, 28, 30, 31, 32, 39, 42, 44, 49, 51, 54, 55, 59, 60, 61, 67, 68, 70, 71, 72, 76, 77, 80, 82, 87, 89, 91, 92, 93, 94, 97, 100, 101, 102, 104, 105, 106, 108, 117, 119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 129, 130, 131, 132, 135, 136, 137, 142, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 152, 154, 160, 166, 168, 169, 177, 178, 179, 180, 187, 192, 193, 196, 197, 198, 200, 214, 215, 217, 219, 220, 222, 223, 225, 227, 233, 234, 235, 236, 237, 238, 243, 244, 245, 250, 251, 252, 255, 258, 263, 264, 264, 267, 268, 269, 271, 274, 276, 277, 278, 280, 281, 285, 290, 291, 292, 301, 302, 303, 304, 313, 316, 320, 321, 322, 323, 329, 330, 333, 334, 337, 338, 342, 343, 344, 348, 351, 352, 353, 354, 356, 357, 358, 359, 360, 371, 373, 380, 384, 385, 386, 388, 391, 393, 395, 399, 402, 407, 409, 413, 415, 418, 419, 420, 421, 423, 425, 426, 427, 428, 431, 439, 445, 446, 456, 460, 461, 464, 468, 469, 471, 475, 476, 477, 479, 481, 482, 483, 484, 487, 489, 497, 498, 499, 500, 504, 541, 515, 517, 519, 520, 521, 523, 526, 527, 528, 529, 530, 533, 534, 535, 536, 538, 542, 545, 546, 547, 550, 553, 554, 555, 557, 558, 559, 560, 561, 562, 563, 565, 570, 572, 573, 582, 583, 584, 586, 588, 589, 590, 591, 598, 599, 600, 602, 605, 606, 608, 609, 610, 611, 613, 615, 616, 617, 620, 628, 630, 633, 646, 654, 657, 658, 661, 667, 668, 669, 671, 674, 676, 677, 678, 681, 682, 684, 686, 687, 690, 691, 692, 694, 696, 698, 702, 703, 704, 709, 712, 713, 714, 715, 716, 717, 721, 726, 729, 730, 732, 734, 736, 740, 741, 742, 743, 745, 748, 749, 750, 751, 752, 754, 755, 759, 761, 763, 768, 769, 770, 771, 776, 778, 782, 783, 784, 786, 790, 796, 797, 800, 802, 803, 804, 809, 811. Otomian 106 Sets 4, 19, 35, 38, 43, 46, 65, 69, 83, 86, 98, 110, 111, 115, 118, 126, 127, 143, 151, 155, 156, 157, 161, 171, 174, 176, 181, 190, 201, 202, 209, 230, 239, 240, 241, 260, 272, 314, 318, 327, 328, 340, 345, 347, 362, 364, 375, 383, 392, 397, 400, 404, 405, 408, 411, 417, 422, 429, 433, 438, 440, 441, 442, 444, 449, 455, 458, 459, 467, 6/9/2010 279 The Reconstruction of Otopamean 280 472, 478, 493, 494, 495, 444, 501, 505, 525, 532, 539, 541, 549, 556, 574, 580, 594, 629, 631, 635, 651, 653, 655, 670, 673, 679, 688, 699, 711, 722, 733, 738, 747, 756, 758, 779, 791, 810. Otomi and Mazahua 215 Sets 2, 3, 6, 8, 9, 11, 14, 15, 18, 20, 23, 26, 29, 33, 34, 36, 37, 45, 47, 48, 56, 57, 73, 75, 78, 79, 81, 84, 88, 90, 95, 96, 103, 107, 109, 113, 124, 125, 134, 138, 139, 140, 153, 158, 163, 165, 170, 181, 182, 184, 185, 186, 189, 194, 195, 199, 203, 204, 207, 208, 213, 216, 221, 224, 229, 232, 246, 249, 254, 256, 257, 261, 262, 266, 275, 282, 283, 286, 287, 293, 294, 296, 298, 299, 300, 305, 307, 309, 312, 315, 324, 325, 331, 332, 335, 346, 349, 350, 355, 361, 363, 365, 366, 369, 370, 372, 376, 377, 378, 379, 382, 390, 403, 410, 424, 432, 435, 436, 437, 447, 448, 451, 452, 454, 457, 462, 463, 465, 466, 470, 474, 480, 485, 486, 488, 496, 502, 507, 510, 531, 537, 543, 551, 552, 564, 566, 569, 571, 575, 577, 578, 585, 587, 592, 596, 604, 614, 621, 622, 623, 624, 625, 626, 627, 632, 634, 636, 644, 645, 647, 648, 649, 650, 656, 659, 660, 663, 666, 672, 680, 693, 695, 705, 706, 708, 717, 720, 724, 725, 727, 728, 731, 735, 737, 739, 744, 746, 757, 764, 765, 766, 775, 780, 781, 785, 788, 789, 793, 798, 799, 801, 805, 806. Matlatzinca and Ocuilteco 28 Sets 40, 41, 50, 53, 128, 161, 248, 253, 288, 366, 381, 387, 524, 548, 568, 595, 597, 601, 618, 638, 639, 683, 700, 767, 772, 777, 795, 808. Pamean (Pame and Chichimeco) 109 Sets 5, 7, 13, 25, 52, 58, 62, 64, 67, 74, 85, 99, 112, 114, 116, 133, 141, 144, 150, 159, 172, 173, 175, 183, 191, 205, 206, 210, 211, 212, 218, 226, 228, 231, 242, 247, 259, 273, 279, 284, 289, 306, 308, 310, 311, 317, 326, 336, 339, 341, 367, 368, 374, 389, 394, 398, 401, 406, 412, 414, 416, 430, 434, 443, 450, 453, 473, 490, 491, 492, 503, 511, 513, 516, 518, 522, 544, 567, 576, 579, 581, 593, 603, 607, 612, 619, 637, 638, 652, 662, 664, 665, 675, 685, 689, 697, 701, 707, 710, 719, 723, 753, 760, 762, 773, 774, 787, 792, 794, 807. BIBLIOGRAPHY General Bartholomew, Doris. “Some Revisions in Proto Otomi Consonants, “International Journal of American Linguistics , XXVI (1960), 317 29. Belmar, Francisco. Glotología Indígena Méxicana . México: n.p., 1921. [Pages xliv xlivii have bibliography of materials in Otomi, Matlatzinca, and Pame.] . Lenguas Indígenas de México: La Familia mixteco zapoteca y sus relaciones con el otomí . México: n.p., 1905. . “Sistema silábico en las lenguas de la familia mixteca zapoteca otomí,” Anales del Museo Nacional , 3 a época, II (1910), 261 71. Brinton, Daniel G. “On the Affinities of the Otomi Language with the Athabascan Dialects,” Proceedings of the X International Congress of Americanists , 1897, 151 62. Catálogo de obras escritas en lenguas indígenas de México o que tratan de ellas de la biblioteca particular de Salvador Ugarte . México: Offset Vilar, 1955. VIII Censo general de población, 1960. Resumen general. México, D.F.: Estados Unidos Mexicanos, Secretaría de Industria y Comercio, Dirección General de Estadística, 1960. [Source of figures on speakers of indigenous languages, cuadro 14: “Población que habla únicamente lenguas indígenas, por sexo,” pp. 263 66.] Charencey, Comte Hyacinthe de. “Recherches sur la famille de lángues Américaines, Pirinda Othomí,” Annales de Philosophie Chrétienne , n.v. (1867), n.p. . “Sur les idiomes de la Famille Chichimèque,” Proceedings of the XIV International Congress of Americanists , 1906, pp.159 91. Chávez, Alberto N. “Bibliografía antropológica otomí,” Ethnos , I (1920), 68 73. Ecker, Lawrence. “Relationship of Mixtec to the Otomian Languages,” El México Antiguo , IV (1939), 209 40. 6/9/2010 281 The Reconstruction of Otopamean 282 Hasler, Juan. “Reconstrucciones Matlatzinca ocuiltecos,” Anales del Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia , XII (1960), 269 79. Manrique Castañeda, Leonardo. “Sobre la Clasificación del Otomi Pame,” Proceedings of the XXXIII International Congress of Americanists , 1958, 551 59. Marino Flores, Anselmo. Bibliografía lingüística de la República Mexicana . Mexico: Instituto Internacional Indigenista, 1957. . Distribución municipal de los hablantes de lenguas indígenas en la Republica Méxicana . México: Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, Departmento de Investigaciones Antropológicas, Publicación núm. 12, 1963. [The data in this publication are according to the census of 1950. It appears that the 1960 census did not include information on monolingual and bilingual speakers by municipio.] Pimentel, Francisco. Obras Completas . Vol. II. México: Tipografía Económica, 1903. [Of interest here are chapters LI “El Othomí ó Hia Hiu,” pp. 358 74; LII “Comparaciones entre el Chino y el Othomí,” pp. 375 393; LIII “El Mazahua ó Mazahui,” pp. 394 400: LIV “Comparación del Othomí con el Mazahua y el Pirinda Carácteres distintivos de la familia othomí,” pp. 401 11; LV “El Pame comparado con el othomí El Jonaz ó Meco, el Serrano Idiomas que forman la familia othomí Observación sobre el antiguo chichimeco,” pp. 412 36; LVI “El Apache,” pp. 437 66. The last chapter has a list of words comparing Apache and Otomi.] Newman, Stanley, and Weitlaner, Robert J. “Central Otomian I: Proto Otomi Reconstructions,” International Journal of American Linguistics , XVI (1950), 1 19. . “Central Otomian II: Primitive Central Otomian Reconstructions,” XVI (1950), 73 81. Soustelle, Jacques. “La Famille Otomi Pame du Mexique Central,” Travaux et Memoires de l’Institut d”Ethnologie de l’Université de Paris , No. 26. Paris: Institut d’Ethnologie, 1937. Swadesh, Morris. “The Oto Manguean Hypothesis and Macro Mixtecan,” International Journal of American Linguistics , XXVI (1960), 79 111. . “Algunos problemas de la lingüística Otomangue,” Anales de Antropología , I (1964), 91 123. [This article attempts to incorporate Otomi and Mazahua into the larger Otomanguean reconstruction.] 283 Bibliography Thomas, Cyrus, and Swanton, John R. “Indian Languages of Central America and their Geographical Distribution,” 44 th Bulletin of the Bureau of American Ethnology . Washington: Government Printing Office, 1911. [Includes a linguistic map. Follows Brinton in including Matlatzinca in the Otomian area.] Weitlaner, Roberto J. “Proto Otomi Matlatzinca: Reconstrucciones del Proto Otomi III,” Memorias del Congreso Científico Mexicano, IV Centenario de la Universidad Autónoma de México , XII (1953), 199 206. . “Un idioma desconocido del Norte de México,” Proceedings of the XXVIII International Congress of Americanists , 1948, 205 27. [Compares Naolan, a language of Tamaulipas, with North Pame, languages of the Sioux Hokan group and languages of the Yuto Aztecan group. Weitlaner concludes that Naolan is closer to Yuto Aztecan, but there are some resemblances with North Pame. The very limited corpus is insufficient for any final decision.] Otomi Agreda, Antonio de. Arte de la Lengua Otomí . (Manuscript in la Biblioteca Nacional, Santiago de Chile.) [The manuscript of 139 pages bears the date 1771. The Arte , which is mostly orthography, constitutes 23 pages. There are 38 pages of vocabulary in addition to the sections on Christian doctrine.] Andrews, Henrietta. “Phonemes and Morphophonemes of Temoayan Otomi,” International Journal of American Linguistics , XV (1949), 213 22. . “Otomi Place Names in the State of Mexico, “Revista Mexicana de Estudios Antropológicos , XIV (1954 55), 161 64. . “Aspect Prefixes in Southwestern Otomi,” (Typewritten). Arroyo, Víctor Manuel. Elementos de Gramática Otomí . Ixmiquillpan, Hgo.: Patrimonio Indígena del Valle del Mezquital, 1955. Bartholomew, Doris. “Palabras prestadas del español en el dialecto otomí,” Revista Mexicana de Estudios Antropológicos , XIV (1954 55), 169 72. . “El Limosnero y otros cuentos en otomí,” Tlalocan, IV (1963), 120 24. Buelna, Lic. Eustaquio. Luces del Otomí . México: Imprenta del Gobierno Federal, 1893. [The subtitle is “Gramática del idioma que hablan los indios otomíes en la The Reconstruction of Otopamean 284 República Mexicana. Compuesto por un padre de la compañía de Jesús.” Buelna, who edited the manuscript, dates it shortly after 1767. It consists of six parts and includes several vocabularies as well as grammatical information.] Cárceres, Pedro de. “Arte de la Lengua Otomí,” Edited by Nicolás León, Boletín del Instituto Bibliográfico Mexicano , VI (1907), 39 155. [Manuscript of the 16 th century from Querétaro.] Caso, Alfonso. “Un códice en otomí,” Proceedings of the XXIII International Congress of Americanists , 1930, 130 35. Carrasco Pizana, Pedro. Los Otomies: Cultura e historia pre hispánicas de los pueblos mesoamericanas de habla otomiana . México: Instituto de Historia, 1950. Colección Polidiómica Mexicana . México: n.p., 1888. [Contains the Lord’s prayer in 68 languages and dialects of Mexico. This edition more complte than the 1860 edition.] Castaño, Bartholomé. Lo que precisamente debe saber el Christiano . (Photograph manuscript in the W. E. Gates collection of the Newberry Library, Chicago. 15 pp. 13.7 cm.) Catessismo Nathonate . (Manuscript of 1750, 8 pp., 21.5 cm. Newberry Library, Chicago.) Cathecismo y breve explicación de la doctrina Christiana en idioma othomí . (Photograph manuscript in the W. E. Gates Collection of the Newberry Library, Chicago. 33 pp. 13.7 cm.) Codex de Huichapan . (Otomi manuscript, approx. 1632, in the Museo Nacional de Arqueología, Historia, y Etnografía, México, D.F.) Cornejo Cabrera, Ezekiel. “Los Otomies: Historia del grupo y de la cultura y su situación actual,” Revista Mexicana de Sociología , XXIII (1961), 55 90. Dávila Garibi, J. Ignacio. “Los últimos representantes de la raza Othomí en Jalisco,” Boletín de la Sociedad Mexicana de Geografía y Estadística , XLIV (1932), 39 68. Diccionario Castellano Otomí; Otomí Castellano . México: Patrimonio Indígena del Valle del Mezquital y del Instituto Lingüístico de Verano, 1956. Diccionario Otomí . (Manuscript dictionary in the margins of Gilberti, Maturino. Vocabulario in lengua Castellana y Mechaucana , 1559. In the New York Public Library.) 285 Bibliography Diccionario Otomí . (Manuscript dictionary in the margins of Molina’s Spanish Nahuatl Dictionary of 1571. In the American Museum of Natural History, New York City. Diccionario Otomí . (Manuscript in la Biblioteca Nacional, México, D.F. 800 pp.) Dos Sermones en lengua otomí . (Manuscript of the 17 th entury. 7 pp. 21.6 cm. Newberry Library, Chicago.) Ecker, Lawrence, “Los dos “Metoros”,” Investigaciones Lingüísticas , IV (1937), 254 61. [An Otomi text from Xuchitlán, Santiago de Ayala, Hidalgo, by Ricardo Mayorga, edited by Ecker.] . “A Criticism of the Second Part, Entitled “La Langue Otomí,” of the work of Jacques Soustelle, La Famille Otomi Pame du Mexique Central ,” Boletín Bibliográfico de Antropología Americana , II (1938), 17 30. . “Retraction of Remarks on Soustelle’s La Famille Otomi Pame du Mexique Central , Boletín Bibliográfico de Antropología Americana , III (1939), 29 30. . “Testimonio Otomí sobre la etimología de México y Coyoacán,” El México Antiguo , V (1941), 198 201. . “La Incorporación del objeto al verbo en otomí y mexicano,” Proceedings of the XXVII International Congress of Americanists , 1947, 269 77. . “Compendio de Gramática Othomí,” Anales del Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia , IV (1952), 121 74. Escandón, Luis A. “Arte del idioma otomí,” Ensayo Histórico Estadístico Geográfico del Distrito de Ixmiquilpan , n.v. (1891), n.p. Exámen crítico de la Gramática Otomí de Neve y Molina; Discurso crítico de la Doctrina Otomí. (Manuscript, 143 pp. 21.3 cm. Newberry Library, Chicago.) Gaona, Juan de. Colloqvios de la paz y tranquilidad Christiana . Interlocutores: un Religioso, y un Collegal . México: n.p., 1582. Garibay, ángel María. “Morfemas nominales en otomí,” Anales del Museo Nacional de Arqueología, Historia, y Etnografía , 5a época, I (1934), pp. 291 323. .“El Enigma Otomí,” Ábside, II (1938), 3 12. The Reconstruction of Otopamean 286 Haedo, Francisco. Grámatica de la lengua otomí y método para confesar a los indios en ella . Mexico: n.p., 1731. Harley, M. de. “De quelques principes de linguistique et de la langue Othomie,” Proceedings of the III International Congress of Americanists , 1879, 525 68. Hess, Harold Harwood. “The Syntactic Structure of Mezquital Otomi.” Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Michigan, 1962. Jenkins, Joyce. “Morphological Phoneme Sequences in Eastern Otomi,” Phonetica , II (1958), 1 11. Jiménez Moreno, Wigberto. “Orígen y Significación del Nombre Otomí,” Revista Mexicana de Estudios Antropológicos , III (1939), 62 68. Leon, Frances, and Swadesh, Morris. “Two Views of Otomi Prosody,” International Journal of American Linguistics , XV (1949), 100 105. Leon, Frances. “Revisión de la Fonología del Otomí,” Anales del Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia , XV (1963), 315 22. León, Nicolás. “Uso de la Escritura Jeroglífica por los Hiá Hiú, en tiempos muy posteriores a la Conquista,” Proceedings of the XI International Congress of Americanists , 1897, 288 90. López Yepes, R.P. Fr. Joaquín. Catecismo y Declaración de la Doctrina Cristiana en Lengua Otomí, con un vocabulario del mismo idioma . Mexico: Impreso Alejandro Valdés, 1826. Mena, Ramón. “Lingüística y glotología nacionales,” Boletín de la Sociedad Mexicana de Geografía y Estadística , 5a época, VII (1919), 207 208. Mendoza, Gumesindo. “Disertación sobre el Otomí,” Boletín de la Sociedad Mexicana de Geografía y Estadística , 2a época, IV (1872), 41 52. [Tésis: “El olomí es un modelo del orígen de las palabras en las lenguas madres, y un ejemplo de cómo procedieron las razas primitivas para formar un idioma.”] . “Respuesta a las observaciones del Sr. Pimentel sobre la Disertación que leí ante esta Sociedad acerca del Otomí,” Boletín de la Sociedad Mexicana de Geografía y Estadística , 2a época, IV (1872), 440 453. Méthodo breve para confesar á un Yndio en idioma Otomí . (Photograph manuscript, 33pp. 13.7 cm. W. E. Gates collection. Newberry Library, Chicago.) Miranda, P. Francisco de. Catecismo Breve en Lengua Otomí. México: Imprenta de la Biblioteca Mexicana, 1759. 287 Bibliography Náxera, Fr. Manuel de S. Juan Crisóstomo. Disertación sobre la lengua Othomí . México: Imprenta del Aguila, 1845. [Read in Latin before the American Philosophical Society of Philadelphia in 1837. Compares Otomi and Chinese.] Neve y Molina, D. Luis de. Reglas de ortografía, diccionario, y arte del idioma othomí . Mexico: Imprenta de la Biblioteca Mexicana, 1767. [Also in an 1863 edition (Tipografía de Mariano Villanueva) and translated into German, French, and Italian.] Olaguíbel, Manuel de. Onomatología del Estado de México . Toluca: Tipografía del Gobierno en la Escuela de Artes y Oficios, 1894. Peñafiel, Antonio. Ciudades coloniales y capitales de la República Mexicana . Querétaro: n.p., 1911. [Includes Otomi place names and plant names.] . Lenguas Mexicanas . n.p., nd. [Includes an Otomi vocabulary.] . Composición de los nombres de lugar en lengua otomí y mixteco zapoteca . México: n.p., 1897. Pérez, Presb. D. Francisco. Catecismo de la Doctrina Cristiana en lengua otomí . México: Imprenta de la Testamentaría de Valdés, 1834. Pimentel, Francisco. “Observaciones de Francisco Pimentel a la Disertación sobre el idioma otomí, leída en la Sociedad Mexicana de Geografía y Estadística por el Sr. Gumesindo Mendoza,” Boletín de la Socieded Mexicana de Geografía y Estadística , IV (1872), 224 36. . “Réplica de Francisco Pimentel al Sr. Gumesindo Mendoza, acerca de su disertación sobre el idioma otomí,” Boletín de la Sociedad Mexicana de Geografía y Estadística , IV (1872), 629 36. . “Cap. LI “El Otomí ó Hiá Hiú,” Obras Completas . México: Tipografía Económica, (1903) II, pp. 358 74. Ramírez, Fr. Antonio de Guadalupe. Catecismo breve othomí . México: Imprenta Nueva Madrileña de los Herederos del Lic. D. Joseph de Jauregui, 1785. Robelo, Cecilio A. Nombres geográficos indígenas del Estado de México . Cuernavaca: Luis G. Miranda, 1900. Sánchez de la Baquera, Juan. Modo Breve de aprender a ler, escrevir, pronunciar, y ablar el idioma othomí. (Manuscript, 1747. 110 pp. 15 cm. Newberry Library, Chicago.) The Reconstruction of Otopamean 288 Sancturale Hiemale: Recueil de sermons pour les f[etes de différents Saints . (Photograph manuscript of 17 th century from original in Bibliotèque Nationale, Paris. 152 pp. 14.2 cm. W. E. Gates collection. Newberry Library, Chicago.) Sermonario en Lengua Otomí. (Manuscript of the 16 th century. 405 pp. Incomplete. Number VII of the manuscript collection of la Biblioteca Particular de Salvador Ugarte, Monterrey.) Sinclair, Donald S., and Pike, Kenneth L. “The tonemes of Mezquital Otomi,” International Journal of American Linguistics , XIV (1948), 91 98. Soustelle, Jacques. “Deux contes otomis,” Journal de la Société des Américanistes , XXVII (1935), 1 19. . “Les Noms de Lieux en Otomi et dan les Langues,” Proceedings of the XXVII International Congress of Americanists , 1947, 296 305. Urbano, Alonso. Arte breve de la lengua otomí . (Photograph manuscript. 90 pp. 18.1 cm. W. E. Gates collection. Newberry Library, Chicago.) Uribe, Oscar. “Toponímicos Otomíes,” Revista Mexicana de Estudios Antropológicos , XIV (1954 55), 207 12. Vargas, Melchior de. Doctrina Christiana, muy útil, y necesaria en Castellano, Mexicano, y Otomí . (Photograph manuscript of 1576. 73 pp. 13.7 cm. W. E. Gates collection. Newberry Library, Chicago.) Velázquez, Gustavo G. “Vocabulario otomí del pueblo de Santa María Mazatla, Méx.,” Investigaciones Lingüísticas, II (1934), 54 58. Vivó, Jorge A. “Sobre Leyes Fonéticas del Otomí,” Proceedings of the XXVII International Congress of Americanists , 1947, 366 73. Vocabulario Otomí . (Manuscript, 1750. 571 pp. 31 cm. Newberry Library, Chicago.) Wallis, Ethel E. “Toponomía Otomí del Valle del Mezquital,” Revista Mexicana de Estudios Antropológicos , XIV (1954 55), 153 60. . “Simulfixation in Aspect Markers of Mezquital Otomi,” Language , XXXII (1956), 453 59. . “Mezquital Otomi Verb Fusion,” Language , XL (1964), 75 82. Weitlaner, Robert J. “El Dialecto Otomí de Ixtenco,” Anales del Museo Nacional de Arqueología, Historia, y Etnografía , 4a época, VIII (1933), 667 92. 289 Bibliography . “El Otomí de Ixtenco, Tlaxcala,” Anales del Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia , VI (1955), 11 14. Also in Estudios Antropológicos Publicados en Homenaje al Dr. Manuel Gamio . Mexico: Dirección General de Publicaciones, 1956, pp. 693 96. [This second article on Ixtenco Otomi compares it with Newman and Weitlaner’s reconstruction of Proto Otomi.] Weitlaner, Roberto, et Soustelle, Jacques. “Canciones Otomíes,” Journal de la Société des Américanistes , XXVII (1935), 304 24. Mazahua León, Nicolás. “Mazahua Catechism in Testera Amerind Hieroglyphics,” American Anthropologist , II (1900), 722 84. Nájera Yanguas, Diego de. Doctrina y Enseñanza en la Lengua Mazahva de cosas mvy vtiles, y prouechosas para los Ministros de Doctrina, y para los naturales que hablan la lengua Mazahva . México: Iuan Ruyz, 1637. Reprinted in Biblioteca Mexicana de Obras Raras y Curiosas, Vol I. México: Offset Vilar, 1953. . “Arte de la lengua Mazahua,” Actes de la Société Philologique du Paris , XXVII (1898), 239 94; XXVIII (1899), 171 304. Pike, Eunice V. “Tonemic Intonemic Correlation in Mazahua (Otomi),” International Journal of American Linguistics , XVII (1951), 37 41. Pimentel, Francisco. Cap. LIII “El Mazahua ó Mazahui,” Obras Completas , Vol. II, México: Tipografía Económica, 1903, pp. 394 400. Rojas Gonzales, Francisco. “Los Mazahuas,” Revista Mexicana de Sociología , I (1939), 99 122. Spotts, Hazel. “Vowel Harmony and Consonant Sequences inMazahua (Otomi),” International Journal of American Linguistics , XIX (1953), 253 58. . “Mazahua Place Names,” Revista Mexicana de Estudios Antropológicos , XIV (1954 55), 165 67. . “Some Post Conquest Changes in Mazahua,” International Journal of American Linguistics , XXII (1956), 208 11. [A comparison of Diego de Nájera Yanguas, Doctrina y Enseñanza en la lengua Mazahua (1637) and modern Mazahua. There have been changes in vowel harmony, involving more back vowels in stem formative syllables. The earlier c (tz) has become s. A phoneme l has developed. There have been several changes in prefixes. Other changes in phonology or lexicon are trivial.] The Reconstruction of Otopamean 290 Stewart, Donald and Stewart, Shirley. Vocabulario Mazahua . México: Instituto Lingüístico de Verano, 1954. Stewart, Donald. “Progress Report on Tone Reconstruction of Proto Otomi Mazahua.” (Unpublished Manuscript, 1954) Matlatzinca and Ocuilteco Acosta, Francisco. Arte de la Lengua Pirinda . (Manuscript, before 1605. La Biblioteca del Convento de Charo, Michoacán.) [Used by Basalenque in composing his grammar.] . Sermones en Lengua Pirinda. (Manuscript, before 1605. Location undetermined.) Andrews, Henriette G. “Observaciones en fenómenas tonales de matlatzinca.” (Manuscript, 1945, 14 pp. Files of el Instituto Lingüístico de Verano, México, D.F.) . “Matlatzinca Kinship System.” (Manuscript, 1945. 2 pp. Chart. Files of el Instituto Lingüístico de Verano, México, D.F.) . “Language Notebook of Matlatzinca.” (Manuscript, 1945. 100pp. In my possession.) [Evidently basis for paper on the tone system, but contains other things as well.] Andrews, Henrietta, and Shell, Olive. “A Preliminary Report on Matlatzinca Grammar,” (Manuscript, 1945. 7 pp. Files of el Instituto Lingüístico de Verano, México, D.F.) . “A Tentative Statement and Description of Matlatzinca Phonemes with their Distribution.” (Manuscript, 1945. 21 pp. Chart. Files of el Instituto Lingüístico de Verano, México, D.F.) Basalenque, Diego. Arte de la lengua Matlaltzinga. Vocabulario de la lengua Castellano buelto en la Matlaltzinga. Vocabulario de la lengua Matlaltzinga buelto en la Castellana . (Manuscripts, 1640 1646. Three copies known to exist: one in el Museo Nacional de Arqueología, Historia, y Etnografía, México, D.F.; one in la Biblioteca Particular de Salvador Ugarte, Monterrey, N.L.; and the third in the John Carter Brown Library, Providence, R.I.) Caso, Alfonso. “El Calendario Matlatzinca,” Revista Mexicana de Estudios Antropológicos , VIII (1946), 95 109. 291 Bibliography Castro, Andrés de. Arte y Diccionario de la Lengua Matlatzinga . (Manuscript, before 1577. Said to be in la Biblioteca de Santiago Tlaltelulco, México, D.F.) . Sermones en Lengua Matlatzinca . (Manuscript, before 1577. 187 pp. Location undetermined.) . Vocabulario de la Lengua Matlatzinga . (Manuscript, 1557. In the margins of Molina’s Vocabulario de la lengua Castellano y Mexicana , México, 1555. Library of the American Indian, New York.) Cazés, Daniel. “Tésis Profesional sobre el Matlatzinca.” Unpublished Master’s thesis, Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, México, 1964. García Payón, José. La zona arqueológica de Tecaxic Calix tlahuaca, y los matlatzincas. México: Talleres Gráficos de la Nación, 1936. [Contains historical notes regarding early priests and their writings in and about Matlatzinca. Pages 223 36 give a bibliography of Matlatzinca materials.] . “Interpretación de la vida de los pueblos matlatzincas,” El México Antiguo , VI (1942 47), 73 90; 93 119. . “Manera de disponer de los muertos entre los matlatazincas del Valle de Toluca,” Revista Mexicana de Estudios Antropológicos , V (1951), 64 78. . Matlatzincas ó Pirindas . México: El Nacional, 1942. Génin, M. Auguste. “Notes d’Archéologie mexicaine, Le pays des Matlaltzinques,” Journal de la Société des Américanistes , III (1901), 1 42. [Contains a map of the region occupied by the Matlatzincas in 1470.] Guevara, Miguel de. “Arte doctrinal y modo para aprender la lengua Matlaltzinga,” Boletín de la Sociedad Mexicana de Geografía y Estadística , IX (1862), 197 260. [Guevara’s manuscript is of 1638. The editorial comments consider Guevara’s grammar to be more thorough than Basalenque”s. Part of Guevara’s manuscript was missing, however, so the section on the verbs was taken from Basalenque’s manuscript, described above.] León, Nicolás. “Orígen, estado actual y geografía del idioma pirinda ó matlatzinca en el estado de Michaocán,” Gaceta oficial del Gobierno del Estado de Michoacán , I (1886), n.p. [Evidently reprinted in México, 1944.] . “Los Matlatzincas,” Boletín del Museo Nacional , I (1903), 57 82. The Reconstruction of Otopamean 292 . Catálogo de la colección de antigüedades matlatzincas del territorio michoacano existentes en el Museo Nacional de México, arreglado por el profesor de etnología, Dr. Nicolás León . México: Imprenta del Museo Nacional, 1903. [Contains material on the Matlatzinca calendar.] Pimentel, Francisco. Cap XLI “El Matlatzinca ó Pirinda,” Obras Completas , Vol. II. México: Tipografía Económica, 1903, pp. 136 63. . Cap. XLII “Observaciones sobre el Matlatzinca ó Pirinda,” Obras Completas . Vol. II, México: Tipografía Económica, 1903, pp. 164 71. Plancarte, F., y León, Nicolás. “Noticia de un Dialecto nuevo del Matlatzinca,” Boletín del Museo Nacional , I (1903), 201 203. [About the dialect of San Francisco Oztotilpan, Edo. de México.] Ramírez, José Fernando. “Calendario Matlatzinca,” Anales del Museo Nacional , 2a época, II (1905), 377 386. Schuller, Rudolf. “Los indios matlatsinca y su lengua,” Ethnos , 3a época, I (1925), 105 114. [Contains bibliography of old material on Matlatzinca.] . “An Unknown Matlatsinka Manuscript.” Indian Notes , VII, 1930. 175 94. [Notice of the manuscript dictionary by Andrés de Castro in the margins of Molina’s 1555 Spanish Nahuatl dictionary. Schuller planned to publish the manuscript, but died before this was possible. Plans are again underway to publish this valuable dictionary.] Sermones sobre los Evangelios y fiestas del año en la lengua Matlaltzingue de las Indias . (Photograph manuscript of the 17 th century. 570 pp. 14.3 cm. Imperfect, lacking leaves 1 62, 136 140. W. E. Gates collection, Newberry Library, Chicago. Photographed from the original Ms. in Bibliothèque Nationale. Weitlaner, Robert J. “Beitrag zur sprache der Ocuilteca von San Juan Acingo,” El México Antiguo , IV (1939), 297 328. Pame Castro, Carlo Antonio. “La Pluralización en Pame Meridional,” Revista Mexicana de Estudios Antropológicos, XIV (1954 55), 213 218. . “Testimonio Pame Meridional para la Etimología de México,” Tlatoani , (1952), 33. 293 Bibliography Gibson, Lorna. “El sistema de parentesco pame,” Yan , II (1954), 77 84. . “Pame (Otomi) Phonemics and Morphophonemics,” International Journal of American Linguistics , XXII (1956), 242 65. . “Patterning in Pame Noun Morphology.” Unpublishd manuscript, 1964. . and Olson, Anne. “Four Pame Texts,” Tlalocan , IV (1963), 125 43. Manrique Castañeda, Leonardo. “Descriptive Sketch of South Pame (Jiliapan Dialect),” to appear in Handbook of Middle American Languages , ed. N. A. McQuown. . “Dos grámaticas pames del siglo XVIII,” Anales del Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia , XI (1960), 283 87. Maza, Dr. Antonio de la. “La Nación Pame,” Boletín de la Sociedad Mexicana de Geografía y Estadística , LXIII, (1947), 493 575. [Includes a vocabulary of about 1000 words from Santa María Acapulco. Also contains the present tense conjugation of 18 verbs.] Olson, Anne Blackman. Pedagogical Grammar of Pame . Unpublished manuscript, 1953 54. Olson, Donald. “Spanish Loan Words in Pame,” International Journal of American Linguistics , XXIX (1963), 219 21. Soriano, Fr. Juan Guadalupe. Difícil Tratado del Arte y Unión de los Idiomas Othomii y Pamee. Doctrina Christiana, para la fácil enseñanza he intelligencia de los Misterios de Ntra. Santa Fee en el idioma Pame, para bien de las Almas . (Manuscript, 1776. Dr. de la Maza made a copy of the manuscript from archives in Madrid. The copy is now in the possession of Leonardo Manrique.) Soustelle, Jacques. “Documentos sur les langues Pame et Jonaz du Mexique Central (Hidalgo, Querétaro, et San Luis Potosí),” Journal de la Société des Américanistes , XL (1951), 1 20. Valle, Francisco. “Quaderno de Algunas Reglas y Apuntes Sobre El Idioma Pame: Notas acerca de las letras con que se escriben muchos términos, sus acentos, y modo de pronunciar,” Bibliografía Española de Lenguas Indígenas de América , Madrid: N.P., 1892. 287 314. [Published (incomplete) by Rudolf Schuller with the title La Unica Gramática Conocida de la Lengua Pame , México, Secretaría de Educación Pública, Depto. de Antropología, 1925.] The Reconstruction of Otopamean 294 Chichimeco Angulo, Jaime de. “The Chichimeco Language (Central Mexico),” International Journal of American Linguistics , VII (1933), 153 94. Driver, Harold E., and Driver, Wilhelmine. “Ethnography and Acculturation of the Chichimeco Jonaz of Northeast Mexico.” Indiana University Research Center in Anthropology, Folklore, and Linguistics , No. 26, International Journal of American Linguistics , XXIX (1963). Gerste, Aquiles. “La langue des Chichimèques,” Revue des Questiones Scientifiques , XXX (1891), 81 103. [Also published separately with the title La langue des Chichimèques: Etude ethnologique . Bruxelles: Polleunis et Ceuterick, 1891.] González Casanova, Pablo. “Un vocabulario chichimeco,” Proceedings of the XXIII International Congress of Americanists , 1930, 918 25. Romero Castillo, Moisés. “Los Fonemas del Chichimeco Jonaz,” Anales del Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia , XI (1957 58), 288 99. . Vocabulario Chichimeco . In press. 295