CENSUS OF INDIA 1961

MONOGRAPH SERIES

Volume XIX

Part V-B

SCHEDULED CASTES IN DELHI

s. R. GANDOTRA. OJ the Indian Administrative ·Service Director oj Oensus Operf!;tions, JJelh~ \ \ Statements made, views expressed or conclusions drawn in this report are wholly the responsibility of the author alone in his personal capacity and do not necessarily represent the views of the Government.

FOREWORD

The Indian Census has had the privilege of presenting authentic ethnographic accounts of Indian Communities. It was usual in all censuses to collect and publish information on race, tribes and castes. The Constitution lays down that "the State shall promote with sp;cial care the educational and economic interests of the weaker sec­ tions of the people and, in particular, of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, and shall protect them from social injustice and all forms of exploitation". To assist states in fulfilling their responsibilities in this regard the 1961 Census provided a series of special tabulations of the social and economic data on Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. . The lists of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes are notified by the President under the constitution and the Parliament is empowered to include or exclude from the lists any caste or tribe. No other source can claim the same authenticity and comprehensiveness as the Census of India to help the Government i:a taking decisions on matters such as these. Therefore, besides the statistical data provided by the 1961 Census, the preparation of detailed ethnographic notes on a selection of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in each State and Union 'Territory was taken up as an ancillary study. Dr. B. K. Roy Burman, Deputy Registrar General, Handicrafts and Social Studies Division, assisted by Shri N. G. Nag, Officer on special duty is co-ordinating all these studies at the Central level. At the State level the Directors of Census Operations. and their staff are collaborating in conducting the field investigations and prepar­ ing the report. In the case of the Union Territory of Delhi this pub­ lication is the result of close collaboration at all levels between the staff of Director of Census Operations, Delhi and Office of the Reg­ istrar General, India. I avail of this opportunity to extend my warm thanks to all my colleagues who have undertaken various studies on different aspects of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes of India.

A. CHANDRA SHEKHAR RegistTaT GeneTal, India

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PR.EFACE

As an adjunct of 1961 Census, preparation of ethnographic monographs on a number of selected Scheduled Castes. Scheduled Tribes and ethnic groups with special status, and ethnographic glos­ saries on all Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes have been taken up by the Census Organisation. In the Union Territory of Delhi 36 names figure in the list of Scheduled Castes. But actually speaking some of the communities separately mentioned such as Bhangi, Chohra (Sweeper), Chuhra (Bal­ miki) are synonyms for one and the same community. Similarly. there are other cases where the notified communities are actually synonyms. There are also cases where the name represents a religious- sect rather than a separate ethnic group such as Kabirpanthi which is notified as Scheduled Ca~te in the territory. On actual investigation it was found to be a religious sect embraced not only by some of the Scheduled Castes such as Julaha, Koli etc. but also by some Caste Hindus. Khat­ riya groups like Arora Khatris. In the present series 16 of the Schedul­ ed Castes have been covered. These are:- 1. Agri 7. Dhobi 13. Sapera 2. Balai 8. Kanjar 14. Dom 3. -Banjara 9. Khatik 15. Kachhandha 4. Bazigar 10. Koli 16. Adi-Dharmi 5. Bhil 11. Meghwal 6. Dhanak 12. Pasi In addition, on some of the scheduled castes such as Sikligar 'lnd Mallah separate monographs have been brought out by Census Orga­ nisation. Due to some unavoidable circumstances such as transfer of con­ cerned officials wanting on this project and Census Operations of 1971, the publication of this report has been delayed. But the fact remains that it is equally logical today and I do hope that this report will be quite useful in understanding the present socio-economic life of the Scheduled Castes in Delhi. The present monograph is a result of joint collaboration between the staff of the Director of Census Operations, Delhi and Office of the Registrar General, India. The names of the members of staff associated -with the preparation of Ethnographic Notes on various Scheduled Castes are given under the "acknowledgments" in the page over-leaf. This project was initiated under the supervision of my predecessor, Shri Baldev Raj, the then Superintendent of Census Operations, Delhi. Shri B. N. Mathur, Head Assistant, also helped at organisational level. The draft notes were scrutinized by Shri N. G. Nag, Officer on Special Duty. Office of the Registrar General, India. S / Shri Lal Krishan, A.D.C.O., S. P. Sharma, Sr. _Investigator and S. C. Arora, Tabulation Officer were also associated in finalization of this mono­ graph. Shri C. Lal Rohatgi took great interest in going through the proois of this publication. (v)

\ Dr. B. K. Roy Burman, neputy Registrar General who is in­ charge of Social Studies in the office of Registrar General, India. provided technical guidance and advice for conducting the study at various levels. I am thankful to all my colleagues who collaborated in bringing out this monograph. I am extremely grateful to Shri A. Chandra Sekhar for the keen interest that he envisaged in this project and gave us necessary en­ couragement.

S. R. "GANDOTRA Director of Census Operatio'ns, 26th June" 1974 Delhi

I

\

(vlJ ACKNOWLEDGMflNTS

N arne of Scheduled Caste Field I nvel>tigation conducted and draft prepared by 1 Agri Miss Renu Anand 2 Balai Miss Renu Anand 3 Banjara Miss Indra Trikha 4 Bazigar Sh. Satish C. Arora 5 Bhil Miss Indra Trikha & Miss Nalini Ojha 6 Dhanak Sh. S.S. Vas ant & Miss Nalini Ojha 7 Dhobi Miss Renu Anand 8 Kanjar Sh. Satish C. Arora 9 Khatik Miss Renu Anand 10 Koli Sh. S.S. Vasant & Miss Indra Trikha 11 Meghwal "Miss T. Khatoon 12 Pasi Miss Indra Trikha 13 Sapera Sh. Kul Bhushan Lakhanpal 14 Dom Miss Indra Trikha & Miss N alini Ojha 15 Kachhandha lVliss Indra Trikha 16 Adi-Dharmi Miss Indra Trikha

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CONTENTS

Page iii Foreword •• •• 00 Preface O. V Acknowledgments VIl

Monographs

1 Agri .. •• ". '1 2 Balai 13 ·". 3 Banjara ·. 27 4 Bazigar 43 5 Bhil ·. 51 6 Dhanak 63 7 Dhobi o. 79 8 Kanjar 91 9 Khatik 99 10 Koli ·. 113 11 Meghwal 131 12 "Pasi 141 13 Sapera 163 14 Dom ·. 175 15 Kachhandha ·. 177 16 Adi-Dharmi ·. 179

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THE AGRI

Xl A Scheduled Caste woman in her traditional dress and ornaments. It's difficult for her to depart from her age~ old traditions. AGRI

Name, Identity, Origin and History official-in-charge failed to make over his collections to the headquarters at Delhi even after repeated warn­ Agri is treated as a scheduled caste in the Union ings, the Moghul Emperor, as a last resort, sent one Territory of Delhi. This caste has been recorded in of his generals to reprimand the delinquent. The offi­ other states also. The traditional occupation of the cial-in-charge of the Embassy, however, gave fight Agris is salt-making though most of them are now en­ to this General of the Moghul Emperor and threw gaged in Agriculture in the Union Territory of Delhi. away the yoke of the sovereign power. Nevertheless In many other states also the Agris are reported as the Emperor of Delhi with a firm determination, to salt-workers and cultivators. bring low his audacity, despatched another strong From the Marathi word 'Agar', we get the word detachment under an able General with instructions to 'Agri' and an 'Agari' in Marathi connotes one who seek, on his way to Sagargad, the help of one Raja works in 'Agar'. The word 'Agar' means either a plan­ Bimba then ruling at Meengi Paithar. The Emperor tation of palm trees or a 'salt-pan'. This word is used also wrote under his own seal to Raja Bimba who left more commonly in the sense of those 'who depend his capital with a big force and joined the Moghul upon salt-pans for their maintenance'. The name 'Agri' armies at Thana. With a carefully set out plan these has thus come to have a functional origin. They are combined armies then proceeded further to complete also called 'Noongars', 'Noon' means salt. their mission. According to Dharkar, the mythological origin of As soon as the Moghul armies launched their attack the Agris is as follows:- on Sagargad from the west, Raja Bimba advancing "During the course of their usual talk in the lighter from the eastern side stormed the Sagargad fort, im­ vein as Lord Shiva and his wife Parvati were reposing prisoned the local chief and took the recalcitrant offi­ on the heights of the Kailas mountain. Parvati re­ cial of the Moghul Embassy into his custody. After quested her husband Lord Shiva, to explain to her the peace and order had been restored in the territory, the origin of the eighteen castes and colours (varnas) pre­ Moghul General left for Delhi taking the war captives valent on the face of the earth. Lord Shiva remarked with him. that he was the cause of the creation of the eighteen Raja Bimba now styled himself as the ruling prince castes and he was responsible for their present con~ of Sagargad. Raja Bimba appears to have been a tinuance also. Lady Parvati once more requested her powerful ruler. as he soon annexed the other two husband to be kind to explain to her when and how kingdoms of Chou! and Avas-Sesavare to his existing these castes were created. Lord Shiva then narrated the whole story as follows:- territory. He disbanded a major bulk of his army and distributed amongst the disbanded soldiers the land "Once there was born a mighty demon called acquired by him in the course of the conquests in re­ Tilakasur who harassed the gods and the sages all cognition of their faithful services. These soldiers were the while. Unable as they were to defend themselves pleased with their new environments and settled down against him, the gods and the sages approached me there. They readily took to agriculture and salt manu~ to lodge a complaint against the demon and prayed facture. And the descendants of these people later on that they should be spared from the calmity. I acced­ came to be .known as Agris. ed to their prayers and engaged the mighty demon in a fight. lover-powered him during the course of It was reported by the interviewed Agris that during the fight, carried him to my camp and put him in an the Moghuls' regime, most of their ancestors were made oil-press, operated by my faithful servant Nandi, yoked war captives and had to leave their ancestral place. to it. The whole task was very arduous and I perspired They readily took to agriculture and salt manufacture. through fatigue. I passed urine also. Later on they came to be known as Agris due to the profession of salt-making. Now-a-days, they call them­ From my urine was born an oil-man called Taraka. selves Agri Rajputs. Most of them have left their From my spit a coppersmith was born, who was called traditional occupation of salt making. They have Bhagna Tamra. A weaver was born from my glances, marriage alliances with the Rajputs of Rajputana. he was known as Sundar (and so on till we come to According to them, in Rajasthan they are known as the Agris). And one was born from the front portion Rajputs. of my body. He was called Agala. Their descendants are the present Agris or Aga1es·'. (A passage from Shannar Kuli Urpha Kshatriyachi Vamshavla written Distribution and Population Trend by Mr. D~rkar). In Delhi, the Agris are settled in rural as well as According to Dr. Kala the Agris were once Rajput urban areas. According to 1961-Census their total po­ warriors. Some six hundred years ago, three Hindu pulation is 682 (305 males and 377 females). The Urban chiefs rnled over the small kingdoms of Chout, A vas­ popUlation is only 86 (37 males and 49 females). In Sesavare and Sagargad all of them now constituting the Rural areas the Agris inhabit the villages of together the present political unit of Alibag Taluka. Bhiluswa, Mukandpur, Bhakhtawar Pur, Tindpur, A Mohammedan Embassy was opened at Sagargad by Azadpur, Rayapur, Badli. Singalpur, Bharola, Wazir­ the Emperor of Delhi to collect the annual sub­ pur, Maokpur, Burari and Wazirabad. According to sidies from these chiefs and make them over to the enquiries from these Agris. they reported to have Central Treasury at Delhi. As tbe Mohammedan settled in these villa~es durin~ the Mohammedan rul~. 2

Recently some of the families from these villages mi­ without any male issues, his property is shared by grated to urban areas in order to seek employment. his brothers and in their absence by his other paternal In most of the villages, the Agris have their own land cognates, whose share in the property varies with the holdings and in othef villages they till lands for the cioseness or otherwise of their relation with the de­ Ahirs and Jats. ceased. Thus the daughters, whether married or un­ Sex ratio among the Agris works out to be 1236 married are, according to custom, not entitled to any females per 1,000 males. share in the property. But in case she is unmarried. the person who inherits the property is morally bound In the age group 0-14. there are 146 males and to make proper provision for her maintenance and 203 females. In the age group of 15-44, there are marriage. 97 males and 137 females. In the age-group of 45 and above, there are 62 males and 37 females. Housin§ Conditions

Major.ity. (87.~,;{) _of the Agri~ of the Union Territory Family of DelhI llve 10 VIllages. TheIr dwellings are either An Agri family is patrilocal in residence. The bride kaccha or pucca or.a mixture of these two i.e. partly leaves her family of origin and lives with her husband kaccha and partly pucca. in his house. Their children will inherit their father's family surname. The property passes from father to 1. Kaeha: sons. The daughters have no claim on their father's A structure 01' building, the walls of which are made property, although they may receive occasional gifts of unburnt mud bricks. As for the material of the in kind and cash from their parents and visit them as 1"0 of, some structures have straw supported by wooden guests. or bamboo lintels while others have it made of mud Generally the eldest ma1e member is the head of bricks supported by wooden lintels and planks. the family and all the land and property belonging 2. Pucca: to family is recorded in his name. His influence pre­ vails on all other members of the family and it is he A structure made of burnt bricks, cement mixed who guJdes and controls the affairs of the family. In with sand or burnt bricks and mud as wall material. the absence of any adult male member the ddest Generally the people have wooden lintels and burnt female in the family is regarded as head of the family. bricks as material of the roof in such structures. It has been reported that there is a tendency of 3. Mixed: breaking up of the joint families. The reasons for such a tendency are petty quarrels between mother-in-law This type of structure maY again be of two types. and daughter-in-law or sister-in-law. Also it is the The structures may have puccai walls with kacha roof growing individuality, rapid economic and social or vice-versa. changes that are leading to the disintegration of joint families. Previously a joint family would break up The material used in the consfruetion of the kacha only after the death of the father, but now cases of houses is locallv available. Those who- live in kacha break up of joint families even during the life time . houses acquire the skill of constructing them too. of the father are not rare. While most of the material required for consvoction of pucca house has to be secured from outside. all Cbn/Gotra and Sub-clans tIfe labour required' is locally available. Most of the Agris have mixed type of houses. Agris are divided into 6 exogamous gotras. These I are Bhaserhia, Chandelia, Khararia, Mandav, Do Gaon Numerous types of buildings and structures are Ki Silwat and Sam Gaon Ki Silwat. These gotra,s re­ available in the Agri villages and these are put to _yaried gulate marital alliances. The marriage must take plac~ uses. For the sake of convenience they 4avc -been within the caste but never in the same gotra. The chissified into four categpries according to the pur­ gotras Bhaserhia, Chandelia, Khararia and Mandav pose for which they are ~sed. derive their origin from the Rajput castes. About the gotras-Do Gaon Ki Silwat and Sam Gaon Ki Silwat; 1. Res/dential structure (ghar) .. the people believe that their ancestors owned two vil­ lages and hundred villages respectively. 2. Sitti;"g ~oom (haithak).· Chandelia and Bhaserhia gotras are considered on 3.' Cattle-shed. the top of the hierarchal order. They consider them­ 4. "Sitting room-eum-cattle shed. selves to be of the true Rajput origin. It may, however, be pointed out that a particular;' Inheritance of Property structure need not be exclusive; for example. a resi-1 dential structure may also be used as a sitting room: According to custom, after the death of a person or a cattle shed or both. : his sons get equal share in the property. If the sons are minor, the property is passed on to his widow who L Residential Structure: A residential strh_ctur~ iSi becomes a trustee of the property until the sons attain one where aU the members of the househotd lIve. adulthood. In the absence of male issues, tbe property where food is cooked and other household effects are is i'llherited by the widow of the deceased who acqbires kept. Residential structures are locally known as ghar onl y life interest therein provided she does not re­ Except for the male members of the household, no marry. But in case the deceased was a widower and m~le outsider has access into the ghar and in order' to enter the ghar he must get the prior permission of year, the others supplement wheat with Gochani (mix­ the residents. ture of wheat and gram) during summer and bajra during winter. Other items like rice, maize etc., are Sitting Room (Baithak): This is a sort of guest also consumed intermittently. house. Baithaks are generally away from the ghar, though in some cases they are adjacent to them. They The other chief items on the menu are pulses like are meant exclusively for the use of males and no fe­ chana, moong, arhar etc. These are generally supple­ male. even of the household, is ever expected to go mented by vegetables like potato, green leaves, lady there. Here the male members of the household relax finger, peas, cauliflower, cabbage, brinjal etc. during the day and may also sleep during the night. These are also meant for male guests who want to stay Milk and milk-products like curd, butter, seet (butter milk) are very commonly used by those owning milch over night in the village. cattle. Pure ghee is commonly used in the preparation Cattle-shed: This is the place where cattle are kept of meals by the richer section of the population and and is mostly at the back of the 'ghar'. vegetable oils are generally used by the poorer sections. Ghar or Sitting-room or cattle sheds: Here generally the sitting room is in the front and the cattle shed is Though there is no hard and fast rule regarding the ~ at the back of the ghar. number of meals served in a day, generally the villagers take three meals in summer and two in winter_ Several households store their agricultural tools and implements in the baithak itself. Delicacies like halwa, puris, khir, Savyan (a type of macroni) are prepared only on festive occasion like Dress and Personal Decoration marriages, festivals and other social ceremonies in the household. The traditional dress of the men is dhoti. kurta and pugree. Nowadays most of them wear pugree only The consumption of liquor and other intoxicants is at function such as marriage. socially tabooed. But many of the men do take liquor and other intoxicants, particularly, on festivals. Milk The young boys wear shirt and pyjama or shirt and and tea are also commonly taken by Agris. half pants. The clothes worn by the villagers (especially by the menfolk in the village) are generally made of Smoking is very common. Small children have been coarse mill-made cloth. reported to addict to it. Married females may also smoke. The most peculiar feature of the dress worn by the womenfolk is that they never wear anything pure white as that is considered inauspicious. Their tradi­ Language and Literature tional dress is a Lehenga, Kamiz and Dupatta. The old ladies still stick to this dress but the girls do not The mother tongue of the Agris is 'Khari Boli'. like Lehenga and have replaced it with Salwar. According to the scientific classification of languages made in Sir George Grierson "Linguistic Survey", Ornaments Khari Boli is the form of we-stern Hindi. It belongs to Indo-Aryan family of the great Indo-European family. Ornaments are generally worn by the females only. As for men it is limited to wearing of a ring but even According to Census-1961, out of the population that is not very common. The ornaments are generally of 596 in rural areas there are only 63 literates i.e. 10.6% are literate (61 males and 2 females). There is made of silver. only one male Agri who is studying in the college. The following are the different types of ornaments 15 males have passed the Junior Basic Examination_ worn on different parts of the body by the females. The others are literates without any educational level which means that they have never been to any educa­ Forehead. BorIa. Tikka. tional institution. Nook Hasli, Ka.nthi. Haar, Toop, Gulband, Cham­ palmli. MAla. Thalar. Galasari, Patri. In the Urban area, out of the population of 86, Ears Boojni.·Bunda.. Thumki, Bali, Tops. there are 18 literates (15 males and 3 females). Two Nose • Nath, Long. Dona. males are matriculates and one male is Junior Basic. Finger Ring. Challa, Gronj. The others are literates without any educational level. Arms • Kadula. Poonohi. Hathphool, Chhan, Kangri The above figures reveal that in the rural area, Cburi and Bangri. 10.57% of the Agris are literate. Percentage of Agris Waist ,. Tagnl, Nadda.. who have passed Junior Basic examination and who Ankles and Foot Tati, Pati, Ka.ri, Ramzhol, Pajeb, Nevni, are literate without any educational level is 2.5% and Laocha, Bicchwa., Chhailkara.. 7.88% respectively. Percentage of college-studying Bes,ides the above ornaments, glass bangles are also Agris is insignificant. worn by women. In the urban area 20.93% of the Agrls are literate. t 7.44% are literate without any educational level. Food and Drinks 1.16% have passed matriculation and 2.33% have passed Junior Basic Examination. Although the Agris are non-vegetarian, the most common items of their staple diet are wheat, gram, Now the villagers are more inclined towards edu­ bajra and barley. Gram, barley and bajra are cheaper cation. There is one Agri boy studying in M. Sc. than wheat and are considered to be inferior to wheat. (Previous) at Ghaziabad. Moreover quite a number of Thus. while the wc::lI-to-do take wh~at throughout the students have joined the Junior Basic Institutions, 4

Female education is not encouraged. Very few fe­ the daily chores until the time of delivery. At the males are sent even upto the primary level. time of labour. the expectant mother is generally attended by an untrained da; of the village who is generally Bhangi by caste. Occupation and Economic Life It is interesting to note that it is only the birth of The traditional occupation of the Agris is salt mak­ a male child that is rejoiced over and in case of female ing though most of them are now engaged in Agri­ child, people do not feel very happy. This is so culture in the Union Territory of Delhi. In many because a female is considered to be an economic other states also the Agris are reported as salt makers liability, not only during her lifetime but also after and cultivators. her death as her parents have to send gifts on various According to 1961 Census. the population of the social occasions to her children. Agris in Delhi is 682 (305 males and 377 females). After the birth. the mother and the new born are There are 177 workers (145 males and 32 females) and secluded in a comer of the house for. the next 8 to 505 Non-workers (160 males and 345 females). Out of 10 days. 177 workers, 107 are cultivators (82 males and 25 females), 5 males are in Mining, only one female is at A Nai or Bhang; woman of the village goes round the Household Industry; 12 males are in the construc­ all the households closely related to the one in which tion work and 2 males are in Trade and Commerce. the birth of the boy has taken place and pastes red­ TABLE SHOWING INDUSTRIAL CLASSIFICATION OF NoRIS coloured palm features on the entrance of their houses BY SEX ACCORDING TO 1961 CENSUS to indicate that there is another addition of a male member to that family. She is paid (a sum of Rs. 1.25) for her services. This amount is more or less Total Rural Urban Industry ,--A---, ,---A._---.., ,--A..------, fixed. M F M F M F The da; who attends to the mother at the time of delivery receives from Rs. 1.25 to 21 for her services. As Cultivator 82 25 82 25 The rich persons i may even make gifts of clothes or AsAgrioultural labourer. 20 3 20 3 silver ornaments on the birth. of the first male child. In Mining, Quarrying, Livestock, Forestry, Fi- The birth of the first male child in the family is shing, Hunting, Plan- caned 'palanthi'. When a couple gets a male child tations. Orchards and 5 after long waiting and prayers it is called 'dasauthan'. allied activities 5 Soon after the bfrth of the child, the old women in In Household Industry 1 1 the family beat upon bronze plates and sing songs of . In Manufaoturing other rejoicings_ . than Household Industry 1 In Construction 12 2 10 It is believed that the noise made-by the beating In Trade and Co=erce • 2 2 of bronze plates will make the child brave and the In Tra.nSport, Storage. Com- child will no niore be afraid of anybody in his life. :mlinications 1 1 The singing of songs etc. goes on for six days. After In Other Services 22 3 21 3 that sweets are distributed. amongst friends &' re1a~ Total Workers 145 32 133 31 12 1 tiveS'. Non Workers 160 34;5 135 297 25 48 Chatti Ceremony Total 305 377 268 328 37 49 , It is performed on sixth day after the birth of the baby. It is believed that the fate of the child is~~de­ The rural population is 59b (268 males and 328 ' cided on this day. All the persons of the hQUsehold females). There are 82 males and 25 females wotking ~nd . {heir near, relatives corre and sit round the new as cultivators. There are 20 males and 3 females work­ born and keep awake for 24 hours. A fire which is i ing as agricultural labourers. 5 males are in mining. kept burning silfce the birth of the child is put off·, . quarrying etc. 2 males are in construction and in trade on this (lay. . and commerce each. Only 1 male is working in trans­ Nam-karO!l Sdnskara (Naming Ceremony) port. storage and communications, and 21 males and 3 females are engaged in other services. . It takes place ten days after the birth of the \cht1d. The Brahl1,lin associated with the family is can~d to Out of a total population of 682. the urban popUla­ officiate· at the function. The mother and the--Ibaby tion consists of only 86 (37 males and 49 females) with are properly bathed by a woman of Nai~caste ia the only 13 workers and 10 out of them are engaged in morning. The Brahmin performs "Havana" and sug­ construction work. One female is at the household gests the first word after which the name of the child industry. One male is in the other services and one is to be given. male is engaged in some manufacturing work. Mundan (Hair-cutting Ceremony) Life Cycle \, This is observed in the first, third. fifth or. even in 'The cessation of menstruation is always att.ributed the seventh year. An auspicious day is selected, which by Agris to pregnancy. During pregnancy the woman generally is Amavasya (the monthly new. moon day) \ is given some-what better food to eat and lighter work when the child is taken for "Mundan" to· some holy , to _do; althou¥h she ordinarily cQntiilues to perform place e.g. village Beri, ill Gurgaon District of the 5

Haryana State Jor near River Jamuna. leth-ka­ his eyes, for which she is given a rupee. Then the Dussehra (the Amavasya of the month of Jeth) is Sehra (crown) is tied on the head of the groom by considered the most aUSpICIOUS day for this, cere­ his sister's husband who gets a rupee for that. The mony. The father of the child distributes alms to the groom then rides on horse back and goes round the poor at the site of the ceremony. On his return to village shrine to offer worship. Thus the 'ghori the village he distributes sweets amongst his friends cherati' ceremony is complete. Before starting for the and relatives and may make gifts of cash and clothing bride's village the groom is symbolically breast fed to all the females in the family. by his mother. The Nai who cuts the hair receives Rs. 1.25 P. The The barat generally consists of the father of the hair are invariabl) thrown away in the flowing waters boy, his friends and relations. The barat is composed of the River Jamuna. of males only and is usually accompanied by drum­ mers or a band party. The barat will come and wait The "Mundan" ceremony, however, does not take outside the village of the bride till somebody from piace in case of girls whose hair are not cut. the bridge's family comes to receive land welcome Sagai (Betrothal) them. fThey will neverl entefl tbe village boundary until they are received outside the village and if they The gotras regulate marital alliances. The marriage do so this will be taken as an insult by the villagers must take place within the caste but never in the and may lead to serious consequences. same gotra. The same gotra as well as the gotras of mother and grand-mother (paternal) are avoided. It It is generally the bride's father, brothers and uncles was formerly the custom for the Nais to act as go who come and greet the barat and fetch them to betweens in fixing up marriage relations. But at pre­ the village, where the barat is generally housed in sent, it is generally the parents of the girl who have baithaks. to find a boy and in this respect they are generally An hour or so later some members of the brides helped by their friends and relati¥es residing in the family accompanied by .a Nai or a Brahmin, ap­ nearby villages. proach the place where the barat is housed, to per­ After a suitable match for the girl is found, the form a ceremony known as 'barat lena'. The ceremony father of the girl, initiates negotiations with the consists of applying a 'tikka' of turmeric and rice on father of the boy, who generally himself comes to the forehead of the groom by the family pandit see the girl concerned and if he finds the girl suitable or Nai as the case may be. The pandit gives to groom for his son, he gives his assent to the proposal. Bet­ some sweets, a coconut, almonds etc. which he puts ween themselves they fix a date for betrotha1. On into a doth he is carrying. the date so fixed, the father of the girl accompanied by his near relations goes to the boy's place. The Ph eras father of the girl applies a 'Tilak' in the forehead of The most important marriage ceremony is marked of the boy and gives him money which may be Rs. 1 by seven rounds of the fire and the recitation of to .,.51 according to the economic status of the girl's marriage vows by the bride and the groom. The father. This completes the betrothal ceremony. 'phera' ceremony takes place in the court-yard of the Byah Nikalna bride's place. where a pavillion for the purpose is .set up. The bride and the groom sit together while their After a lapse of sometime, ranging from one month relatives sit opposite each other. A Brahmin is in­ to a year, the parents of the girl consult their pandit charge of the ceremony. The ceremony consists of for finding out an auspicious day for the marriage. chanting of mantras by the purohit and taking of This is called Byah Nikalna. The pandit gets vows of faithfulness by the groom and the bride to­ Rs. 1.25 for his services. The date is conveyed to wards each other. They go around the fire seven times the father of the boy in a letter sent by hand through during the chanting of the mantras. a Nai. This is called "Pil/i chitti". The father of the boy consults his pandit regarding the date and if he The Brahmin is given anything from Rs. 1 to 51 too finds the date auspicious he sends his assent bq:::k fw his services. through the same Nai. Neota Banwara After 'phera' another important function called As the month of the marnage draws near, the Neota takes place. The father of the bride sends out parents, both of the boy and girl consult their pandits a message to all persons with whom his family has again for a ceremony known as 'banwara'. Banwara previous dealings. The invitees give a small amount is a period which ranges from one to seven days in of money to the bride's father. This amount is duly case of a boy and one to five days in case of a girl taken down in a 'Family Register' which is kept by duIjng which both of them are made to bath with one and all without exception. The family register 'batna' a paste which consists of gram flour, turmeric called 'bahi' contains besides other things the dates of and perfumes. These baths are known as bans. Dur­ births. marriages, deaths and other financial obliga­ ing the. 'banwara period' the boy and the girl are not tions of the household. These registers in many cases allowed to move out of their respective houses except are preserved for generations together. to attend the calls of nature. When the day of marriage arrives, the groom is Vida ~resse.d in his. wedding clothes. Then the groom's The next day the vida ceremony takes place when sIster-tn-law (WIfe of elder brother) or in her absence C!ifts in cash and kind are given to the boy by the the wife of some cousin applies surma (collyrium) to father {}f the girl, Here again, a function similiar to . L/P(l»)4DCODelhi-3 , Mota is held when people give a small amount of The body is placed on a bier made of bamboo money or present clothes to the father of the bride. sticks and tied with ropes. Some flowers and red This is called Kanya Dan. On this occasion, the colour is sprinkled over it. Red colour is sprinkled dowry may be given together with some money. The on the heads and clothes of the sons and grandsons dowry generally consists of dresseSi, utensils, etc. if there are any of the deceased person. On the death Those who are well-to-do give a bicycle, radio or a of an old person the bier is further decorated with sewing machine. baloons. leaves and flowers. The widow of the de­ ceased removes all signs of married life from her After this the barat returns to its village taking body i.e. she breaks her bangles, removes the sindur the bride with them. The bride is usually accom­ (vermillion) from her hair and kajal (collyrium) from panied by her younger brother or in case there is her eyes. If a woman dies before her husband's death, no younger brother some other near male relation. then her dead body is decorated with all these cos­ On reaching the groom's village, the bride and the metics, so that she looks like a bride or a married groom make a round of the various 'mata-ka lady or suhagan. chabutras' of the village and offer worship there. While taking the dead body out of the house. the The very next day the elder brothers of the bride head of the body points backwards i.e. towards the would come to fetch their sister back to their own inside of the house whereas its· feet point forwards village. towards the door. First of all the arthi (bier) is carried After a year or three years or five years the hus­ by four near relatives of the deceased person on their band accompanied by a couple of his friends and shoulders. who are generally the sons and grand sons relations goes to his wife's village to ask for the day of the dead person. They are relieved in the way by when he should come again and take his wife with others who accompany the funeral procession to the him. The father of the bride gives him a date which cremation grounds. Women accompany upto a few again falls in the first, third or fifth years depending yard and then come back home. on whether she has come of age or not. In front of the gate of the cremation ground. the A few years back, this ceremony could even take position of the bier is reversed i.e., now the head of place in seventh, ninth or eleventh year because at the dead body points forward towards the gate and that time child marriage was quite common. But now­ its feet backwards.. On reaching the cremation ground a-days due to the legislation regarding minimum age a Chita (a pyre of wood), is made and the dead body of marriage, 18 for a boy and 14 for a girl. early is placed on it. A lliece of sandal wood, a small piece marriages generally do not take place and so the of gold if the family concerned can afford, alongwith . gauna ceremony (bringing back one's wife from her some ghee (clarified butter) is put in its mouth and parent's place for the first time after the marriage) with the enchantmant of mantras the pyre is lighted generally takes place in the first or the third year by the eldest son of the decea~d person. at the latest. It never takes place in second, fourth When the he~d of the dead body is fully burnt. or sixth year as it is considered inauspicious. the chief mourner. strikes its skuU~_with a bamboo Kareva or Choori Pehnana (Widow Marriage) stick taken out of'the bier. This is done-to- bring out the brain so that it gets burnt completely. The prac­ Widow marriage is permitted. No compulsion is tice of breaking the head of the burning body is ever exercised on the widow for re-marriage and the known as Kriya Kama. Afterwards· an . earthen' pot second marriage is arranged only with her full con­ full ..of water. which is. kept near the pyre, is thrown sent. If she wants to remain in the same family and with the touch of chief mourner's foot due to which there is a' younger brother of the, deceased husband. water . gets split and reaches the pyre. - she is given liberty to choose him as her future husband provided he is willing to accept her. In such - When /the dead body gets burnt completely. all the a case, no regular marriage ceremony fakes plaee. person who are present in the crematorium. thr.ow The younger brother only covers the widow with a , ~ome. Til (seasome) in the river and take bath -to sheet of cloth (chadar) in the presence of the hear purify themselves. After cremation. the relatives chew relations, and marriage between the two is said to a leaf of Nim t~ee as a si.gn of mourning and also. have been soIemnised. to forget. the bitter effect of death. Then they eat a ' little gur or sqgar as a prptection against demonical Death Rites influence. . . " - . The Agris cremate their dead. the only exception Certain' restrictions are imposed temporarily 'for a being the infants who are buried in the out-skirts of period of thirteen days on the chief mourner .~ who the village. The only possible reason they give for it has lit the ·pyre. The first and foremost being th4tt he, ;, is that it is a tradition amongst the Hindus. has to get. his head clean shaved in the cremation The dead body is given a bath at home by five _ground before performing tne rituals of Kriya-karma. males or females of the same caste (Agris) and then Secondly. he is expected to wear sin:tple clothes con-' covered with a shroud brought from the market. sisting of a white DhQti and a yest without any After this the body is covered with a number of .... chappqls or shoes in his feet. Thirdly. he has to sleep kafans. pieces of cloth brought by some of the near . -on the floor and take very simple food and th~ too relatives of the deceased. The shroud or inner cover­ once in the daytime: It is also expected of him ,that ing is always white while the kafan or the outer he should not attend any work during these days: .' covering is usuallv coloured. For the females it is of yellow or red colour and mostlv her dead gear Or Ordinarily speaking, the period 'of mourning for 1\ \ odhni .~erves the purpose. but 'for Hie males' it is family, where' some one has died. continues for always white in colour, thirteen days but for a widow, it is 15 days. During \ 7

this period she is expected not to go out of the house Religion in any case. If the widow is young and wants to marry another man, then in that C&se she has to wait . According to 1961-Census all the 596 Agris living for one year. If she marries within a period of one m the rural areas are Hindu by religion. In the urban year, she is looked down upon by the other members area out of 86 Agris, 82 (95.35%) are Hindus and 4 of the community. (4.65%) are Sikhs. Third day following the death is termed as Tisari. ~gris ?elieve in the immortality of 'atman' (soul), On this day, in the morning some near relatives of rebIrth, mter-temporal transmission of deeds incar­ the dead person go to the cremation ground. The nation of the god to save the religion when~ver the bones and ashes are collected separately. The former sins increase to climax and became unbearable on are collected in earthen pot and taken to the Ganges earth. while the latter (i.e., the ashes) are immersed in the It is believed that the atman (soul) as such never river J amuna. dies. It only changes the form (yoni). If one meets The bones, after collection, are never brought home timely death, the atrnan may take any of the forms from the cremation ground, as it is considered .in­ out, of the total of 84 million yanis according to auspicious. Usually there are taken to the station right one s past deeds. The atman of holy personalitie~ from the crematorium by somebody wno is to go after. their death, do not get their 'yoni', rather they to the Ganges. After the collection of the bones, food rest In. the heavens. In case the death is untimely i.e. is given to the Brahmin in the name of the dead death 10 young age, the 'atman' for the intermediary person. ~eriod merely moves in the atmosphere and some­ tr~.es also haunts human beings. Tehrami commences on the thirteenth day after the death. By this time the man who has gone to the A few deities are generally worshipped by Agris. Ganges with the bones, comes back. On the morning They are Ganesh, Vishnu. Shiva, Krishna, Rama, of this day, all the near relatives of the dead person Hanuman, Parvati, Lakshmi and Sita. In addition to including the chief mourner go and take bath in the these deities the Agris also worship some matas such river near the crematorium. Males go first and then as Bhoomia Mata. Kanthi Mala, Gurgaon-wali-Mata, females follow. In case of the death of a male, the etc. widow is taken to the river by the women re1ations. Bhoomia Mata is the most popular and widely res­ pected of all the local deities. They believe that an In the afternoon a ceremony known as Pagri the vicissitutes that befall them in their Jives are Bandhna i.e. tying of a turban on the head of mourner, ordained by it. For example, whenever there is a is performed by the respectable and elderly relatives bumper crop, it is attributed to the good grace of of the man. Sets of clothes for the head mourner are this deity and it is worshipped in the hope that this brought by his in-laws (if he is married) and by other type of prosperity may continue in the years to come. relatives of the family. At that time he is made to Again, if there is a general crop failure or drought wear the set of clothes brought by his in-laws along­ or any other calamity, they go and worship this deity with turban on his head and a pandit is called to so that they may be spared by the repetition of such perform the ceremony. calamities. Besides these, they visit the deity on a & number of other occasions. For instance. when the Teen Pakhi bridegroom with his marriage party is about to leave his village. he visits this Mata and seeks its blessings It is observed three months after the death. Food for his safe return. is cooked, first of all given to a cow by the chief Kanthi Mata is worshipped specially whenever mourner and then to the relatives and brotherhood. there is an out break of small pox or any other con­ tagious disease. Women. when they visit the chabutra Chhamchhi of Kanthi Mata offer sweet rice and pray for the Six months after the death, a similar ritual is per­ protection of their children against small pox. formed by the family members of the dcccased The manner in which they worship their gods and person. goddesses consists mostly of visiting the temples and other religious places for offering prayers and taking Barsaathi part in bhajans and kirtans (religious songs). Some also worship their gods and goddesses at home. They In the case of the death of an aged person. exactly believe that through these religious activities they can a year after the death this ceremony is performed. p1ease the god and the goddesses. A few pandits and relatives are given food for a day. Some Beliefs and Omens Kanagat An Agri is a staunch believer in .fate. No amount of Kanagats or Shradas fall in the first fortnight of persuation can shake his faith. He sticks to many Asauj (October). During these days they honour their conventions and beliefs which do not lend themselves family deads by offering food in their names. The to any logical explanation. For example, Saturday or food generally consisting of kheer (a sweet dish pre­ thawar as he calls it and Sundays are generally con­ pared out of milk and rice) puri (fried pan-cakes) and sidered as the most auspicious days for commencing vegetables is first offered to a cow. and a dog and the construction of a house, acquiring and purchasing then to a Brahmin on the particular day of the fort­ of a new house and shifting to a new accommodation. night on which their member died. In this way it is The houses jn the villages are so constructed that the believed that the fOOd reaches to the departed ances­ main gate seldom faces the south, which is considered tors. ~~ i!lauspicious, 8

Sneezing or crossing the way by a black cat are faith-ka-Dussehra taken to be bad omens if one is going out. Again if somebody is going out of the village and if a woman The tenth day in the first fortnight of Jaith (May­ June) is observed as Dussehra. Some Agris go to bath With two pitchers full of water crosses him, it is considered good for the person, but if the pitchers in the Jamuna river or to Ganges at Garh Muktesh­ are empty it is considered bad. Again if he is crossed war. Leaves bearing small coins and flowers are by any body carrying a basket full of cow-dung-cakes floated in the s!ream and bread and grain are distri­ it is considered bad. More often the concerned oerson buted to beggars. The J amuna is believed to wash is likely to delay his departure just because ~ne of away sins incurred in agricultural work-the beating these bad omens. The weeping of a jackal is consi­ of oxen, killing of ants etc. dered as an indication of a death in s.omc nearby Raksha Bandhan (Pohonchi-ka-Teohar) village. This festival falls on the full moon day of Sawan An Agri will never mind if anybody comes and (J uly-August). The term Raksha Bandhan means the cuts anything from his fields provided the trespasser bond of safety. Sisters tie a coloured thread on the is not out to damage the fields, for he believes that right wrist of their brothers who are then responsible if God had not been kind to him he would not have for the safety and welfare of the sisters. The sisters got what he is getting. So if anybody takes away a after the thread ceremony, receive from their brotht:rs little. it is not going to make any difference. - presents of sweets and cash. The men go to work in Agris have staunch belief in ghosts and other super the fields when the tying of the thread and the giving natural powers. and receiving of presents are over. The festival is observed with great festivity by the girls. Fairs and Festivals Janmastmi Makar Sankrant The birth day of Lord Krishna, known as Janama­ It is a festival of the season and no particular god shtmi falls on the eighth day of the first fortnight of is worshipped. Makar Sankrant falls usually on the Bhadon (Aug.-Sept.) and is celebrated in the same 14th .of Magh (January) every year. Although the wea­ way as by caste ~dus. ther IS cold, yet everyone must get up in the morning apd bath. Those who participate in the festival, fast !he whole day. Charity is given to the Brahmins. It Teej IS customary to patch-up quarrels particularly those Teej is mainly a festival for girls. It falls in the between a married woman and her in-laws on this month of Bhadon (August-September). On the even­ day. ing before Teej, the young men go to village common lands and look for trees on which \to hang swings. 'The Basant Panchmi swings are set up early in the morning. but the swing­ Basant Panchmi falls on the fifth dav in the second ing usually begins later in the day~ Young women fortnight of Magh. At this time the fields are full of and children put on their best clotneS:--They move mustard seed and yellow flowers. It is pleasant time out in groups, sing songs and go to the place where of the. year when there is little work to Le done in the swings have been hung. Teej is the time when the the fields. A fast is observed by some women and . young bride living in her husband's. house receives some special foods are cooked. gifts 9i clothing from her father. ' Holi-Dulhendi Kanagat The actual festival of Holi falls on the 12st day of Kanagat,.is the yearly ritual occasion for honouring Pha.lgun (Feb.-Marc~) which is a full moon day. The the familY dead through gifts of food to Brahmin~. fesbval has a speCIal appeal for the persons in thd A de€ld person is beld in remembrance by, his family younger age groups. On this day the women fast until '(san or, grandson) according ~o the day of the' fort­ late ~fternoon but .they keep themselves busy in the night on which he died. On 'this particular day, the :ttIorn~g by collectmg colour pots and by preparing house is cleaned and the floor plastered with cow­ food like Khir, !'uri and Halwa. In the dternooll, dung an,dtl)._e faI?ily purohit is feasted. women walk In groups and sing songs 'as they -_ -"""" /', ", approach the holi pyre. Each woman takes off her . Dussehra shoes and walks round the fire once or twice pouring The celebrations are carried ouj; by the men 'and water fr.o~ her pots: After this worship the women women and ,take place in the evelling: They do pot return smgmg to theIr homes and break their fast. inteFfere with the intensive agricultural work in wo- nd Duril!g day t~me the. Agris mingle freely amongst gress during the day i.e. the harvesti,ng oCmiUet .'i other vIllagers (IrrespectIve of their own caste)., They > maize. Some membcrs of th~ villages go to DeIhl to throw coloured waler on each other and rub oulal see the celebrations at Ram~ Lila Gro~nd. on each others faces. '" ~ Dulhe!1di. the day ~fter HoIi, the celebrations Diwali . contmue, With some modIfications. The women folk Diwali is the festival of lights. It falls on 'amdP4s' who are oPJ?I"essed by the: menfolk throughout the day in Kartik. By this time there is little activity in year, symbolIcally tak~ theI~ revenge by throwing the fieldsl Ploughing is nearly ov~r. :although t~e ~olour~d water and USl1~g stIcks to beat tip the men' sowing of wheat and barley are in progress. On this \ .lncludmg those. of the higher caste. On this day even day. Agris decorate their houses with earth~n lamps In self-defence. no male dare raise his hand on w~men. and worship goddess Laxmi. Ganga-Jamuna Nahan integrity and reputation of the community as a whole. The person, if proved guilty is no longer regarded as Fifteen days after Diwali. on the full moon day, it a member of the community and hence is excommuni­ is customary to go and bathe in the Jamuna river cated. Such cases of excommunl~ation are rare. Tbere or in the Ganges at Garh Mukhteshwar in U.P. The is, however, a temporary punishment and the man sowing is now over and work in the fields has slowed thus punished is reinstated to his former position in down. So it is now the right time for the families to the community if he pays the fine imposed on him by leave for Garh in their bullock carts. On the same the caste panchayat. evening on the following day the people return home taking with them some Ganges water and roasted rice The money collected in the form of lines is spent grains for distribution among the neighbours. by the office-bearers of the Panchayat according to their own wishes. <1\ . Buddha Baba Ka Mela The traditional caste panchayat has been gradually This fair is held in the honour of a revered man in losing hold on the common man. Today the office of the month of August-September. This fair lasts for the Choudhri has no longer remained as respectable four to five days. Women offer sweets and flower to and effective as it used to be in the past. People are the deity and get the blessings of Buddha Baba. The of the opinion that the Choudhri is partial and they children make great rejoicing. There is a pond and have no faith in him. it is said that one who takes a dip in this pond is freed from eczema and other skin diseases. Inter-community Relationship and Social Structure of Social Control, Prestige and Status Leadership Agris occupy a position much higher to the Chamars and Bhangis and profess to be equal to Nai, Lohar. Until recently the caste Panchayat. as an age old Jhimer and Kumhar. As reported by caste Hindu of social institution, had been exercising a dominant in­ their neighbourhood, their touch does not carry pollu­ fluence in the day-to-day activities and problems of tion. They have their own wells and do Dot allow Agris. It was endowed with power and was run by a the Chamars and Bhangis to draw water from their few nominated, lelderly :respectable persons, known wells. In the past they were not allowed to take water for their integrity,, character and sense of judgment. from the wells of Brahmins, Baniyas, Jats and Abirs. There are different circles by which behaviour of Regarding the use of hubble-bubble their neigh­ an individual is controlled in the community. The bours are of the opinion that no caste Hindu will smallest circle is up to the family level Differences share it with them. A Kumhar, Nai and Lahar may and disputes are settled with or between the two smoke with an Agri outside the house but a Bhangi families involved. The higher level is, called com­ or a Chamar shall never be permitted to smoke with munity circle. Agris have a traditional community them. Agris never give their Chilams to Chamars and Panchayat, In the past the "Mukhias" had more Bhangis. powers and respect than at present. Mukhias are also known as 'Choudhris'. Concerning food and drinks, Brahmins and other caste Hindus do not take 'kaeeha' food from them. The Headman ef the caste-panchayat is known as On the other hand Agris do not accept "kachha" or Mukhia or Choudhri, and his judgment is con­ "pacea" food and water at the hands of Chamars and sidered final and indisputable. Now-a-days Choudhri's Bhangis. They may accept "pacca" food and water decision on serious matters is not taken into consi­ from Nai, Lohar and Kumhar. deration and the cases are decided by the caste Panchayat and in the Court of law. The office of the Caste Hindus as well as Agris are of the opinion Choudhri is always hereditary and on his death his that their position now is quite different from what eldest son normally succeeds him. The cases dealt by it used to be in the past. Now the Agris daim to be the caste panchayat are mainly of irregular unions, Rajputs and if you ask them about their caste, they illegal sexual intimacy, family quarrels an~ other say they are Rajput or Agri Rajput and consider incidents, which are considered as affectmg the themselves next to Brahmins in the hierarchal order,

THE BALAI

11

BALAI

Name, Identity, Origin and History r'~'" "her siSler. After a few days Renuka heard that her ~l:;ter and brother-in-law were coming to visit them. The Balais have been listed as Scheduled Caste in As they (Renuka and Jamdagni) were very poor and the Union Territory of Delhi, Rajasthan, Uttar Pra­ did not have any luxuries of life, she was very much desh, Madhya Pradesh and in a few districts of Maha­ ''Yurried. But her husband comforted her by saying rashtra. The Balais of the Union Territory of Delhi that he shall manage everything in due course. Then of late come to be identified as the casual and un­ 3c sat in a 'Samadhi' (meditation) and prayed to the skilled labourers in construction work. As reported Gods to grant him something by which he could wel- by them in all probability it was a caste of agricul­ com-.: his guests appropriately. The gods got pleased turists and village messengers. A reference about with him and gave him a cow named Kamdhenu. them is f(;mnd in 'Census of Punjab 1881' Vol. I, by ('his cow had the power to provide its owner, every­ Ibbetson who states "Balai is apparently the village ching, he wanted. At the arrival of their guests messenger of Delhi. He is at least as often a Chuhr:t Kamdhenu provided them all sorts of things needed. as a Chamar and might perhaps better have' been l?n seeing this astonishing cow. Sahastrajoon was fas­ classed with the former". But the Balais of the Ullion cmated by it and requested Jamdagni for it. But Jam­ Territory while agreeing to the statement that they dagni refused to part with it, since it was to be re­ had been village messengers deny any connection with Lumed to the Gods. At the refusal, the King felt in­ the Chuhras or the Chamars. Bairvas (who claim to be sulted and this led to a fight between the two. In the a sub-caste of Balais) however, do concede that at one hght Sahashtrajoon killed the sage Jamdagni. At the time in Rajasthan. some of them got engaged in lea­ time of fight, Parshurama, Jamdagni's son was not at ther work under some special circumstances and as hom;;;. When he heard of his father's murder by a such they might come to have been identified with Kshtriya, he grew furious and vowed to kill all the the Chamars. Kshtriyas. He started killing Kshtriyas. Since the Balais were also Kshtriyas he attacked them. But as these people were very brave, they resisted his attack The Balais are scattered all around metropolitan strongly. Ultimately they defeated him and drove city of Delhi, living in densely as well as in sparsely him away from their territory. At this Parsurama was popula~e~ areas. But in e~ch specific habitate they very muc~ impressed by their bravery and could not form dIstmct clusters of thelr own, no less than isolat­ help saymg "Tum To Bare Balakari Ho" i.e:, you ed islands among the heterogeneous ethnic groups. people are very brave. So these people came to be called Balakari and later on BalaL As to how they came to be called Balais. Russel R. V. and Hiralal (1961 Vol. II; pp. 105-108) believe Some others amongst them are of the belief that at that, it is a corruption of the Hindi word Bulahi, one one Hme they were attacked by Aurengzeb. These who calls, or a messenger. people fought against him with great courage and bravery. so much so that in spite of his utter hatred According to one of the most widely accepted ver­ of these people, he could not but appreciate their siO'ns held by the Raj Balais of Delhi the word 'Balai' courage and bravery. It is believed tflat he called them -- is. the corruption of the word 'Balakari'. They state ·.Balwan' (meaning brave) and from that word they that originally they were Kshtriyas who in ancient came 10 be called 'Balais'. times used to live in forests. _The ~alais. (all t~e sections) of the Union Territory . Once upon a time there was a king name Gaan. ')~ Deihl c~a~m Ra]putana (Rajasthan) to be their who had twelve daughters, eleven of them were mar­ !,Iace of oflgm from where they migrated to different ried to Kings, but the twelfth one named Renuka was ~reas. Rajputana, be.ing a desert they could not pro­ married to a Sage J amdagni. One day Renuka receiv­ auce enough foodgrams there for their subsistence and ed'an invitation from one of her sisters who was marri­ so t~ey had been migrating into Delhi and its neigh­ ~d to. S~hastrajoon, a Kshtriya King. She asked for the bounng areas !~om time to time for better employ­ permIssIOn of her husband to go. to which Jamdagni ment opportuntties. agree~ with the condition. that she was not to accept any1llmg from them as a gIft and that if they press then S0!lle other Balais .a~d especiaUy the people of Raj she should a~cept onl~ a gift equal to the weight of Balm, are of the opmlOn that the place of origin of a sacred basIl leaf. WIth her husband's advice in her Balais is. central province (now Madhya Pradesh) and Il_lind she left her house. At her sister's house at the not Rajasthan. In Central provinces, Aurerigzeb tIme of departure as per custom she was offered attacked th~m repeatedly and ultimately they were several gifts by her sister and brother-in-law, but as fed up of hIS a~tacks. They left central provinces, and per her husband's instructions she refused to accept ca_me to settle It?- Rajasthan v.:~ch by some people is them. But after a· good deal of petsuation she agreed mIstaken as theI~ place of ongm. In Rajasthan due to take ~ gift equal in weight to the weight of a to r~peated fammes and droughts they migrated to sacred basI~ le~f. But surprisingly enough the whole DelhI, where they first came in the year 1908-1909. of Sahastra]oon s ~reasure proved lighter than a basil The Balais of the Union Territory of Delhi have a leaf. So Renuka dId not take anything as a gift from cust~m in which the bridegroom after his marriage 13 comes again to his-in-Iaws .house to kick thei~ hearth Meghwal Balais constitute a separate endogamous which was used for prepanng the food used m mar­ group and call themselves to be the descendants of riage. This custom according to them is believed to Megh Rishi. Some of them prefer to be called Megh­ be reminiscent of the time when Aurangzeb was rickhs, while others Meghvanshi, both the words ac­ following them and they used to spread even the ash­ cordnig to them mean the same i.e. members of Megh es of their hearths so as to remove all the traces of Rishi's family. their where-abouts. Sutarkars form another endogamous section of the The following sections of the Balais have been Balais. According to the Sutarkars they are tradition­ reported from the Union Territory of Delhi. ally weavers and in some areas they are also called Bunkers, which means the same as Sutarkars. Besides (i) Raj Balai the above given groups, the people of Bairva and (ii) Balai Bhambi sections also claim themselves to be Balais, (iii) Gosain whereas according to the other Balais (Balais, Raj (iv) Meghwal Balais and Gosains) these two sections haVe no con­ nection with the Balais and belong to different castes. (v) Sutarkar. The Bairvas are migrants to Delhi from Rajasthan where they are notified as a Scheduled Caste. It is The Raj Balais are said to be traditionally the royal possible that they try to identify themselves with messengers i.e. they used to convey messages from Balai to avail of facilities available to Scheduled Caste one kingdom to another. Since in Hindi, royal is as they are not notified in Delhi. called 'Raj', so the Balais engaged in royal services started calling themselves as Raj Balais. The Raj Ba­ lais in Delhi are also called 'Chari Bardar' i.e., car­ Distribution of Population rier at a stick (In those days the people engaged in royal services used to carry a silver stick in their hand, According to 1961 Census, there are 20,680 Balais which was considered to be a symbol of royal ser­ (11,533 males and 9,147 females) living in Union Ter­ vice). Some other Raj Balais are of the opinion that ritory of Delhi. 16.2% of the Balai population are traditionally they were engaged in construction or residing in rural areas and 83.8 % in urban areas. The mason work, which in Hindi is called 'Raj', so it is Balais residing in D.M.C. Urban, New Delhi and due to their this occupation that they are called Raj Delhi Cantonment are 73.2%. 8.2% and 2.5% respec­ Balais. tively. According to the Balais (Balais here are taken as In D.M.C. Urban area their maximum concentra­ sub-section) their traditional occupation is agriculture tion (45.5%) is in Zone III (Karol\Hagh Patel Nagar). -and they further state that there is not much diffe­ followed by 20.7% in Zone II (City Sadar Paharganj). rence between the Balais and Raj Bahiis. The only Their minimum .c6ncentration (0.7%) is in Zone I point being that some of the Balais prefer to add the (Shahadara), prefix 'Raj' to their name. The 'Gosains narrate a story in which a Hindu sage TABLE (Megh Rishi) had two sons. The elder one was fully DIS,TRIBUTION OF TIlE BA,LA,I POPULATION IN devoted to the worship of God Vishnu and the youn­ DIFFERENT TRACTS AND ZONJJ,:S OF DELHI. ger one used to help the poor i.e. he was absorved in Bhalai (welfare) of the poor. The descendants of the elder brother came to be called Gosain and those State/Tr~()tIZone Total Malel! Feinales Per-, .centa~ 011 the younger one were called Balais on account of, of j; the word 'Bhalai'. . ,total- Some of the Raj Balais are of the opinkm that the ----.----- Gosain is not a sub-caste of the Balais and further 1 2 3 4 IS add that Gosains, probably ])clongs to the gotra Gos­ - ~---~ ~ ._ __..,...... ---~~-I.:-- wal of the Balais and that in order to enhance their Delhi Total 20,6$0 11,533 9,147 lOO'O social status they have started calling themselves as Delhi Rural 3,34.Q 1,92'6 1,414 li}'2 Gosain (which in Hindi means a saint and sometimes 17,340 Q,607 ' 7,733 -83,8 . a religious instructor) rather than as Goswal. Delhi .Urban D.M.C. Urban 15,131 8,352 6,779 7~'2 Most of the Raj Balais now hold the view that in Zone I-Shahaaara 104 54 50 ~.IS, the past the Balais working in and for the temples Zone II-City Sadar Pahar- Were called Gosains, and with the passage of time ganj 3,130 1,656 1,474 lIH the term Gosain became hereditary and so they cry­ Zone III-Karol Bagh Patel stallized as a separate group from the Balais. Now the Nagar. 6,891 3,803 3,088 33·3 . Zone IV-Civil Lines S.ubzi- Gosains are of two types non-vegetarians (who are -,_ mall.dr- more allied to Balais and Raj Balais) and vege­ 1,855 1,092 763 9·0 tarians. Zone V-Tran.sferred Area 2,236 1,228 1,008 IO\~ Zone VI-South :Delhi 447 253 194 2·2 It is interesting to note that the Balais, Raj Balais Zone VII-West Delhi 468 266 202- - 2·3 and non-vegetarian Gosains do intermarry, but tlle New Delhi 1,687 963 724. 8·2 vegetarian Gosains form a separate endogamous Delhi Can.tt. 522 292 230 2·5 group. 15

The Balais usually live in nuclear families but joint husband is wrong, she is not expected to grumble but families are not uncommon. A nuclear family consists is supposed to bear her lot quietly. But this then is the of the parents and their unmarried children. A joint ideal norm. In p:-actice all men are not authoritarian family consists ot the parents, their sons and unmar­ so a~l women are not submissive but they adjust ac­ ried daughters. The jomt family is regarded as an cOf0111g1y to the nature and habits of each other. ideal one. But some domestic quarrels and constant nagging of the wife may break up the joint family. In The woman is expected to respect her father,-in-Iaw many cases the break up comes in an year while in and mother-in-law. She observes 'Purdah' from her other cases it may take three to five years. father-in-law. She is not supposed to talk freely even with her mother-in-law. She does not sit on a charpai The father is the central figure in the family and is or a chair in their presence, regarded as the head, his wife or the next senior male is given the second place. As lang as the father re­ It is considered necessary to continue a family line. mains the head of the family. the internal manage­ A male heir must be left. A husband and a wife with­ ment of the family remains in charge of the mother. out a son are unhappy. Childlessness and inability to A prudent son very often recogmzes his old widowed produce a male child on the part of a woman often mother as the head of the family. In that case all the leads to a polygynous family or sometimes it may lead married and unmarried sons give their earnings to to the adoption of a son. According to Balai the their mother, who either spends the money after giving adopted child can be of any caste or creed. However. some pocket allowance to her sons according to their they prefer to adopt a child of their own caste. To needs or keeps a little for her personal use and returns make the adoption public they invite their friends and the rest. The lattoc practice is more common where relations to a feast. the sons are living under the same roof but have sepa­ rate kitchens. Settlement Pattern & Dwellings A widowed Raj Balai woman has been reported to be living with her four married sons in Bagichi-AUau­ Balais residing in the Union Territory of Delhi din in Motia Khan area. They are living in the live in different colonies. In each colony they form same house but have separate kitchens. Each is given clusters of about 10 or sometimes more houses. Such one room and a verandah in front of the room, which clusters of their houses are scattered amongst the is used as kitchen. On the first of every month they houses of other castes. come and give their month's earnings to their mother, The following colonies were visited for the purpose who if she so desires, keeps a little for herself and re­ of field investigation'S. turns the rest. The mother may eat and stay with any one of her sons. Both husband and wife contribute towards the Name of the colony Sections of Balais residing maintenance and integration of the family. There is a division of labour based on sex and age, i.e. it is the husband's responsibility to provide adequately for the 1. J.J. Oolony near Shanti Nagar Sutarkars support and maintenance of his dependents and the 2. Bagichi-Allaudin . Raj Balais wife's duty is to run the household frugally and effi­ Meghwals ciently. But it appears that a number of Balai wo­ 3. Dhaula Kuan men work as labourers in construction work. Children 4. Katra Nariyal • Raj Balais go to school if their parents can afford to send them, (Sadar Bazar) otherwise they help their mother or father depending 5. Anand Parbat • Gosains upon the age and sex of the child. If the child is a Meghwals grown up daughter then she helps her mother in her Sutarkars household work and if the child is a grown up son he 6_ Lal Kuan Meghwals helps his father in his work. 7. Majnu Ka-Tilla . Meghwals.

I' They greatly emphasise the correct behaviour to­ .wards different members of the family according to their age and kinship status. Children are generally The housing conditions of the Balais are rather treated with kindness and they in turn are not expected pOOf. In most of the above colonies they live in one to shout back to their parents or to use foul language roomed Jhuggis or Jhonpris of mud which are rather in referring to or addressing the elders. Any form small structures. Five to ten persons live in one Jhuggi. of insulting behaviour towards an elderly person would cause great resentment among other members The sanitary conditions prevailing in J.J. Colony, of the family. They can be scolded, reprimanded and Dhaula Kuan, Katra Nariyal, Lal Kuan and Majnu­ sometimes beaten also for their rude behaviour. Ka-Tilla are rather unsatisfactory. These colonies are not provided with any 'pucca' underground drains As regards the i'mra-personal relationship within and there are no planned streets. These l:olonies are the family a husband commands the maximum res­ provided either with public hydrants or wells. pect and authority. His wife and children will obey him in all matters. The wife should regard him as her Those in Bagichi-Allaudin and Anand Parbat are a master and should serve him faithfully. The husband little better. Here all the houses are 'pucca' though is,superior to the wife. When the wife errs the Pusband here also they live in one roomed bouses. Their houses can reprimand, abuse and even beat her. According are generally provided with the privClte hydrants and to a Raj Balai of Bagichi-A1laudin, even when the have a better drainage system. 10

House Type is called either as a Langdar dhoti or Mori Wali dhoti. This dhoti is wrapped around the waist cover­ Normally the houses of the Balais are very simple. ing one of the legs upto ankle and the other upto Most of the houses are one roomed. In Bagichi­ just below the knee. On the upper balf cf the body Allaud~'11 and Anand Parbat they are provided with they wear angarkhi which is a full sleeved buttoned bathrooms, latrines and kitchens. But in other colonies up shirt up to the thighs. It's front right side is open most of the houses are one roomed. The walls of these which can be closed by means of buttons. At about houses are of stones and mud and the roofs are gene­ half the length of angarkhi, it begins to broaden to­ rally of thatch and sometimes they are made of tiles wards the lower end and from a distance it looks like which are comparatively more costly. frock. The head is covered by a headgear or a turban. From social point of view it is worn to maintain Dress & Decoration prestige and status and from practical point of view Balais of the Union Teifitory of Delhi are seen to it provides protection against scorching sun in summer be wearing different combinations of dresses, llJOw­ and cold winds in winter. ever, their dresses change with their age, sex, occupa­ Now most of the men are seen to be deviating from tion and economic condition of the individual. their traditional dress. The most common dress amongst The most peculiar feature of the dress of the those who are engaged in construction work is a womenfolk is that they never wear anything pure white langdar dhoti, a collared shirt and a turban as a head­ as that is considered inauspicious. Their clothes are gear. Nowadays angarkhi amongst them is seen very generally gaudily coloured with red, blue and yellow rarely, but some of them have preserved angarkhis colours pre-dominating. Their traditional dress con­ for ceremonial purposes. According to them in olden sists of a ghagra, i.e., a huge skirt, a blouse and a times their turban used to be 12 yards long and of IUflro or choondri (a head cloth). It has been gathered orange colour. But now they have started wearing a that in the past a ghagra consisted of a huge skirt turban which is 5-6 yards long and mostly white in of 20 to 40 yards of cloth. But now it 'l1easures 3-5 colour. yards only. A superior type of ghagra worn at festive Men employed in offices and those who are com­ occasions is known as lehnga. The blouse is a short paratively well-to~do are generally seen in pants and full sleeved collared shirt known as kabaza in their shirts. In winter. in order to protect themselves from local dialect. Sometimes, in place of kabaza, women cold they wear coats over the shirts. III some cases wear agni. Their choortdri consists of a piece of cloth, instead of pants they wear pyjamas. 21 yards long and 2 yards broad, generally made of muslin. As a matter of convention yel!ow coloured A bridegroom wears either a pyjama or a dhoti on cloth spotted with red prints is worn by a woman the lower half of his body anq a jhmlRa or kalangi after her first child has been born. An u:llnarried girl on the upper half of his body. ~hanga is like a huge and a woman who does not have any child, wear frock which go~ upto below the knees. But with a plain odhni of one colour. This dress is more com­ the changing times bridegrooms .lu!ye also started mon either with the elderly ladies or those young wearing western suits. .. ladies who have recently inigrated from Rajasthan. School going boys are seen with a shirt and a Balai women are seen to be deviating from their pyjama or pants or short pants. Very small boys are traditional dress. A dhoti is becoming more and more generally seen with a shirt on the upper half.. the common with them. They wear a blouse on the lowel- part of their body remaining uncovered. upper half of the body and a petticoat on the lower half. on which is ticd a 6 yards long dhoti which Regarding their personal decoration the women can be both of cotton or silk. Young unmarried girls engaged in construction are seen to be quite simple, but Qth~'s of well-to-do families are seen to. be usjng wear sal war i.e. a baggy trousers and a Zllmiz i.e. d tight collarless shirt and a chunni which is a piece nio~erl.) cosmetics .viz.. lipstick, nail polish. powder of cloth about 22- yards long. Sometimes they are ~tc. Most of the women use these cosmetics orr' festive dressed only in a petticoat and a blouse. Small girls occasions and -'functions th0ugh not regularly. It is and infants wear frocks with or without panties. very common to s..ee a married woman. whose husband·. is living., using red le$,d (Sindhoor) in the parting of The traditional dress of a bride consists of a her ha'ir. But widows and unmarried girls do no't use lehngo, a kabaza and a lugra. This trousseau is it. Hair oils eith~r perfun1ed or otherwise a.re used variously coloured with gaudy hues. It has been both by males and females. . . noticed that saree as a trousseau is becoming more . . and more common. 'A little educated and mod,ern . type of ",omeli ·are . seen to be' deviating from their tradit~onal hair\styl~ No specific dress has been prescribed for widows. and they mostly make either one plaIt -or a bw at According to the Balais, a widow can wear any dress the occiput. But their orthodox women still mamtain she chooses but it should be simple and of very light their traditional hair style. This typ~ of hair is done shade of colours. by one woman for another which in their dialect is It is interesting to note that the dress worn bv called.(matha gun thana). This is done on the: same womenfolk at marriages and other festive occasions -day a woman. washes her hair and for the ~t of is different from their ordinary dresses. These dresses the days the hair are not disturbed. Their hair style are generally made of satin or any other silken cloth consists of a few plaits at the temples and, one at and are. decorated with gola or silver braid. . . the vertex to fix the harIa (a rounqed ornament made. of silver). All these plaits are taken together at the The traditional dress of a male consists of a dhoti, occiput to make a bigger plait.' whose base is tied a five yards long piece of cloth. This in their dialect with threads so as to kC(ep it intact for days together. 17

Ornaments On the waist is worn a huge chain called tagrj which hangs loose on the left side over the ghagra. Their ornaments below the neck are made of silver and those above the neck are generally made of gold. For ankles tlley have kare, chail kare and nevri etc. Rings are worn on the toes which are c,li!ed bichua On the head are worn barla and teeka. Barla is a and simple bichuas called challe or rings. The last rounded ornament which is made of silver. it is fixed two are worn only by the married women. into the middle plait at the vertex and remains fixed at the forehead. Teeka is also fixed like a borIa, but Education and Literacy it hangs like a pendulum in front of the forehead. According to the 1961 census 12.7% of the total Teeka is generally made of gold. Balai population in Delhi comes under literates and lhumke and balian are the most common type of the rest 87.3% are all illiterates. More males are ear rings worn to decorate the female ears. Very small literate than the females. both i.n the category of balian of gold are sometimes worn by the males also. literates with educational standards and literates WIth­ lhala ballan are another type of ear rings worn at out educational standards. It is interesting to note that the helix of the ear. Ornaments of ear are generally of the 12.7% literates, 10.5% come under the category made of gold. of literates without educational standards and only 2.2% are the people who have achieved some educa­ The commonest type of ornament worn at the nose tional standards. is nose-stud or [aung which is worn at left wing of the nose and is generally made of gold. In Urban areas the incidence of literacy is higher i both for males and females than in the rural areas. Ornaments for neck are hasli, a circular thick bar Of the total literates 82.3 % of the Balais are literate of silver, har a garland of silver a'lld hamel which is without any educatio'ilal standards, 14.9% are primary a necklace made of coins. For the wrist, common or­ or junior basic, 2.7% are matriculates or higher naments are kare, bangri and panchi etc. which are secondary qualified. Only three persons i.e. 0.1 % of all of silver. It may be mentioned here that besides the total literates have achieved university or post these they wear glass bangles also but previously graduate degrees, but none has achieved any technical instead of glass bangles they used to wear only the degree or diploma equal to post graduate degree. The bangles of shellac. following table gives the literacy among them: TARLE SHOWING LITERACY AMONG THE BALAIS

Area. Illitera.te Literate with· Pry. or Jr. MatriculatioIl Universit.-r or Technical degree or Total out educational Basic or Higher SeO. Post graduate dip]i)ma equal to sta!J.dad rlegree Post graduilte degree ,.-----A.----, ,.----.A..----, ,.-- ~- .A. _ _, r-~~ ...... -~~ ,------.A._~ M F M F M F M F M F

Rural 1741 1406 164 5 20 3 1 3340 Urban 7394 7506 1784 215 357 12 69 3 17340

M=Male F=Female Economic Life The Bairvas who claim to be a sub-caste of the Balais residing in the Union Ten-itory of Delhi claim Different sections of the Balais in Delhi claim to construction work and agriculture to be their tradi­ have different traditional occupations. For instance tional occupation and even now they claim that a Raj Balais and Megh:wal Ba1ais claim to be tradi­ majority of their caste men in Delhi are engaged in tionally village messengers and some of them state construction. Though some of them however, concede that originally tney were royal messengers and hence. that at one time under peculiar circumstances they they are called Raj Balais (Raj in Hindi meaning were compelled to take up leather wo~k. royal). But another group of Raj Balais is of the ,opinion that in olden times another section of the According to the oldest tradition of Balais of Balais was engaged in mason work and since a mason Delhi, their principal means of earning a livelihood in vernacular is called Raj and so the Balais persuing was in former times spinning and weaving. With the this occupation were called Raj Balais. invention of the power 100m and its introduction in India, successive industrialisation of the spinning and Some Balais are of the opinion that traditionally weaving trades and the large import of cheap foreign they are ~ agriculturists. In Rajasthan they all used to textile goods. the Balai spinners and weavers gra­ persue cultivation and due to the repeated droughts dually lost their customers, since with their pr:imitive in. Rajasthan they were compelled to leave Rajasthan. methods of production they could not compete with They settled in various other states where they had industrial out put. Thus they were slowly forced to . no land to cultivate. So they took up different occu­ give up their trade craft and had to look out for new pations. ways of earning liveliliood. Sutarkars, sub-caste of the Balais claim weaving to be their traditional occupation, which tallies with the According to 1961 Census 55.1 % of the total Balai . observations of Professor Katiyar (1964, pp. 8-11) population are non-workers and only 44.9% are who finds them (Balais as a whole) to be engaged in workers. 75.9% of the total workers are males and Itg~iculture and weaving. 24.1 % are females. 18

DISTRIBUTION OF W Ol~KERS BY INDUSTRIAL CATEG ORIES it. When the paper satiya is not available then a swastika mark is made in cowdung on the side of the door and a rounded lump of cow-dung with five Industrial Oategories of work Male Female small sticks fixed into it on the other side of the door. For this service the husband's sister is given some money or a gold ornament by the father of the child. Cultivators . . 1 2 On the same day at about noon child's mother comes Mining and Quarrying 471 222 Household Industry . . . . 20 7 out with some water in a small round brass vessel Manufacturing other them Household Inrlus· and some wheat grains in a brass plate. She faces the try 2,331 791 sun and offers water and wheat grains. This ceremony Construction. . 1,964 577 is called Surya Narayan ko Chinta dena. Trade & Commerce . 88 27 Transport, anti Storngo 168 21 On the 20th day of the birth of the first son they Other Services 2,013 5\)0 Total Workers 7,056 2,237 give a feast called dasotan to their friends and rela­ tions. Duration of the pollution period depends upon the The highest percentage i.e. 33.6% of workers are circumstances of a particular' family. Where there is engaged in 'Manufacturing other than Household only the mother of the child at home then she resumes Industry'. Then comes 'Other Services' which includes her' household chores early i.e. sometimes after the peons, messengers and other employees in Govern­ first bath which she takes on the first Sunday after mental and private organisations and account for childbirth. But when she has somebody to help her 28.0% of the total workers. 27.3% of the workers are then she may not work for 40 days, which is consider­ engaged in construction work. Number of persons in ed to be the pollution period. other categories is negligible. On 21st day the child is given its name. For this purpose a Brahmin is consulted who tells about four LIFE CYCLE names, of which one is selected for the child by its parents. Then they perform Havana in their house Birth and distribute sweets depending upon one's economic conditions. The Pandit is given Rs. 1.25 and a coco­ Delivery generally takes place at home, though nut for his services. sometimes women go to hospitals for this purpose. At home at the time of delivery a dai is called who On the birth of a son the Gosains usually sing a according to them belongs to a lower caste. i.e., either song which translated into English means:- Dhanuk or Chuhra. The dai for her services is gene­ rally paid around Rs. 10 which can vary according to 0' man, one day you were born and on that day the means of the family concerned. She is generally drum was beaten at your door. A chaste man gave paid more on the birth of a son, than of a daughter. you your name. The friends _of your mother sang songs and to your neighbours were- dis.tributed sweets. At the time of delivery, a dai, mother-in-law of 0' man, make your life successful by doing good the woman or any other woman from the neighbour­ deeds who knows whether you will incarnate again or hood may be present around the accouchemenC The not. placenta is severed by the dai. They place the placenta in an earthen pitcher, which is taken away by the INext comes the -ceremony of the first haircut of the sweeper. child or larula ceremony. This ceremony is generally performed at home. But sometimes they go to some The following rituals pertain to "the Raj Balais tempI~s like Kalkaji or Garh Ganga when they have' residing in the Union Territory of Delhi. to fulfil some vow. When celebrated at home they perform a ceremony called Bhog Lag(1na. A fir.e is lit· On the first Sunday after the child birth Kuwan and some sweets are thrpwn in it. Then they aistri~ Pujan or well worship ceremony is performed. Till bute sweets·· among all present. this day the mother does not come out of the house after the child birth. The first hair of. the ~hiId ate preserved and w~n they visit spme holy place or a temple, Ahey leave On the day of Kuwan Pujan the mother and her these hair there and then sacrifice a goat. child are given a bath. Then the mother alongwith a I few female relations goes to a well. The mother carries a small brass pitcher or Kalash on her head. '. Marriage The mouth of the Kalash is covered with a diaper or napkin of the new born. In the Kalaish they keep a Marriage Regulations few neem leaves. At the well she washes; a corner of the diaper and keeps supari or a betelnut (areca-nut), Three sections of the Balais of the Union Territory . some wheat grains and two paise on the platform of Delhi viz .. Balais (taken as ,a sub-section), Raj of the well and then comes back home. Balais and Gosains (only the non-vegetarians) prac+ tice intermarriage, Le., they do not mind'. man;ying After 5-7 days of the child birth they perform the with each other. Where as the Meghwalas a~d Sntar" ceremony called Mandla. On this day the child and kars form independent endogamous groups \ its mother are again given a bath, while other women sing songs and distribute batasas or sugar candie,. AU the Balal groups practic~ gotra exogamy LI':., a Then the child's father's sister applies a Satiya on the oersol' must marry outside his gotra.· The gotr~ 'of door of the main entrance of the house. The satiya the mother and father's mot. her are also avoided. RU)t consists of a coloured paper with a $Wastika mark on the Raj Balais and, the Balais (taken as a sub-caste 19 leave their mother's gotra also. Marriage with anyone sent through a nai or a messenger of the same com of the above given gotras is considered to be inces­ munity. The person concerned is paid Re. 1 as neg tuous. for his services. The lagan is not sent in case the teeka is applied to the girl. A case has been reported from amongst the Raj Balais, in which about 21 years ago a bridegroom had left his house, to marry a girl of his own choice. Extending the Invitations Afterwards the parents came to know that the girl A few days before the marriage they send invita­ belonged to their own gotra. The boy had to stay out tions to their relations. For this they apply turmeric of his house till another suitable bride was found for to some rice thereby making them yellow. Then him and he was married. these rice are taken in a thai to the houses of the persons to be invited. If the person takes some yellow Age at Marriage rice and applies a teeka on his own forehead that According to some of the informants interviewed, means that he has accepted the invitation. child or early marriage is quite common with them. This is also supported by the 1961 census data. It Ceremonial Baths or Bans points to the fact that the girls are married at a com­ The boy and the girl to be married, are given paratively younger age than the boys. 79.2% of the bans (oil baths). The oil baths are a must for all the married persons (67 males and 255 females) are in groups of the Balais. The number of oil baths is the age group 0-14. specified in pilli chitti and are always in odd numbers In Bagichi-Allaudin and Katra Nariyal a study of i.e., 5, 7, 9, 11 etc. The girl always takes two oil married males and females around or below the ages baths less than the boy i.e., if the boy takes 7 oil of· 30 years revealed that the girls were married baths the girl will take only 5. between the ages of 12-15 years and boys between Among the Raj Balais the boy and the girl are 13-17 years. given one bath in the evening of eaeh day and be­ fore giving a bath a pack ubtan or flour of parched Now the ages for marriages among the Raj Balai barley and ground turmeric mixed with some mus­ boys and girls have been fixed at 18 and 14 years tard oil, is rubbed on the body. The pack is applied respectively by the Akhil Bhartiya Raj Balai Mahan by the womenfolk of the family whose husbands are Sabha. living. The last ban always falls on the day of mar­ riage. Selection of the Match During the period of ceremonial bath brides and Among all the groups of the Balais the marriages bridegrooms of all the groups are given sweet food are arranged by negotiations. As soon as the child and not allowed to sleep. on the charpai (cot). attains marriageable age his or her parents start Among all the groups of the Balais. five to seven finding a match. The match is generally found by a days before marriage. both at brides and grooms go between or bichola who knows both the parties. houses they call a priest who ties a yellow thread All the negotiations are carried on through the or peela dora on the wrists of both the groom and bichola. If both the parties are satisfied then the the bride. After the ceremony, sweets are distributed girl's people see the boy and vice-versa. Generally amongst the relatives and the neighbours present. the boy and the girl are not allowed to see each Again, three days before marriage another dora is other. tied on the wrists of both the girl and the boy which is called 'tail ka dord. To this thread is tied some Sagai or Teeka black mustard in a black cloth, a piece of lac bangle. Then they consult a priest of their own caste who a small piece of wire and one cowrie. This thread suggests an auspicious day for the betrothal cere­ is tied to keep off evil spirits. mony or teeka. The priest is paid Re. 1 for his services. M'tmda On the day of betrothal ceremony girl's father or The groom's parents on the day of marriage give brother or both alongwith some of their relations go a feast to their relations and friends. The feast so to the boy's house. They take with them some rupees, given is called manda. the minimum being Re. I, one coconut, and some sweets according to their means. At the boy's place Departure and Reception of Barat girl's father applies a turmeric mark on the boy's In the evening all the relations of the boy get ready forehead and then gives him the money, coconut and for the marriage procession or Barat. The bride­ sweets. Sometimes instead of the boy, the girl is ap­ groom is dressed in his traditional attire including a plied teeka when the boy's people go to the girl's turban on his head. A sehra is also tied on his head. parents house. In this case boy's people give the girl The sehra consists of strings of flowers and beads one rupee some batasas (sugar candies) and one which hang in front of his face. After the bridegroom lugoro or head cloth. is rea.dy, J?s el~er brother's ~ife comes and applies collynum mto hIS eyes for whIch she is paid Re. 1. Lagan Fifteen days before the marriage, girl's father sends Whe? aU the preparations are made, the marriage lagan to the boy. Lagan consists of a suit for the proceSSIon led by a band starts for the bride's house. boy's mother. a rupee and a coconut for the boy and The bridegroom rides a mare while his other rela­ a pilli chitti (yellow letter) which gives all the de­ tions either walk the distance or take a conveyance tails of the marriage ceremony. These things are but accompany in a group alongwith the bridegroom. As the bridegroom sits on the mare his younger Gauna brother is also made to sit with him on the mare. If the bridegroom does not have a younger brother then After vida the bride does not permanently settle any of bis cousin brothers can sit. This boy is called with her husband. After 2-3 days of vida, either a llai bhandayak. or brides's younger brother goes to her in-laws house to bring her back. At the first crossing, after the departure of barat the The bride stays in her parent's house for some time groom's mother ceremonially* offers her breasts to her which depends upon her age. If she is very young and son for w~ she is paid Re.l by him. Then the unable to bear the responsibilities of a married life mother comes .back home while the marriage proces­ then she stays for a long period otherwise the cere­ sion proceeds further towards the bride's house. mony called Gauna is performed after ,8 few days of the marriage. At the time of reception of the barat which is aiso called barauthi, bride's motJher comes out of her In Gauna a few relations of the husband and the house and applies tilak of turmeric on the bridegroom's husb:md himself come and take the bride with them forehead and gives him Re. 1. 10 her tn-laws house. lVidow Marriage or Karava .Then the _bridegroom beats toran with his sword. after which he is allowed entry into the bride's house. Widow marriage is permissible among all the groups Toran is a fiat rectangular _piece of wood on which uf the Halais. To arrange the marriage of a widow. four wooden sparrows are fixed. the same gotras are left as in the case of the marriage of unmarried girl. When both the parties are satisfied Pheras (circumambulations) is the most important then a priest is consulted for an auspicious day. ceremony, of marriage. In the compound of the house a pole is· fixed and over it they make a platform, on On the fixed day, the groom alongwith some of the platform they keep a brass pitcher called Kalash. his near relations comes to the woman's house. Here In the Kalash they put four paisa, one c()wrie and a priest is called who performs havana wi.th·: Jbe some grains. The is erected day before the recitation of· mantras and then the woman and the Kalash a groom garland each other. after which the groom puts pheras Ccircumambulations}. glass bangles on her hands and applies lead oxide on Near the Kalash they perform Havna with the reci: the parting of her hair. tation of mantras. While the pandit (a Brahmin who A widow can be married even to a bachelor. Junior officiates at the ceremonies of caste Hindus also) is levirate is quite commO'n. If the younger brother is performing havna, the bride and the bridegroom take already married even then he can marry his elder seven circumambulations around it. Among the Raj brother's widow thereby making. a polygamous Balais in the first four rounds the bridegroom moves marriage. In this case on the 13th day of the deatlt ahead of the bride but in the other three the bride is of the elder brother the younger brother puts glass leading._ But amongst the Bairvas in the first 3! the bangles on the hands of his brother's widow thereby bride is ahead and in the next 3~ the bridegroom. making her his wife. A widower can always marry the Yonnger sistf!(:iJr Charanpuja his deceased wife. If she is not a widow then all the ceremonies are performed. After pheras, the ceremony of charanpuja (feet worship) takes place, in which all the relations of the Death bride come and apply henna on the feet of both the bride and the bridegroom and give them some money. The dead bodies of adult males and females are cremated except in case of deaths from small-pox in Kanya Dan which case the dead bodies are buried. In the past. children below 2 years were either buried or immersed Charanpuja is followed by the ceremony called in river, but now they are also cremated. Instances Kanya Dan in which the bride's parents give dowry of burying or immersion of the dead bodies are very to the bridegroom, which in a way indicates cere­ few. monical handing over the bride also. The corpses of the females are shrouded in a red Vida piece of cloth or a lugoro of the deceased can _ serve the purpose. The dead bodies of the males are 8'frOUd~ On the second day generally after lunch the bride' ed with a white piece of cloth. Similarly in the case departs with her husband. of smalI children if it is a girl, the corpse is shrouded in red cloth and in the case Of a boy in white. Among the Raj Balais on this day the newly wedded 'fhe corpse of an 'adult is carried on a wooden couple alongwith some of the womeft relations go to platform cal1ed takhta. Rectangular frame for tIle a temple. Here the boy opens the dora of the bride' takhta is made of four stout bambooes and its body is wrist and the bride opens the dora tied on the wrist made of planks of wood" It is carried by four persons of the groom. caned Kandhiyas. The Kandhiyas are generally the

'. *According to the Raj Balais OnM, according to legend a bara.t w ... s going while some body said that he will be killed by the liOn at the time of his pheras., So at the time of pheras they olosed all the doors and took all the possible llrecautions to preve~t the entry ofs. lion. But it so happened that a real lion appeared from the photograph of a lion which was han"ging in the room. The hon attaoked,. th~ l>ridge'li!room il1\d killed him. Since that dar all tqe ·mot1wrs 4ave started Qffering their milk to their sons so as to add to their str&n8th. 21

nearest male relatives of the deceased. The dead either in some bag or an urn, which is later immersed' bodies of small children are carried in the arms of a either in the Yamuna or in the Ganges, depending person. upon one's resources. The corpse is first of all g!ven. a bath. If tbe As soon as the male members come back home. deceased is a male, the bath IS gIven by the male females of the family leave for the Yamuna river. relatives and in case of females the bath is given by They take with them wheat, rice, parched grams and the female relatives. After the bath. the corpse is doob (a variety of grass). At the Yamuna excepting dressed with new clothes called jangia. If the deceased the sisters and the daughters of the deceased, all other was too poor to afford new clothes then the best of women leave wheat, rice, and doob in water· Then all his or her clothes are put on it. After this a copper they all weep. After that parched grams are distributed coin and a small piece of silver are placed in the amongst them. They leave a little grams in water in mouth of the dead. Then the corpse is placed on the the name of the dead and eat the rest. takhta and a ptnd i.e., a small lump of dough is placed at its chest, after which the dead body is tied Thereafter, at home, all the women who had gone to the takhta. to the YamU'na take some oil in an earthen lamp and apply this oil on their forelocks which are later When a woman's husband dies, her cosmetics and combed. Then the lamp and the comb are thrown glass bangles are placed un-Ier the head of her deceas­ outside the house. ed husband and they are burnt with the corpse. After this she can neither use cosmetics nor wear glass Then all the women get together and sit on the bangles. For tIle first twelve days, the woman does floor. There, in the centre they put some rice and on not at all step out of her house. it they sprinkle water with neem (amrgosa) leaves. from a pitcher. This is the ceremonial offering of The dead body of a woman whose husband i" still food to the deceased. alive is decorated as a bride before taking it to the cremation ground. The woman is considered very Then all men and women present can take their fortunate by the members of the community. food, which consists of sweet-rice and curd. The rice The dead body is taken out of the house with legs is prepared by the male members of the family while forward and head backwards, i.e. towards the house. womenfolk had gone to the Yamuna. The funeral procession which consists only of mules They celebrate the ninth day also and call it either starts for the cremation ground. naven or nahan. On this day all the women of the On the death of an old person having grand­ family go to the Yamuna and take a bath there. children, the funeral prncession is taken out with a 13th day after the death is called tervin. On this great pomp and show The bier is decorate~ with dav, on the death of an old man, they give a feast floral wrcatlls and coloured papers and sometImes I] called nucta to all their friends and relations. But on chakdol or a decorated wooden frame is placed on the death of a young man tervin is celebrated on the the bier. If they can afford. they hire a band which 12th day and no feast is given and on the death of a leads the funeral procession. "'lOman whose husband is living her tervin is celebrated ~ar the cremation ground they place the dead on the 11th day. body on the ground, and take out the pind which is On this day, in all cases a Pandit is called to per­ placed on the ground for s0!lle cow to ~at. Then the form the Kirya ceremony of the deceased. All present position of the dead body IS reversed I.e., the head sit on floor and in the centre they make a pattern in of the corpse being forward and the legs backwar~. coloured flour and on it they sprinkle water and then This is called Bichla Pas. Then the dead body 18 the Pandit tells Katha (religious recitations). Then taken to the cremation ground. the eldest male relative (who had lit the pyre and At the burning ghat the pyre is arranged and lit performed Kirya Kapa[) of the deceased sits for by th .. eldest son or eldest grand-son of the deceased. mourning. A pagri is tied on to his head. In case the deceased was unmarried the pyre is lit Amongst the Raj Balais, on the day of tervin before . by the nearest male relative. The dead body of an lunch. seven women whose hmba'nds are nlive go adult i., burnt with n maunds of fire wood and that out of the house with the nephew (sister's son) of the of a child with Ii- maunds. When the head of the deceased. They take with them a pitcher full of water deceased is red hot. the person who had lit the pyre. which is noured out in some drain. Then thev all touches it with a stick, the ceremony being called come back' home. These seven women take their food Kirya Kapal. According to Balais, in the past. the first and the other people present are served after­ head was moved in order to bum it completely, be­ wards. cause h:llf burnt flesh can be eaten by animals which is taken as an insult to the deceased. But now it js After Tervin the chief mourner (the person who done only in a symbolic form by merely touching performed Kirya Kapat) resumes his normal life like the head with a stick. The person who does KirYfJ the other relatives of the deceased. Kapal gets his head shaved off. walks bare footed ana After six months· of the death. they celebrate chai does not sleep on a ch(lrpai (cot) for 13 days. mahi. On this day they prepare halva and puri and On the morning of the third day, all the male mem­ give it either to five sman children or to a cow. Then bers of the famIly go to the burning Rhat• There, after one year, they celebrate barsod in the same way. they collect ashes of the dead person and keep some From the second year onwards every year they boiied rice at the place where the cremation had celebrate Sharadh or Kanagat in tbe memory of the taken place. In case of small children, they place dead which falls in the month of Bhadoll and Asoj some milk in a'n earthen pot. The ashes are coIIected (August-Sept, and Sept.-Oct.), L/P(D14DCODelhi-! 22

Religion are living. On this day they observe a fast. At noon they take a bath and offer water to the sun. After this All the Balais of the Union Territory of Delhi arc they may take water. At night after seeing the moon Hindus excepting one m~l~ and 0!le. fC':lale who are they offer water to it. Then they take their dinner. the followers of Sikh relIgIon as IS IOdlcated by the 1961 Census data. Gangor or Gltriya

The Hindu Balais l1ave hith in all the Hindu gods It falls in the ll1unth of SUVWl (July-August). This and goddes,;es. They believe ill Lord Rama, Krishna. is the f stival of unmarried girls. Ten days before the Vishnu. G::mesh and Duq:ca etc. Besides these they festiv:ll they make sma1: d()l1s and play with them. show a special revert'nee for Rarndev Ji, who was" On lh;s uay Lhey give a ceremonial offering of food Rajput born about 300 ye'lfs ago in R!jasthan. Th; to the dolls and ,hen take them either to a river or a followers of Guru Ram Dev Ii fix a saffron coloured p()n~; wh;:;re they are c: mwned. At noon they come small flag in front of their houses. Before starting a home and take their food. new work of venture the blessings of the Ganesh are sought by worshipping him. Shiv Rain' Only the Gosain worship the God 'Vishnu Ihough Shiv Ratri comes in the month of Phagun (Feb­ the other Ba1ais also respect him. On Tuesday and ruary-March). On this day the women clean their full moon days they observe fast and worship the houses and observe fast. At noon they take a burning God Vishnu. dough lamp and an earthen pitcher full of water to a Shiv temple. and keep them near the Shiv-Linga. The Durga and Bhuron arc worshipped during the Then they come back home and take food which Navratras which fall twice in a year i.e .. Oct.-Nov. and consists of only fruits and vegetables without cereals. March-April. Bharon is worshipped during Holi also. The women who ovserve fast decorate themselves with The Balais have a Bharon temple in Rajasthan, from their traditional dress and ornaments. where sometimes old women bring stones which are worshipped as idol of Bhamn. i(ln({m Ash/ami All the Balais believe in the great powers of Sheetla It comes in the month of Bhadon (August-Septem­ Mata, the rage of which is supposed to cause chicken ber). II is the anni,versary day of Lord Krishna's birth. pox, small pox and measles. The use of onion, tur­ On this day they observe a fast. meric and non-vcgetariar. items is believed to annoy the According to the Raj Balais it is a very difficult Mata. So when a person is suffering from chicken pcn, fast. On this day the person who ovserves the fast small pox or measles. they do not use aony of these does not lake anytLing, nol even water. Moreover if things. When the patient is almost cured they take on this day a woman starts having labour pains then the patient to a Mata-ke-nwdir where the patient the person observing the fast cannot break it till she prostrates before the idol of Mata. This is eallec1 has delivered the child. Similarly if a person becomes Mata-ka-Jhande-Karna. Mata i'i n1cased and she blesses seriously ill then again the person observing the fast the patient. . cannot break it till the person is alright. Besides these deities the Balais have KlIldevtas or [fo.li Sati Dharari i.e. each chw has a god of its own. On starting a new work the bll'"sings of the Kuldevtas Holi comes in the month of Ph(lgun (February­ are sought. When a bride comes to her husband's March). This festival is celebrated by the Balais as house both the bride and the bridgroom first of all by the other Hindus. with only one variation that a go to the Kllldev'a, prostrate before it thereby sc:king man goes to his wife's brother's house to play HolL its blessings. There he is given a warm welcome. He also gets some mopey and clothes. The boy's father also goes to his son's-in-Iaw house where he is also given some Fairs and Festivals rroney and clothes. Balais of the Union Territory of Delhi ce]ebrat~ all the Hindus Fairs and festivals, and only the fairs and So{:ial Status festivals more important to them are described below. According to Stephen Fuchs (1937, Vol. 32, pp. 885-904), the" Balais as a caste have a very low Nag Pallchl17i social position in the caste system. All the Hindu Nag Panchmi falls in the month of SaVi111 (July­ castes regard the Balais as untouchables. The' rela­ August). The Balais on this clav ohserve a fast and tion of the Balais to Chamars and Mahars is that of worship a hole of some snake. A day before. they an_ equal footing. Russel and Hiralal (Vol. II; ,916, keep some chane (Grams) ::md munp<: (kidnev beans) pp. 105-108) too have described the caste by -*sing in water. On the dav they fry small balls of mung the words "A low functional caste of weavers and flour or glllrzu!C'. They keep some soaked mUll'!, watchmen". r chane, gul!!ltfe an;l Iw in a thali (plate) c'rd tah it In Delhi their social position is observed to be some­ to some open pbce where they can find a hole. Near what different from what Stephen Fuchs has described. the hole they keep these things and )1fo"trate, then Their touch here does not carry any ponutio~. In they come home and at night brake their fast. their colonies they have a free access to the public hydrants. They can be present at the hydrants simul­ Karva Chau} h taneouslv with caste Hindus. In Kafra Nariyat a few It falls in the month of Karlik (October-November). Balais ~ere observed taking water from a public' This is the festival of married women whose husbands hydrant alongwith caste Hindus. 23

They are allowed entry into the temples and c~n The Raj Balais Mahan Sabha in Delhi has five offer anything they choose. In schools also, no dIS­ chaudhries. The office of a ,haudhry is hereditary and tinction is made between their children and children on the death of a chaudhry his eldest son succeeds of caste Hindus. They can sit intermingled with the him. If the eldest son due to physical or mental in­ children of other castes. firmity or any other reason, is not fit for the office, it passes on to the next son. If a chaudhry has no A Brahmin priest who officiates at the ceremonies male issue, his nearest male relative takes up the of caste Hindus also officiates at their ceremonies. office. Even after appointment a chaudhry may for­ Same is true with the Nal and Dhobi who serve them. feit his job, if found unfit or unworthy of his duties. Though it is rarcly that they require the services of a Dhobi. These chaudhries were formerly the chaudhries of that place from which they have migrated i.e. thok or According to the Balais their Hukka (hubble-bubble) division and in Delhi they arc still respected and re­ is shared by their neighbours and friends who are garded as the chaudhries. The ancestors of these Hindus. But the Hindus generally avoid sharing their chaudhries were recognised by the state as they were (Hindus) Hukka with the Balais. given Tamra patra by Man S:ngh (then a king of Rajasthan). Tamra patra cO'l1Sisted of a copper plate According to the Balais their posit!on in their native on which was specified the name of the chaudhry and villages of Rajasthan is altogether dIfferent from what the area over which he has authority. it is in Delhi. There they have separate wells and are not allowed to draw water from the wells of caste The pradhan and the chaudhries are helped by two Hindus, so much so that even the touch of a Balai is cabinets in taking the decisions and giving judgments considered polluting to a caste Hindu. They are or inflicting the punishment. One Cabinet consists of allotted different areas where they build their houses. eleven members and the other of twenty one mem­ At schools _their children sit separately and they are bers. AU the members of these cabinets are elected. not allowed to enter the temple, however, they can The Panchayat has one secretary, whose duties are worship the deity only fmm outside. Tn the village. to make the necessary arrangements for the meetings 'Dhaba' also they are not allowed entry. The priest of the panchayat and one propaganda secretary whose who officiates at their ceremonies is either a Pandit duty is to make the Balais conscious of the evils of of their own caste or a degraded Brahmin who offi­ their society either by speeches or by adopting any ciates at the ceremonies of low caste people only. other means for the propaganda, so as to smoothen the working of this Mahan Sabha amongst the Balais. Panchayat Both the secretary and the propaganda secretary are elected. All the groups of the Balais have independent non­ statutory panchayats or the governing bodies of their Besides these office bearers, their panchayat 113s a own. These panchayats depend for their fU'Ilct~g cashier, and a chuchak or aornal or a messenger boy. on \l hierarchy of officials and the cases taken up by The cashier is elected. but the office of the chuchak them deal with irregular unions, illegal sexual inti­ is inherited by the eldest son. He runs erra'uds, in­ macy. family quarrels and many other incidents which forms people about the meetings of the panchayat, would lower the reputation of the whole community. their date. place and purpose. He also works as a general messenger or as a nai in the society. The governing body or the panchayat of the Raj Balais is called Raj Balai Mahan Sahha. The Balais All the office bearers excepting the chuchak are (as a sub-caste) and the Meghwals or Meghwanshis honorary. For every meeting the chuchak is paid also come under this panchayat. Due to some personal Rs. 3 for his services. differences between these sub-castes, the Balais (taken as a sub-caste) call it as Akhi/ Bhartiya Balai Sudhar The panchayat deals with the following types of Sangh. But the Raj Balais call it by a different name cases. i.e. Raj Balai Mahan Sabha. Some of the Raj Balais 1. Domestic disputes. go to the extent of saying tbat they do not have any 2. Cases of illicit sexual relations. such organisation as Akhil Bhartiya Balai Sudhar 3. Matrimonial disputes. Sangh. 4. Disputes about money, transactions and theft. This Sabha has about 450 members in Delhi. The Now-a-days cases of such offences as homicide and membership fee is Re. 1 quarterly or Rs. 4 annually. thefts of serious nature are taken to the law courts An individual has to be 18 years of age to become a for decisions. member and has to fill in a form called Parvesh Patra. Women of all ages are excluded from this If a person wants the assembly of the panchayat membership. Their panchayat has a pradhan, who to be convened he informs about it to the pradhan of comes at the highest level in the hierarchy of Pa'ncha­ the panchayat who in turn asks the secretary to make yat officials. The pradhan is elected by casting votes. the necessary arrangements. The secretary fixes the He is mostly elected for his long experience, wisdom, date. time and place of the meeting keeping in view intelligence or any other good work which he might the convenience of the people and asks the chuchak have done for the sub-caste as a whole. His duties to announce it in the colonies where the people of a_re to pr~side over the meetings of the panchayat and their community are residing. gIve the Judgments. The meetings are generally held in open and mostly Previously their panchayat had no pradhan and it in the evening or in the early morning. so that it is is only after 1950 that they have started electing him. not inconvenient for those who work during the day. :24

All present sit on a carpet which is spread on the and never showed any intention of going back. Her ground. husband asked her to come to stay with him but she The person who calls the meeting of the panchayat refused. Then her in-laws took the case to the has to pay jajam i e. he has to pay Rs. 3 to the panchayat. After complete investigation the panchayat chuchak and meet the expenses on tobacco and hubble­ proved the girl to be an adulteress. At this, her hus­ bubble and the rent for the dari. band asked her parents for separation. It was decided that the girl's father will give Rs. 950 to her husband The panchayat hears both the sides. Eye witnesses as ~o~pensation. After, he signed a separation paJ?er are specially relied upon and the accused persons are cerhfymg that he has no more relation with the gIrl. allowed an opportunity to exp1:lin their positions. After some time the girl was married to some other The severity of punishment imposed depends upon person who gave Rs. 1,000 as Jhagra compensation to the type of offence. Previously, corporal punishment her father who had given Rs. 950 to her first husband was quite common and sometimes a person was asked for separation. He gave Rs. 950 more as mayas for to fill a hubble-bubble for the panchayal or to keep the entertainment of the Barat. on his head in public a bag full of shoes. But these punishments have become less common. Now the com· Ganesh chaudhry opposed the girl's father taking monest type of punishment is either imposition of fine the money, but he did not listen to the chaudhry. or ex-communication. The news of ex-communication As a result he was ostracized and asked to leave that of a defaulter is announced by the chuchak in the Mohalla. He left the mohalla and never tried to re­ community. An ex-communicated person can retrieve trieve back his position in the Balai Society. back his position in the society by paying the fine imposed Or by giving a penal feast. Often the accused Case III: takes sometime to collect the money for the fine. Until Sometimes back a Balai of Bagichi-Allaudin took he collects the fine and pays it, he remains out of the liquor in excess and in intoxication went to the Bazar caste. where he misbehaved and teased the womenfolk of A few cases dealt by the Sahha are discussed his community. The case was put before the panchayat. below:- A meeting of the panchayat was called for this pur­ pose and the man was ostracized. Case I: According to the Raj Balais their panchayat is At Paharganj an eleven years old married girl was losing hold on the memb~rs of the community. Unlike living with her unde. This girl was blamed of adultery in bygone days the caste people do not strictly abide by some of her neighbours who in order to take some by the verdicts of the present caste panchayat. Very action called the meeting of the panchayat. In this often they approach directly to the, judicial court of meeting the girl was proved to be an adulteress by a Jaw instead of coming to the caste panchayat. chaudhry of another tllOk i.e. the thok differ~!r- from the girl's thok, and her uncle was fined Rs. 101. Then References: the panchayat informed her in-laws about it, who came all the way to Delhi from Rajasthan. They again 1. R'I!8Sel, R. V. & Him Lfll • 'The tribes & castes of the called a meeting of the panchayat in which Ganesh central provinces of India,' London: 1916, Vol. II, pp. 105- Chaudhry of Bagichi-Allaudin proved the girl to be lOS. innoc(mt. Then the girl left Delhi with her in-laws. 2. Ka.tiYllr;' T.S. • 'Social life in Rajasthan'; All­ Case II: ahabad 1964, pp. 8-11. Fnr"~, Fqtnr't Stephen. • 'Die Lechzsitsgeder balais', An­ There was a married girl of 20 years. After four 3. thropos Vol. 32, 1973, pp. 885- years of marriage. she came to her parent's house 900.

\ THE BANJARA

25

BANJARAS

The Banjaras have been notified as one of th~ jara is an occupational term. Even today, acco~ding 'Scheduled Castes' in the Union Territory of Delhi. [0 the Banjaras of Delhi anybody who trades IS a They are found scattered all over the country right !janjara. from North to South and East to West known b.y By caste they claim themselyes to be. Rajput different names e.g., as Labanas in Punjab, Lambadis KShtriyas. No mythological stones can be gIven per­ or Sugalis in the South and Lamans in Gujarat. minmg to the origin of the caste as the mformants Because of their vagrant and nomadic habits they have ... llLllU throw no light in the matter. Only a few stated been referred to as Gypsis. Sometimes, due to their LUat when Parsuram started his campaign of killing nomadic habits they were also termed as 'Khana­ ttl! Kshtriyas in order to avenge the death of his f~~er badosh' and 'Behrupias' but at the present time 'Ban: Jamdagm, they tied to the jungles and started livmg jara' is the most common name, for them. In Delhi there unoer assumed names thus escaping the deatn. they are also known by !he n~me of G~ar or Guarias Due to his 10ar they never stayed at one place for a besides Banjara, especIally ill th,e VIllages because long time and kept on moving from one place to au­ their women go out as hawkers carrying a bilsket on u,uer With al1 their families and belongings. and thus their heads and the two terms are found to be syno­ ,lUopted the nomadic way of life. nyms in the area. They used to travel in groups of 10, 20 to 1,000 {amllies. each family accommodated in one or two Many times in the urban areas of Delhi they are bullock-carls. These temporary settlements were, term­ addressed as 'Sirkibands' (wattle roof makers) by I~d as ·Tandas,'. bach Tanda was under a hereditary their neighbours. Sirkiband is also notified as Sche­ leader known as 'Naik' on whom the Banjaras used duled Caste in Delhi. This term has been confused as lO repose their impliCit confidence. The 'Naik' exer­ a separate caste group because quite a good number of them in the city deal in this business. According \.:lsed complete authority over his men, settled disputes to them there is no separate caste of Sirkibands in the .itJld also directed the movements of the 'Tanda' while Union Territory but it is an occupational term and as travelling. Even now the Banjara families, although settled completely, introduce themselves by the name majority of the wattle roof makers in the city are Banjaras-they are reffered to as Sirkiband Banjaras. vt the Naik to whose 'Tanda' their forefathers used Further investigation on the subject showed that there lv belong. is no difference of any sort between the Sirkibands and It was also reported that wherever they camped, other Banjaras. There qre some Muslim Banjaras also (he first and foremost thing they did was to dig a well known by the names of Turki and Mukeris but here for drinking water. Very proudly they say that, they our study is confined only to the Hindu and Sikh I.e., the Banjaras never used to ask anybody for water. section who only are treated as Scheduled Caste. t'hey also claim that a hot water spring at Sona about W miles away from Delhi was also dug by the Before entering into details about the mythological Banjaras. Oligin of the Banjaras and their social structure, it would be interesting to speculate on the origin of the The Delhi Banjaras claim themselves to be the word Banjara which has been variously explained by descendants of Bhupia and Lakhi Banjaras who were different authors. According to Russel (Vol. II. 1916, lIery rich traders and used to deal in lakhs of rupees pp. 162-192) the most probable derivation is from and cattle. According to them these two Banjaras 'Banijyakara'-Sanskrit word meaning a merchant, but were very kind to the strangers and helpless persons. Ayyanger Ananthasayanam (1949-50 pp. 12) thinks it Once a girl was found crying near a well by Lakhi more appropriate to derive it from 'Vanjaars' again Banjara. On Lakhi's enquiring she told him that she a Sanskrit word meaning a trader. Meads, Maccregor was going to get married very soon, but her mother and Laird (Vol. VII, part 1, 1911, p. 282) hold had no brother, so nobody would bring 'Bhat' (gifts slightly different opinions. Instead of tracing it from [rom maternal parent's side) for her. Lakhi consoled a Sanskrit word they trace it from a Punjabi word her and promised to bring 'Bhat' for her and he proved 'Vanaj' or 'Banaj' meaning trade or bargain. !rue to his words. Similarly many more incidents were reported which, unlike the reports in the avail­ Bose (1911, Vol. II, pp. 62-63) and Ibbetson (1881, able literature on the caste, show that the Banjaras , p. 299) derive the origin of the word Banjara from were very honest and faithful people. 'Banij'-a Hindi word meaning trader. According to them it is only due to their honesty . The Banjaras of Delhi themselyes furnished an and faithfulness that they acted as great travelling agents and commissariats of British and other Imperial explanation similar to that of Rose and Ibbetson. forces. It has been reported by various authors that According to some of them the word Banjara can the Banjaras were the chief suppliers of ration and be split into two, Le., (Ban-Jungle and Jara-goer or other provisions to the forces in as early as 1505 AD. wanderer) together meaning "those who wander in the in the time of Sultan Sikandar Lodi. forest", and. sin~e _lately they were nomadic people who used. to hve m Jungles, they were given this name. Russel and Hiralal (Vol. II, 1916, pp. 162-192) Anyway It has been now accepted that the term Ban- opine that 'probably the Banjaras came to India with 27 28

Mohammedan invaders'. since we find their first men­ The following table gives the distribution of tion in Niamat UUa's Tarikh-i-khan-jahan Lodi as Banjaras in different tracts and zones of Delhi. tJbserved by Crooke. Similarly Rose also reported the DISTRIBUTION OF THE BANJARAS IN DIFFERENT TRAOTS same thing signifying thereby that the Banjaras are AND ZON:ES OF DELHI not natives of India. On the other hand Russel and Hiralal suggest that they might have originated from Charan and Bhat castes of Rajputana thus suggesting Population Sex Ratio Sl. State/Tta.ct/Zone ,-____.A. ____------., _Females an Indian origin for them. Hutton (1951, p. 275) tries No. Ma.les Females Total per 1000 to associate them with the Bhils. But the Banjaras of Males Delhi emphatically deny the above facts and connect themselves with Kshatriya Rajputs. Some menhoned 1 Delhi Total . 1,296 1,222 (100-0) 94;3 Alwar, other J aipur and still others Naulgarh and 2'518 Mewat, all in Rajasthan as their native places. Accord­ 2 Delhi Rural • 264 176 (17·5) 667 4;40 ing to Aiyar, in an article, published in 'The Mirror' 3 Delhi Urban 1,032 1,046 82 '5) 1,014 of December, 1963, titled "Banjaras, their Manners 2,078 and Customs" the Banjaras men have fine muscles, 4: New Delhi • 9 13 (0-8) 1,4;44; are of medium height and_ generally or Rajput caste 22 5 Dolhi Cantt. -- ...... of countenance. 6 D.M.C. Urban 1,023 1,033 (81- 6) 1,010 2,056 7 Zone I (Shahadara) 10 (0'4) Even the language which they speak is found to be 10 akin to Marwari which they themselves name as 8 Zono II (Oity Sarlar Paharganj) 464 539 (39·8) 1,162 Mewati. Hence. undoubtedly the Banjaras of Delhi 1,003 have their place of qrigin somewhere in Rajasthan. How they became Banjaras has already been explain­ 9 Zone III (KarOl Bagh Patel Nagar) 283 251 (21,2) 887 ed in the foregoing pages. 534 10 Zone IV (Oivil Lines and The Banjaras residing in urban area of Delhi stated Subzimandi) 57 42 (3·9) 737 !J9 that the Banjara caste has three or four divisions 11 Zone V (Tmnsferreu Area) 25 17 (1'7) 680 namely Chauhan, Pawar, Rathor and Thakur, each 42 one is further- divided into several gotras, which are 12 Zone VI (Bouth Delhi) 91 93 (7-3) 1,022 exogamous units. Some reported that there are no such 18·1 13 Zone VII (West Delhi) !J3 °91 (7'3) 978 above divisions but the gotras-used as marriage 184 regulating unit in a way that while fixing marriages four gotras of mother, father, Dadi (Father's mother) and Nani (Mother's mother) are avoided. Surprisingly The table shows that 82.5 % of the total population enough in spite of holding different opinions regarding are residing in Urban Delhi and 17.5 % in rural Delhi. their caste structure almost all informants ;gave same In D.M.C. Urban the maximum concentration is in gotra names, some of which are as follows;- Zone II (City Sadar Paharganj) where 39.8% of Ban­ jaras are living. 21.2% of the Banjaras are living in Bartiya, Moor, Bhupia, Dhami-Sot, Bindrawat, Zone III (Karol Bagh-Patel Nagar). In other zones Machaw, KhUtra, Lawaria, Toori, Biswat and Gorare their concentration varies from 0.4% (Shahadara) to etc. 7.3% (both in South Delhi and West Delhi). Population figures of the last 50 years for the Ban­ History of Migration, Distribution and Popu- jaras indicate a fall in numerical strength, in the first lation Trend - , ten and also in the last ten years.

Year c. Population Delhi Banjaras mainly have come from ~ajasthan, Punjab and u.P. the latter ones also calhng them­ selves as Rajput -Banjaras indicating thereby Rajasthan 1911 858 to be their place or origin (as also from Rajput origin) 1021 ~ ,- 784 from where they spread out in different directions. 1!J31 N.A. Nothing conclusive can be said regarding, the..exa~ 1951 2,799 lime of their inmigration as the e\dest of the Banjaras 1961 2,518/ were unable to throw any light on the sublect:r;_S_ome very vaguely hinted it to be near the Mughal -period _In 1911 there have been reported 858 aanjaras in and the others even before- that. But it might not be --the Union Territory ~hereas ih 1921 only 784 persons later than a celJ.tury ago as accot_djng' fO the, Banja~as r-emamecr.-lrirquite possible that at thht time, 74 they came here in search of employment C\fter---, the persons might haye moved' to some other place in­ introduction of the Railways that curtail,ep! all pros­ search of employment Qr just becaus1e of the -remini­ pects of their trade 'and forced them-to adopt a settled, rs_ce~:-::ef their no~d1c habit_ Ha.d the figures for tHe, life. Some referred tq a great famine in Rai~sthan: in­ year; 1931 been avaIlable a clear pIcture of the popula­ the past due to V{hich, they had 10 leave their native tion trend could have be!(n obtained, Further, to add, places_ Hence whatev f be the cause, their immigra­ / 1 the figu~es, recorded for 195t--census -are' not the actual tion wa~ forced on .1Qem .which ~aIlY brought them figures _!lut tbe estimated ones ugon which we cannot to DelhI' after some stay III Punjab and u.P. where r_ely--much. 12he population of Banjaras has decreased a great number of them repdrted to be still resiqing; --- j , \ in 19Q_1-as compared to 19~1: The reason might be that A Banjara house in urban Dr/hi. An view of street blocked by cots and other articles.

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A shoe"-repairer.

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some of the Banjaras might have returned themselves found in Badola. Badli and Nareia where more than as Sirkl bands WhICh is also notified as Scheduled Caste tifty Banjam houses were located in each village. in Delhi. sornetUl1es in the form of a 'monal1a', and sometimes mixed with other castes. For instance. in Badoia and Family Hadli they have formed almost a separate 'll10hulla' of their own but in Narela they were located living The common type of family system among the in clusters by the side of other castes both of high Banjaras of the Union Territory is the nuclear l~pe and low social status. After a group of live or SIX where a man slays with his wife and unmarneg Banjara houses in Narela one would find some houses children in a house. This type was found in greater of the J ulahas. Chamars and even of the J alS. numbers 111 the urban than in rural areas probably due to the reason that mostly they live either in on~ One cluster or group of the Banjara houses in the roomed houses or III temporary huts in the city which village is known as a 'Bugat' which contains peopie cannot accommodate many people. In the rural areas belQnging to one lineage. A common well and com­ where the reSIdential quarters are more spacious and mon courtyard are the two significant features of a invariably are made up of mixed material (mud and Bagat. The huts or the residential quarters are cons­ bricks). we also find cases of joint and even extended tructed in adjoining fashion generally one for one families. In the joint Banjara families the aged parents family with some sheltered space outside used for were found living with their married sons along with cooking purposes. There are no water taps and their families in the same house with common kitchen latrines. The houses do not have electricity. In Badli for which each son contributes his own share. The and Badola handpumps and water taps were noticed eldest male in such cases, is considered all powerful fitted in the 'lines but there were no latrines and so and he keeps an eye on everybody's activities in and for defecation they go outside in the open. outside the house. Strict purdah is observed in the The Banjara houses in the rural areas are much families and daughters-in-law will never sit on the cot Or talk to any outsider in the presence of their mothers­ cleaner as compared to those of the other castes living in-law. nearby. In some of the houses in Narela. a big store­ house of mud walls was noticed in the rooms. These In the nuclear type of Banjara families the husband are invariably docorated with different colours and is the only earning member but sometimes where the designs by the family members to give it a decorative family finds it hard to make their both ends meet look. Tbe floors are of mud and coated with a thin properly wives help them either by working with them paste of cowdu'ng at least once in a week and those in making sirkis or undertaking some labourers job in who keep cattle have separate sheds in the courtyard their spare times. The common source of incQme for of the house. the Banjara females is from pedlar's job which quite a good number of them are still doing. They make . A somewhat similar pattern of living was noticed necklaces and pendants of beads and sell them in the tn the urban areas with the difference that here the market and thus make money. Daughters help their majority of the Banjara houses are,of mixed type. in mothers in every respect thus relieving them of their the sense that the walls and floors. are made of bricks domestic chores. and mud respectively. but the roofs are either of wattle mats or of tiles and constructed near the pave­ Habitation Pattern. ments. Mostly these. are shop-cum-houses as a large number of the BanJaras of the urban areas deal in Since about a century ago, the introduction of the: wattle making' business. They can easily be detected Railways and other improved means of transport from a distance as everywhere with the bundles of forced the Banjaras to adopt a settled way of life. wattle mats· heaped up outside their houses at Kutab Simultaneously giving up their nomadic practices they Road. Paharganj and Motia Khan areas. settled down wherever they found space sufticient enough to build their hutments. Everywhere, in the Dress, Personal Decoration and Ornaments rural as well as in the urban areas one finds them The Banjaras of Deihi ,seem to be proud of their living either on the outskirts of the villages or on tbe traditional dreSs e·specially of their females for which roadsides, mainly in kaccha structures but no where they were honoured many times 'in the past in the in the interior. The reason tor this appears to be that courts of great Kings and Emperors. The Banjarins as the Banjaras were latc settlers they could not find' any place in the main localities: or else where due to then. wete cO!1sidered' the most gorgeously dressed gm!le~ a! !ndla and used to be compared with the their bad reputation they were not allowed to settI~ GypSIes ·of-Europe by the Britishers for their common in the interior, by those, already living there. it is also Joye of music and dancing. equally possible that they settled down in this fashion due to their former habit of camping on the road-sides Until' ·now the Banjara dress has not been affected away from the ceptres of habitation when they :were much by any influence of modern fashion. Their· nomads. f~!nales ~re stiU,-Stickirrg-to-their pId w~y.s -6f dressing Wlt~ a s~lght change] hete ant! ther~)n the dresses of . Present.ly, they were reported to be living 1n thC( theIr daIly use. Even those living in the Urban areas vI~lages like Bad?la (5 miles from Delhi)~ Badli (6 ~ere 9otice;

descriptions from head to foot. It is a three piece Hair Style dress in aU, consisting of a Ghagari or skirt of coarse material, printed or plain, rich in embroidery and The Banjarins tie up their hair in a typical fashion. applique work, hung from the waist in ample folds, It is known as 'Sir uandhwana' or literally mcaning a 'Kanchli' or a bodice with long sleeves, tastefully 'Lying up the hair and it is done flor a Banjarin by bedecked with buttons and cowrie shells that covers another Banjarin. A parling of the hair is made in the basi, is tied at the back by bands or strings the i.he centre·2 or 3 inches ahead of vertex while the ends of which are variously ornamented with cowries, rcst of the hair are combed back. Then two plaits, beads and gaudy coloured tassels of cotton, and a une on either side of the central parting are made. 'Lugri Tukri' or a headgear usually of the same Five or seven more plaits are made out of the rest material which is thrown over the shoulders on the 01 the hair at the back, that are all joined together head where it rests on a sort of wooden horn termed into a big plait at the back, decorateu with coloured the 'Chunda'. silken and cotton threads. On special occasions tassels and some pieces of ornaments like 'Ghugari' or For daily use, a simple 'Ghagari', a 'Tukri' with a 'Jhumak'-ear-ring like ornaments hung on bOlh the loose blouse, shirt or sometimes with men's vest is sides of head near the ears with tl-:e help of thread, most common these days. Although. a few young are also tied in order to add the beauty of their hair. Banjarins were also noticed wearing 'Salwar-Kamij' and 'Dhoti' but while visiting some relatives or attend­ Young girls' hair are done in the similar way ing a social function wearing the 'Ghagari' 'Tukri' because firstly they look very tidy and secondly they (.;ombination is always preferred. Married girls, till do not need daily combing. besides not much of the they stay with their parents, i.e., before the 'Gauna' dirt can enter in the hair. Hence afler 3 or 4 days ceremony, invariably use 'Salwar' and 'Kamij' with whenever they wash their hair these are tied in the Odhni'. above fashion. The Banjarins wash them with 'M!}I­ taui Mitti' (sort of clay) and not with soap as according to them the later is harmful for the growth No heed is taken of the dresses of children upto of hair. the age of five years as in summer most of them will be noticed without clothes or sometimes with a vest Previously the 'Chunda'-wooden hom, ~ormed a oilly, while in winters anything is put on their bodies part of hair aid for the married women but now it which can pro,(Cl them from the cold. Young girls is no more in use either in the Rural or in the Urban upto the age of ten years are dressed up either in areas. frocks, 'Salwar-Kamij' or petticoats with blouses depending upon the choices of their parents. Similarly Simple hair style of having a long parting in the young boys of the same age either wear 'pyjamas and middle with a single plait at the back is now becom­ shirl' or half pant and shirt, the later being common :ng quite common among the Banjarins as it is easy .for school going ones. to make and no second ·1~dy is needed for tying up the hair. Difference in the .dresses of Banjara males observed in the Union Territory, usually depends more upon Ornaments the type or occupation which they handle than on their choice. Ornaments of silver and beads form an integral For example the man handling his traditional work part of their dress even today. Even the poorest of of wattle making would always prefer to wear the :he Banjarins were noticed having one or two pieces simple and comfortabJe clothes consisting of a white of ornaments on their bodies. cotton 'Dhoti', a cotton 'Kurta' (loose collarless shirt) The most important and a must for all women is of some coarse material with a 'Pugree' or turban on a 'Hasli'-a ,stiff ring around the neck, mostly of his head, while the man working in some office would silver. may be. thiCk or thin depending upon the like to wear pant and shirt, a western type of dress. economic status of the family. This 'Hasli' is present- Those who us_(! pant and shirt type of dress outside ed to girl at the time of marriage by her in-laws. Many the house also Wear the above mentioned 'Dhoti­ pendants and necklaces of cowrie shells, beads'sfrings I Kurta' iR their leisure time to feel easy. and of silver are also worn \>esides long 'Haars' of I Previously a typical Banjara would not have- garland types known by different names of 'Hamel',;' 'for~ ~ IFlaar' and 'Mala' according to the different designs, gotten to add a 'Hukka' or bubble bubble, ....1. 'Santa' or a small stick, a 'Daman' or some 8-10 Y£lwt-Iong possession of which denotes better economic condition , ...._J.)f the family. '. strong rope and a 'Danda' or long bamboo'stick -to I ~" ',< \ his traditional dress of 'Dholi' 'Kurta' 'Safa' or turban -. On thek wrists they wear slIver bracel~ts along" and 'Juiti' (unla~ed shoe) while going ~u't for'busine~ witlcgUtssbangles sbmetimes/exfending right upto the but today not much importance is given to all these elbow. The ornament which is worn above the elbow !hings. Once in a while during :the. cattle f_ciir season: in the. upper arm is quit~ different i.n shape an? design tn the Rural areas one can 'come across \ Banjaras } and~""17knoWn. ~/s ;Xllar' by the women· dressed like this. Majqrity will be of the aged"persons / as the younger generation considers this dress out- Simil~rlY a _. :nilinoer of anklets, all made of' silver. are .used in the lower legs by, the women. I dated and old fas?ione~ .. But inspite of considering it \ . outdated the Ban]ara -~rtdes and grooms are dressed Generally one or two pieces like 'Chudia' (bangles) in their traditional /costume ! -' even today. -. \ and--Kare. (anklets) are common with the females of \ A Banjara woman in her 'ttaditional dress and ,ornaments. Ornaments on the wrist and arm.

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Ornaments on the leg~. 31 an average family for daiiy use. Young girls do not dered highly obnoxious by them. On festive occasions wear many ornaments with the exception of a few like Holi, Saloonay and Diwali, speciul food l)f fried glass ba~gles and bead necklaces but mostly they do pan cakes or 'Puris', 'Gulgule' (preparation of wheat not wear anything in their necks. flour and Jaggery) and 'Ladoos' (round balls of gram flour and sugar) etc. is cooked and distributed even A special kind of nose stud known as 'Purli' is used among the neighbourhood. At marriages and other only by the married women. Besides, at special occa­ community meals .. 'Puris' along with some vegetables sions 'Nath' or nose-ring is also used. are served to the guests. Tops like ornaments worn in the ear lobes are The Banjaras have been reported to be found of termed 'Boondani' in their own language. These are liquor and the habit is not considered bad if one can either of gold, silver or beads. afford it. Even young boys were reported to be con­ Some men from well-to-do families were noticed suming it in front of their parents especially on festive using simple ear-rings called 'Murkis' in their ear occasions. The change found in this habit of theirs i~ lobes. This practice is now almost given up as no that noy\' they are taking it less frequently and anI,}! young man was noticed with the 'Murkis'. inside their houses. The Banjaras smoke quite frequently as one would Tattooing rarely find a man sitting without his 'Hukka'-hubblc­ bubble. Some have started smoking 'Bidis' and Besides being a form of beauty aid, the practice cigarettes but aged people still prefer the 'Hukka'. of tattooing among the Banjaras of Delhi carries a Even some of the young boys were noticed smoking religious notion also as it is supposed to be carried Bidis in the villages. It is not strange to find a woman away by the person, into the other world, after death. smoking in front of everybody but generally aged or For this reason tattooing was found so common among middle aged women do so. the Banjaras of today. Aged males and females were noticed having lots of tattoo . marks on their arms, wrists, palms. necks, faces alld even on legs in the Language fann of floral and geometrical patterns, figures of The Banjal'as are bilingual as they speak the locai birds and simple dots. This practice is now diminish­ language viz., Hindi while conversing with the out­ ing in the sense that instead of having congested siders and their dialect Rajasthani language which pattern like the aged persons have, the younger genera­ they term Mewati-as being the language of Men tion prefers to have personal names or one or two tribe of Rajasthan. while conversing with community dots tattooed on their fore-umls or at the back of members. Grierson too in his 'Survey of Indian their palms. Languages' mentions Mewati as being the language spoken in Alwar a'ad North of Mewar by shepherds J'ood and Drink Habits and Gujars of semi-nomadic' habit. The Banjaras are found to be non-vegetarian by As the Banjaras tract? their origin from Rajast4an habit but their staple food is vegetarian as they do it is quite natural for them to cll.11 Mewati-one of not, take meat everyday. Their everyday food consists the languages of Rajasthan>as their language. Stran­ of 'Chapattis' or rice taken either with some 'Daal' or gely enough when they speak this it seems to include pulse or with some 'Subzi'-vegetable. Sometimes in terms and expressions Q;f other lllnguagcs of the pro­ poor families the Chapattis are consumed with some vinces adjoining Rajasthal).. It can be therefore conjec­ pickle or Gur (Jaggery) only. Meat is taken once or , tured that while the Banjaras wandered from place twice in a week by certain well-to-do families and to place. they a9ded t6 their language_ a few local that too only goat's meat as pork and beaf is cansi- terms and words from the places they visited.

CLAS':lrFW"\TION OF THFJ BAN,TA'tA"l OF THE UN £ON TERRITORY INTo DIFFERENT EDUCATIONAL CATEGORIES c.

Serial Total IUrb~n Rural No. Categories ,------, ,------::--~----~ ,-----_,.....A..-----, Males Females Total :Male,! Females Total MaleS :Females Tots'll .

". 1 Illiterates (4;3·9) (56:1) (100·0) (83'4) (16'6) 939 I 1,201 c2,149 758 1,027 1,785 181 174 35 2 Literates without educational lovel . 261 IS tun73'8) 279 208 16 224 53 " -_ 2 55.1 (11,1) . I -- -Sr- ~ 3 Primary or .Tun.ior B,~sio . 89 3, (24;·3) 61 "'3 - 28 1\ / / .28 , 92 ',.\ ' , (3'7) \ - \ 4 Matriculate and above 7 '1 (1'9) //.- \ \ 7 ! 5 ,--~-- 5 ,,____ 2 2 (0·3) , " "I ----- Total 1,296 1,222 2,518 , 1,032 ~,046 2,078 264 /176 440 [ (H}(}'() Total Literates f- 378 / \ 32

Education out of which again greater number is of those who received only elementary education upto the standard The Banjaras do not seem to be much enthusiastic of Primary or Junior Basic. Even the females play in the field of education as is quite clear from the almost a negligible role (only 3) as even today they table given on page No. 31, where the exte'llt of lite­ were found to be quite skeptical abeut female educa­ racy has been found only 11.1 % (378 persons) out of tIOn. According to them school type oil education spoils the children in a way that they start disobeying the total Banjara population according to 1961 Ccnsu~ data. The remami'ng 84.9% (2,140) are illiterate ill their parents. The aged women like 'Dad is' (grand:' which the females out-number the males. mothers) were found to be greatly againsi education of their grand daughters as their marriages are delayed Out of the total literate Banjaras (378), a consider­ which is highly objectionable in Banjara community. able number is of those who have never been to the Although the age of marriage for the girls is 15 years schools (279 persons) showing thereby their disinterest and above yet they are not sent to the schools. Almost in school type of education. There are only 99 persons in all the cases the daughters are given training in out of the total literates who can be said literates in cooking, housekeeping and embroidery etc. at home the true sense meaning that they had some schooling, by their mothers a,nd grandmothers. .

DISTRIBUTION OF THE POPULATION IN DIFFERENT INDUSTRIAL CATEGORIES

Delhi Total Delhi Urban Delhi Rural ~ __~ ~ __---A Serial Industrial Categories ,--.------~------, No. Males Females Total Males Fem~les Total Males Females Total

1 As Cultivators

2 As Agricultural Labourers 4 4 4 4 (0·5) 3 In Mining Quarrying etc. 8 8 (1·1) .. 8 8 (100·0) (88·2) (11·8) 4 At Household Industry 86 66 152 69 65 134 17 1 18 ,. . (20·8) (100·0) (95·0) 8 (5·0) 5 In Manufacturing other than H.H. Industry - 153 7 160 14;5 7 152 8 (21·9) 6 In COnstruotion 29 6 35 29 6 35 .. .. (4;·8) (54·2) (4;5 ·8) (100·0) 37 8 :--.'!5 21 17 38 7 In Trade and Commerce 58 25 83 (11·4;) 8 In Transport & Storage • 4;2 2 44 4;2 2 44 .... (6·0) (100·0) (78·4) (21·6) 9 In·Other SerVices 222 23 245 171 21 192 51 2 53 . (33·5)

Tutal (82·4) (17 '6) (100·0) (81·9) (18·1) (100·0) (84·5) (15·5) (100·0) 60.2 129 731 4;\)3 109 602 109 20 129 (100·0) (82·4) (17·6)

It is clear from the table that higher education is main occu,Pation because they were always on the nil among them as not a single person has been listed move in groups or 'Tandas' with all their bag and in any of the categories above matriculation. Those baggage on the bullo~k carts and other cattle head who could reach upto the standard of Matrie or which ~ll, of them used to possess. i~ large numbers, / Higher Secondary are only 7 males, 5 from urban and, ~hlCh were the. only D?-eans of trans~~tation at! and 2 from the rural areas. that hme. Th~ BanJaras a.lso acted as Kmg's meST , sengers commIssariats and suppliers of grocery articleS - to the armies in ancient times. Even now some male Occupation & EconomiC Life I -... a m(!ntion of receiving gallantry awards from the It. is an acce~ted fact no'Y that tradi~onaliy thf-___ B~·itish officers, ~fter~Jhe Wqrld' War II in the reign BanJara commumty as a whole were of merchants ana /-0£ George V. QUlt(\a good D!lmber of them had served traders who used to be in business froth time im": _~~¥!1_ghgL~nd ot_!ler importa~t armies. '" memorial due to which they got their present-name 'Banjara' meaning a trader. \': 'The Banjaras of' DeIhl are of the oplmon that Accordin"g. to the, m their'main' occupa~ion.' was buy-

, .1 ~ ,1 Young boys on way to school. ;

Children learning -elementary Hindi. Stitching lessons for young girls ill the centre.

Adult education in the Centre. 33 time almost all of them were illiterate and unskilled According to some aged and ex.perienced women raw hands. So some picked up labourer's jobs and the expecting mother must take at least half a seer of some got themselves engaged in agricultural activities milk plus a little bit of a mixture of dried powdered in rural areas with the help of J ats. A few started the coconut, ghee, and sugar everyday in the morning. business of cattle rearing and selling the milk. This will add to her strength. The expectant mother continues to manage her domestic chores until some­ Those Banjaras who happened to start their settled body either from her in-laws or par'lllt's side comes to life in the urban areas somehow or other learnt the . releave her of her duties. art of wattle making or 'Sirkiband' which does not require skill of a high order. They are known by the The delivery cases always take place at home. At name of 'Sirkiband' or 'Sirkiband Banjaras' and have the eleventh hour the local 'dai' or untrained mid­ been mistaken for a separate caste group many times wife is called to help the patrimonal in delivering the in the Union Territory because most of them are carry­ child. The 'dai' is mostly of Chuhra caste-otherwise ing this trade. Women were found to be well trained taken to be an untouchable. in this art and they help their males in their spare A separate corner. if not a room, in the house is times. selected for the purpose which is temporarily seclud­ Some males and females were observed doing ed from the surroundings by hanging an old bed sheet pedlar's job. They mostly belong to the poorer class. or bed cover as a curtain. This particular room or The women go out carrying big baskets on their heads comer is never used as kitchen in future. in which they keep things like, thread, needle, combs, At the time of accouchment besides a midwife two threadplats, bindi, kajal, beads and some bracelets or three elderly women of the neighbourhood are and necklaces made up of heads by themselves, for also present who may also help if needed. The placenta selling. Sometimes they include hand made toys and is cut and buried in 'Ghura' or a heap of waste allied things also. One or two have been reported to by the 'dai'. Her job is also to wash and clean the be glass bangle sellers known by the name of mother or Zaccha and child besides washing their 'Maniaris' in the territory. These pedlars are found clo:hes, for which she gets Rs. 5/- or more depending in greater number in the Rural areas. upon ones means plus, some grains (minimum one Similarly for the males, service is preferred these seer). The 'dai' attends the mother and the child for days. Some of them have been reported to be 3erving ten more days. Everyday in the morning she massages in Government offices like Delhi Electricity Supply the mother and the child and gives them a hot water Undertaking and Delhi Transport Undertaking in the bath. capacity of mechanics, linesmen, drivers, peons. and The birth of a son is greatly rejoiced by the Ban­ chowkidars. These are considered better sources of jaras as, is the case everywhere and they announce it income as after one month a fixed amount of money by beating a brass plate outside the delivery room. comes to the employees. It is the sale perogative of father's sister of the new There are still some Banjaras in Delhi who are big bora baby for which she receives Rs. 1.25 or more traders dealing in wholesale business either of wood, from her brother. She may also get a new set of clothes bamboo. ropes and other allied things or wattle mak­ if the son is the first one in the family. On the other ing or even in cattle though the lasti ones are very hand birth of a daughter is announced very quietly. few in number living in Rural areas and all were . After washing and cleaning everything in the de­ noticed to be quite rich. lIvery room the child is given 'Ghutti-a warm sweet solutio'll of 'Gur' or jaggery with the hope of clean­ Analysis of the 1961 Census data for Industrial ing the internal structure of the new born. The child Classification shows that 29.0% of the Banjara popu­ is put to mother's breast only after three days, till lation (23.9% males and 5.1 % females) are workers then only Ghutti is given to him/her. and 71.0% are non-workers. 11.3% of the total Ban­ jara workers have been listed in the category of Trade To Zaccha (mother) a speCIal preparation of and Commerce 45 in Urban and 38 in Rural areas. A~wain. (Thymol), Hald~ (Turmeric) and coarse sugar mIxed III equal proportIOn of Desi Ghee (clarified The predominance of them in category No. IX of b~tter) is given thrice in a day. No other food is other services (245) also points towards their present gIVen to her, not even milk which she can take only trend of going in for services rather than for category after ten' days of chil'd birth. .. Nos. J, II and III (Cultivators, Agricultural labourers and Mini'ng & Quarrying). The next two industrial .Some p~cautions are taken against bad air and cate?ories which follow the above category of other evIl eye to prevent the mother and child from their servIces are those of Manufacturing other than (house­ bad ~ffect. The delivery bed is surrounded on all hold) and Ho~sehold Industry holding 160 and 152 sides with aniron chain and either a latife or a simi­ persons respectIvely. lar thing is kept" under the pillow of the bed of Zaccha. A. fire Ill an Iron or, earthen vessel which IS sup­ posed to .keep' a,,:,ay an~ evil spirit from entering the The Banjaras start taking special care of the pre~­ rOohl. ThIS fire burning f)'t, more days. nant woman at least fifteen days before the approxi­ wl~l ~~ntt!1_ue 5 Nob<;>dy from outsld~ 6lier than the 'Very near female ~a.te day of the birth as suggested by the lady Health relatIves of the fanitly are allowed to see" the mother ~S!tor of the nearby Health Centre. These Health and the child. Even the father of the cllild is not· ,. VISItors ~re now-a-days consulted by i all expectant allowed to enter the' delivery room until the first siJ\ mot~rs In Rural as well as in the Urb~ areas. days are O'reT, . . 34

On the first Sunday which falls after the birth, a the family or whenever they feel like spending money Pandit, usually a Gaur Brahmin who serves Banjara on feeding (he whole 'Biradri' or brotherhood. Accord­ community, is invited to do 'Havana' in the delivery ing to some Banjaras this feast of Dasotan is generally room. The Banjaras believe that fire purifies every­ given after the fulfilment of certain wish of the thing in the house which is supposed to be polluted family concerning the birth of a child. The most by the touch of Zaccha. After this some cooked food common wish is, "0 Bagwan, Tu Meri J ori Se J ori is distributed among 5 to 7 young girls of their own Miladc To Mai Dasotan Karunga" meaning "0" God community which is known as 'Kanya Jimana'. The if you bless me with another child to make a pair, Pandit is paid Rs. 1.25 and some food is also offered I \vill give Dasotan feast in your honour". to him. On the same day he is consulted about the first alphabet of the name of the new bDrn and is also God Lena or Adoption asked to prepare his/her 'Janam Kundli' or horo­ scope. Adoption is not common among the Banjaras of D..:lhi but anybody wishing to adopt a child. must Until the ceremony of 'Chati Poojan' on the 6th cake it from his own community with full knowledge day is performed, the Zaccha (new mother) never of the brotherhood. comes out of her room. The delivery room is swept clean in the morning of 'Chati' day and the Zaccha Marriage is dressed in her new clothes. A female figure of Be­ Mala-the maker of children, is made on the floor Previously infant marriage was a rule but now it near the bed by the dai. I~ is worshipped by lighting has been completely stopped. However, a betrothal a dough lamp before the image along with some may take place in the childhOOd but the marriage o!ferings of Ghec (claritled butter), Porridge and one will be solemnised when the boy and the girl attain cowrie which is expected to please the deity so that age 20 lo 21 years and 15 to 16 respectively. she will write a good fate for the new born. After Care is taken to avoid any incestuous relationship wards the Zaccha is fed on Porridge i.e., she is given in marital alliances for which a match is always solid food for the first time on this day. searched inside their. own community leaving aside four gotras i.e., of father, mother, Dadi (father's In the evening the ceremony of well digging is rH'Jlhcr) and Nafl; (mother's mother). They also prac­ performed by the Zaccha, only if she has given, birt!: t ice territorial exogamy. Previously marriage within to a son. She comes out of her room and digs a ditch t.he radius of 10---12 miles of ones residence was in the courtyard of the house. Other women bring prohibited. Now the marriages mostly take place out~ pots full of water from outside the house and help side ones locality or village of residence. They are the Zaccha in filling the ditch giving it the ~hape of strongly opposed to marriage by exchange. a small well. As reported by the Banjaras of the Union . T~rritory, this prac.tic~ the r~minisccncc pi Keeping in mind these few points search for a suit­ well dlggmg ceremony whIch they useo to have for­ able boy starls from the girl's side. A relative or a merly 0'11 the birth of a son. At that time, each time fric:nd of the family ac:s as an 'Agua'. Mnrriages are a woman gave birth to a son, a well used to be dug always arranged by negotiation and these negotiations it:1 the locality by that particular family. After the wor­ many times consume as much as two YCl!,fS time un­ ship the ditch is closed by filling it with earth. less both the parties are fully satisfied and give their consent. During the field visit it comes out that mostly Since the p~riod of pollution lasts for 40 daJ u, "" they take the bride price ranging from Rs. 500 to 1000 the 40th day the whole house is swept clean. Some though some persons do not accept it. 'Ganga Jal' or Ganges water is sprinkled inside the house in order to purify everything. The bedding of After the acceptance of the proposal some elderly the Zaccha is given 10 the washerman for washing m

.~ . I ;1 l , l. J

" Head of- a .... ,- BanjaraI _- Family.

_/

/ Typilcal hair style.

~.

I i Sweet and milk is offered to' Shiva. I. I 35 airIs's side in which apart from writing the w~ole m;:nt consisting of 'Sharbat' (sweet solution) etc. is marriage programme, the boy's parents and relatIves served to them. are invited to participate in the marriage. They are After laking rest for some time the marriage party also informed aboul the number of 'Baans' Of oil starts for the bride's residence. As soon as the groom baths to be taken by the boy and the girl on both the reaches the main entrance of the house, bride's mother sides. These oil baths are fixed in odd numbers a~d :lppJies Tilak on his forehead, performs 'Arti' and are always two less for the girl. The ?il baths begm then gives him Rs. 10. She brings two 'Lotas' (bronze two days earlier at b?y's -pla~e, in:me~lately after IlK' pols) full of water into which the father or ~ardian receipt of 'Lagan Kl ChIlhl whIch l~ ~ent. through of the bridegroom drops Rs. 5. If the m~er is either a relative or a friend from the gIrl s SIde. a. widow then some aunty or any other female 'relative of the same statLls (mother's status) will perform all The prospective bride and groom are massag~d by their respective sisters and 'Bhuas' (father's sisters) these ceremonies. A song most usually sung at this time is a sort of conversation between the bride and with a thick paste of roasted b~rley flour, must~rd oil and turmeric, daily before theIr baths. At the tIme the groom in a starlit night. The bride tells the groom of first oil bath some 'Puja (worship) is performed under the shade of infinite number of stars of the sky ro buy her a 'chura' (a set of bangles) and present it by the Brahmin on both the sides who ties a 'Kang~a' (a red thread with an iron ring. a clove and a cowne) ro her with his own hands. After sometime she in­ on their wrists. Ladies sing songs to mark the occa­ forms him that she has already got another 'chura' sion. Sweets are distributed among the neighbours and in his absence. Then the husband enquires about who gave her and with whose permission she is wearing relatives. it. The wife answers that his younger brother has Either on the actual marriage day or one day be­ presented her in his absence. After these ceremonies fore the respective maternal uncles of the bridegroom the groom is sent back to the place of rest and food and the bride bring 'Bhat (gifts of clothes and orna­ IS served to the marriage party. ments). This in fact is the contribution of the mater­ A little before the time of 'Pheras' (circumambulance) nal grand-parents of the boy and the girl to be the last oil bath is given to the prospective bride. She married. towards the marriage. is then given a water bath and dressed in new set of clothes brought by the relatives of the groom. Her In the morning of the wedding day marriage pole old dress along with glass bangles (Kuar Patti) which or 'Manda' is erected in the courtyard of the bride's she was wearing at the time of last oil bath is put in house around which marriage ceremonies will take an earthen plate and placed in a Chauraha (crossing place. For this a square piece of ground is selected of four roads) by her father. Further she is made to in the courtyard of the house which is plastered with wear a 'Hasli' (a stiff ring of gold or silver around some cowdung, for the sake of purification. 'Vedi' is the neck), a nose-stud and red glass bangles and is erected there i.e.. branches of banana tree are erected escorted by her friends to the 'Vedi'. She is made to at four comers of the square ground which is further sit near the groom on a wooden plank in front of the decorated with mango leaves and coloured paper lace sacred fire under the 'Vedi'. The Brahmin sits just called 'Bandanwars'. opposite to them and performs Havana. The prospectIve groom after the completion of last Before the 'Pheras' 'Kanyadan'---,-a ceremony of oil bath, wears clothes brought by his maternal uncles giving away one's daughter to the boy, is performed in the 'Bhat'. The sister or his father's· sister plants by the bride's father. He gives his daughter to the a hand besmeared with a mixture of turmeric and groom in front of everybody and the sacred fire. At rice on his back before he rides on the mare or horse this time relatives and friends of the bride side con­ back. tribute money and other things which are collectively given to the groom alongwith the bride by her father As the Banjaras practice territorial exogamy, th: in the form of Dahej or dowry. Now the binding 'Barat' (marriage parties) usually have to come from part of the ceremony starts. One end of the girl's a distance. so they take bus, tongas or bullock carts 'Odhni' or headgear is tied with one e'nd of boy's etc. whatever conveyance suits them to reach the 'Patka' or waist cloth and then they are made to bride's residence. The marriage party may be accom­ take seven rounds of the sacred fire. The Brahmin panied with drummers. pipe players etc. to add to starts reciting vedic mantras loudly. In the first 3! the outward show of the party. pheras the groom is ahead of the girl and in the rest 3+ the bride. At the time of pheras. Dawla (a sad The groom's mother among the Banjaras also song) is usualJy sung by the ladies. This song conveys gives her breast for sucking to her son before the the helplessness -of-all girls' fathers who- have to send departure of the Barat. With this she blesses the son off their",daughters after marriage despite of their great to come back with a beautiful bride. Other ladies love and affection, with a stranger because· of the ClIS­ sing a song in which the groom's mother is advised tom of society. not to go to the house of her son's-in-Iaws as they Further in a consoling>:eway; they-explain the well­ are bad people and will forcibly shut her in; known fatt that even the .. most powerful persons and The groom's party is received by a few elderly grea,t ~ing.s were' un.able to keep their daughters with then,. InSpIte of havmg _money and powe;:;/ members of bride's family who very respectfully' take; • - I - -' them to a place for rest already reserved for the pur- . It reveals that the line of family continues- with the pose. Usually. a big temple, Chaupal or any other sons but on a daughter's birth they dig a 'Khan.dla' buildin~ spacious enough to accommopate 50-;--60 i.e., a ditch because at one" time they have to / part people IS selected for the purpose. Some J1ght refresh- with her. / 36

Next day in the morning the groom's party returns After covering almost half of the distance the bier with the girl. Before their departure. all near rela­ is placed on the ground under some shady tree. and tives of the girl meet her by embracmg and each everybody sits around in order to take some rest. 'Ibis member gives her some money. A local female stopping' in between is termed 'Aaram Dena', Maizil bangle seller 'Maniari' is called who presents a set Dena or 'Ada! Badal' because the carriers usually of red glass bangles to the bride against cash pay­ ,..;hange their positions at this spot. ment from her parents. The rest of the journey finishes without any further The bride returns to her parents after spending two halt and ihc funeral procession reaches the cremation or three days '¥iih her In··laws. If she has already pas­ ground Tl:ere, the bier is placed on a raised plat­ sed the pub~rty stage then the 'Gauna' or nuptial cere­ form meant for the purpose. The dead body is then mony takes place a few months after the marriage. covered with a layer of cowdung cakes upon which For this the boy is invited to take back his wife from 7f maunds of wood is arranged in the form of a pyre. her parent's house. Once more the ceremony of Vida Ghet:" is sprinkled o~er it, so that on lighting, it catches is repeated. But if the girl is too young then she stays th:e rro1_TI all the SIdes. As reported by the Banjaras with her parents for two or three years till she 01 DelhI amongst them the pyre is generally lit by the attains pUberty. accompanying Brahmin and in the absence of the Brahmin, by anyone else.' The fire with which the Polygamy is not a common practice among the pyre is to be lighted is always carried throughout the Banjaras of the Union Territory but in case of the way from the deceased person's home, in the form of sterility of the first wife, a man can take a second a smouldering cowdung cake. An earthen pot full of wife. But then he· is expected to provide food and waler and a long bamboo stick are also carried along clothings for both wives. Sometimes the custom of with the fire. junior levirate, prevalent among them also helps in polygamy. For instance, if the elder brother of a Ban­ When the body is half burnt somebody from the jara man leaves behind his widow then the younger deceased's family throws the bamboo stick across the brother is expected to keep the widow with him, of burning pyre with the utteran::e of these words, "Tere course with her consent. Otherwise she is at full se Ham Juda Au!" Tu Ham se Juda" meaning thereby liberty to choose her new husband outside the family that "now w~ are separated from you and you from of her deceased hllSband. By doing so ~he losses all us". The water in the earthen pot is sprinkled towards c1aim on the property and her new husband has to the head side of the pyre. pay some cash to her father-in-law. In this way The mouming family does not cook any food in widow marriage is permitted among the Banjaras and their own house on the first day and the food is us­ it is known by the name of 'Karao'. In 'Karao' no ually sent by the neighbours. 'phera' ceremony is performed. o'Dly the boy goes and brings the widow to hi·, house. Sometimes a very quiet L the morning of the third day after the death, feast is also given to the brolherhood by the groom SOUl';: ncar ,relatives or family members of the dead but it is not a must. man go to' th~ cremation ground 1\'ith some 'Sharbat' or sweet solution to be kept on the spot after collect­ It was reported that divorce is discouraged and ing the bories. In most of the cases these bones. are regarded as an unhealthy sign. According to 196J immersed in J amuna or any other flowing water near­ Census data on marital status, 4 persons, one male by. A few Banjaras who are themselves to 'be some­ and three females are returned as divorced .. ,what better off take the bones to the Ganges for immersion. In no case these are brought home ot to Death Rites any other place of their residence a,s it is considered inau,spicious. While travelling in a train or bus With These days the Banjaras cremate their deac;l with the. bones, generally the bag containing them As hung the exception of children below five years of age and '; from .the neck of the person !a~ing it 1i1.c.e a~.ga-rland so that he may not mIsplace It III the way. in cases where death has occurred due to small pox . t disease. Previously they used to bury their young un­ This inar~s the end· of mourning period. For.! old married daughters also but now they are cremated. . pe~ot1s on the 10th day some cooked rice is distri­ buted in f,he brotherhqod and on the tfiirteenth day After removing the clothes from the dead body. it used clothes. of the d~ceased :;tre handed over io the is given a bath by a few near relatives and is then sweeper whereas a new set of clothes is given to the covered with 71 yards long cloth which is always 'Acharaj' (degraded Brahmin who officiates 'funeral white for the males and coloured for the females r:eremames). . . . (mostly red). For carrying, the corpse is tied with -\ ." ropes on a bamboo bier bought from the market. If the dead man leaves behInd his widow then ~U While placing the dead body an the bier it is always signs of her ma~ed, life, i.e., 'Sindoor' (Vermilion). kept in mind that its head should point towards glass bangles, KaJal (lamp black soot) and nose stiId North and feet towards South. etc. are destro~ed illongwith the dead hody. It sigrii­ ~es that the w!dow now cannot .wear all these things First, the sons and !!Tandsons of .the deceased car~ 1ll her f~ture hfe unl~ss and untJ] she gets\{emarried ... the bier on their shoulders; they are later relieved by The BanJaras of DeIhl have set a rule that DO widow others in the way. If there are no sons and grandsons can get married within the time, period of 11 months then some other four persons belonging to the dead of her .husband's death and if she breaks the rule she man's gotra will carry him. Women do not accom­ will be outcasted. So, for a fresh widow the mourrting pany the funeral procession, period extends upto l1- months.' , it was gathered from the informants that they do practice has been greatly minimised with the exception not observe any 'Shradhas' or 'Kanagats'-a 15 days of one or two cases which occur once in a blue moon. period of honouring one's family dead by offering Formerly the Banjaras made it a means of attaining food in their names. higher status in their society. Even today some aged persons remember one Kaaj where all guests were On the last day of this fifteen Qay period, i.e., on allowed to drink 'Desi Ghee' to their own satisfaction Amavas (moonless day) termed as Kanagati Amavas at the request of the host. by them, they cook 'Khir' (a preparation of milk and rice in their houses and put it on a 7 leaves platter Last month somebody at village Badli performed outside the house to be eaten by the crows. Some Kaaj of his parents, 10 years aftel their death and a religious minded people also feed one or two cows on participant informed us that there were as many as the occasion. three hundred guests who took the food consisting of 'Puris' (fried pan cakes) and 'Laddoos' (sweet rounded The Banjaras commemorate the death of their balls). Females do not participate in such feasts. only parents in a slightly different way by throwing a big children and males attend it. feast to the whole brotherhood including the Banjaras of the surrounding villages. This is known as 'Kaaj Religion Kama'. There is no fixed time limit within which 'Kaaj' should be performed. People can do this at any All the Banjaras of Delhi have strong faith in Guru time, i.e.. five, ten or even more years after the death Baba Nanak-the founder of Sikh religion. But they of their par(!nts, whenever they feel themselves capable are not particular about the outward observances of of meeting lhe required expenditure because feeding lhe Sikhs such as keeping a beard or growing long hair so many persons is not an easy task. Now-a-days this on their heads.

DISTRIBUTION OF THE BANJARAS ACCORDING TO THEIR RELIGION IN RURAL AND URBAN AREAS-1961 CENSUS

Name of Religion Area --" Total Hindu Sikh r- I .... Persons Males Females Males Females Males Femal

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

Delhi Total 2,518 1,296 1,222 1,281 1,214 15 8

Delhi Urban 2,078 1,032 1,,046 1,017 1,038 15 8 Delhi Rura.l • • • • 440 264 176 264 176

Not a single Sikh Banjara has been listed in Rural Some Banjaras believe that after securing the head areas whereas during the course of our present investi­ c.he Banjara took it to Guru Govind Singh-another gation we came across three Sikh Banjara residing in Sikh hero of the time, somewhere in Punjab. who then Narela and also some were reported to be living in took a pledge to destroy the Mughals. Anyway it is the surrounding villages. a well known fact everywhere that the Banjaras have Those who are clean shaven wear 'Kara'-an iron done a great service to the Sikhs by obtaining the bangle around their wrists. like the Sikhs and still head out of the prison cell against the challenge of firmly claim themselves to be true followers of Sikhism ,~.urangzeb. Even now some of them are rendering for it was a Banjara Sikh who managed to steal the their services in the Gurudwaras of Delhi. Today they so wanted cut head of Guru Teg Bahadur from the claim the ownership of Gurudwara Rakab Ganj. Ac­ well protected prison cell of Mughal Emperor Aurang· cording to them at one time it was a residential place zeb and took it safely to Delhi. It was reported that of the Banjaras. They hold Guru Nanak in great after beheading Guru Teg Bahadur treacherously, reverence. He is vanerated on every occasion before Aurangzeb--who was then in great power, enforced starting and after finishing a work. during the flairs great security everywhere in the city so that nobody Rnd festivals and even when they are in distress. The could take away the body and head of the Sikh hero. Banjaras of Delhi visit Sikh Gurudwaras at least every Some how or o~her a Banjam happened to enter Sunday and pay their homage. the fort and stole the head. He brought it out safely without anybody's knowledge by hiding it in the lug­ Besides worshipping Guru Nanak, they honour gage loaded on the back of a bull and escaped towards other Hindu deities like Rama, Krishna. Hanumana Delhi. When enroute he had to cross the Jamna and Lord Shiva to whom offerings of flowers, sweets river. then in spate. with great difficulty but he ulti­ and cow's milk are made from time to time. For in­ mately succeeded in his mission and brought it where stance Rama is worshipped especially on Ram Navmi today the famous Sikh shrine Gurudwara Sisbganj is day and Krishna on Janam Ashtami day. Hanumana standing. on every tuesday and Shiva on Shivratri. They also L/P(D)4CCODalbi-5 "..aVe 'faith in some of the goddesses like 'Nagarkot-ki­ only as on this day they take leave off from their Devi', 'Gurgaon-Wali-Mata' and 'Shitla Mata'. The kitchen and other household work because the family first one is worshipped at the time of first hair c~t­ members eat 'Pakwans' prepared on the previous day. ting ceremony of the child, the second one dunng People visit nearest Gurudwaras to pay their homages Nauratas arid the thttd oo.e on the outbreak of small and to pray to Guru Baba Nanak for a long life. All pox in the ,house. married women and recently married young boys ap­ ply 'Mehndi' on their palms. They go for swinging, Cattle worship has been narrowed down to cow dressed in their best clothes. They sing songs and enjoy worShip only. Where there are cows in the families themselves. the elder member offers her one chapatti after touch­ i~g her feet early in the morning before starting any Raksha Bandhan and Janam Ashtami work. Moreover selling of a cow is considered bad by most of the Banjaras. These two festiv<.lls fait ill the months of Shrawan and Bhadon respectively and are celebrated in no They do not have any temples of their own in the different way than the celebrations by the caste Union Territory as they always had a free as cess to Hindus. all temples because they did not suffer from any social disability. These days whenever they feel like Dussehra they visit temples and shrines and also attend reli­ It is celebrated in the usual way with the exception gious gatherings. Sometimes such gatherings are ar­ that in the morning they take a bath in the Jumna ranged at their own places. and feed one or two Brahmins on 'Khir' (a preparation of milk and rice). ' Brahmins officiate their functions and accept kaccha and puckka food from their hands. Like high caste Dewali Hindus, Ganges are held in great esteem which is sup­ posed to wash or remove all sins of a person. For It falls in the month of Kartik (Oct./Nov.). Besides repentance, a man is 11lc;de to bath in the Ganges doing 'Laxmi Pooja' (worship of goddess of Wealth), alongwith feeding two or three cows. the Banjaras worship 'Durga Mata' by paying a visit to the temple at 'Gurgaon' or 'Nagarkot'. Whosoever The Banjaras do not have faith in Bhoots and visits them on Dewali day is feasted on 'Pakwans' Churels. There is nothing like evil spirit existing in which in their own words is 'Kunbe Ka Bhandara \he atmosphere. Despite this, some females and child­ Khul J ata Hai'. Houses are illuminated with earthen ren were noticed wearing black threads and amulets lamps. around their necks and after deep probing it was re­ vealed that they are still having belief in evil eye. Basara Triangular or conic::] hom~ is consider inauspicious whereas those having a 'Dpvj Kr1 Sathan' or image Basor~ is observed a few days before Holi usually of some God at the top of the main entrance are sup­ in the month of 'Shrawan'; ·-·Eor this 'Sier Mata'­ posed to bring prosperity and good luck to the family. temporarily made, by keeping a big stone in one comer A house with 'Devi Ka Sathan' at the top is a way of the house, is worshipped with food cooked on the to give highest honour to the goddess. previous day. This food consists of 'Khir', rice and sweet 'Pakoras' and is taken by aU the fiupily mem- Festivals / bers. The Banjaras celebrate almost all main festivals Holi common to the caste Hindus elsewhere, within their own meagre limitations. No peculiarity or difference iIt falls in the month of 'Phalgun' (Marchi April) in their celebration of these festivals was; repQ,rte~ and for this reason in rural a:eas it is 'known as and also they do not have any special festivals per'~ , 'Phagua'. Holi or Phagua is celebrated' with great taining to their caste. Following are some· of the few zest by the Banjaras. j 'Pakwans' are cooked two: three caste Hindu festivals celebrated by the Banjaras of days before the actl..ial day: Females keep fa,i and Delhi. worship Holi. A wooden pyre erected in some 'Chaura1,1a' (crosSing pf 4 roads) with garlands ,of cow--. Ram Navmi dung cake'S. is set art fire and then they start playing' This festival generally falls in the month of 'Chaitra' with coloured water. ' (Marchi April). It is observed by keeping a fast and B~sides these, the Banjaras of Delhi quite eq'thu­ worshipping Lord Rama. They participate in religiQus - siastically take part in Guru Nanak's bitthday' (~t.1 gatherings in the temples and worship cows by giving Nov.) and Guru Arjun Dev's martyrdom 'day (May! them food consisting of rice, 'saveenya' (noodles of June) and observe these as complete holidays. ' white flour) and 'halwa' (a sort of pudding of wheat flour, sugar and ghee) which is also consumed by the Inter-community Relationship family members. Teej Neither in the past nor at present the Banjaras are considered to be untouchables, though at ohe time in This falls 'in the month of 'Shrawan' (July I August) U.P. they earned a bad reputation of being cattle and is celehrated by the, Baniaras with' great enthu­ lifters and kidnappers. Socially they hilVe never s.._uiIer­ siasm. Teej is considered the festival for the ladies ed from any disability regarding pollution by to~ch, admission to public wells. temples and other places. the cast~ members. Mterwards due to immigrations They are allowed unrestricted entry into Hindu tem­ the Ba~]aras got .scattered here and there almost every­ ples, can sit alongwith othe~ highe~ castes in religious where ill he Umon Territory. At present there have gatherings and also can build theIr houses anywhere ~en reported about six Banjara heads or Chaudarie. ill the villages. m all, some nominated and others hereditary. All Brahmins. who generally serve the higher castes also of them are quite rich and well placed in their busi­ officiate at their social and religious ceremonies and ness. These days if .somebody. invites them respect­ often visit them. They willingly accept 'Pakka Khana' fully they go, otherWIse they mmd their own business (fried food) and water from their hands as from any and do ~ot consider themselves Chaudaries at all. other high Hindu Caste. Now theIr sons are considered better as they are a little bit educated also. Similarly the J ats. Agris and Baniyas do not mind tak.l'ilg food and water from them. In inter-communal The age old custom of giving a party to the brother­ gatherings, generally people from different castes take h?od by ~he newly ~lected ?r nominated Chaudary their own 'Hukka' but if necessary it can be exchang­ stIll prevaIls and he III tum IS presented with a new ed between the Banjaras and above mentioned castes turban or 'pugree'. a sign of responsibility, by his from whom occasionally they can accept food and colleagues on the auspicious occasion of 'HoH festi­ water also. val'. Out of the lower cas:es the Banjaras avail of the Some of the present Banjara Chaudaries reported services of the village barber and village washerman. that. they are strictly against taking their intercom­ The barber serves them throughout the year on mumty cases to the law courts for decision. If some­ 'Jajmani' basis meaning thereby that he gets a fixed how <_>r o~her it reaches there, they try their level best amount of grains yearly from each Banjara family for to bnng It back and put it before the so-called caste his services. The washerman is called only at marriage Panchayat who penalise the accused in their own occasions for washing the bed spreads against cash wa~. Inte.rcommun~ty problems like the one they are payment. . j havIllg WIth the SIkhs regarding the ownership of Gurudwara Rakab Ganj in New Delhi, are of course The above observations clearly indicate the present taken to the law courts. status of the Banjaras i.e. they rank among the higher castes alongwith the 'Ja's', 'Agris' and Baniyas. The so-called Panchayat which is all powerful and in its way penalises very severally, the indulgence in vices, such as drinking, rape, abduction and breach Panchayat Organisation of caste rules etc. Some five-six years back a Banjara The type of Community organisation which the boy was fined Rs 1,600 for abducting a girl, belong­ ing to Banjara Caste. Besides imposing fine or other Banjaras of the Union Territory are having these days penalties like filling up a 'Chilam' (funnel of hubble­ cannot be termed as Panchayat in its true sense. It bubble) and carrying a basket full of shoes in :front Is just a I'eminiscence of what we call Panchayat be­ of everybody, the severe punishment is excommuni­ cause there are no set rules and regulations oil the cation or social boycott of the accused. organisation. It is a very simple structure in which the only office holder is the 'Chaudhary' who is gener­ The party desirous of calling a meeting of the caste ally hereditary. Though at the present time they also Panchayat to decide his or her case, is expected to seem to be going towards the nominated and elected stand the expenses supposed to be incurred on the food heads especially in the Urban areas yet the 'Khandani' and drinks of the heads. The number of Chaudharies or the hereditary ones are equally respected. and other presentee depend upon the seriousness of the crime. Nearly a month back a similar meeting was In ac~ordance with ~heir nomadic habits previously the Ban]aras had mobIle Panchayats (if they were held in some nearby village to decide a case against the parents of a married woman who handed her Panchayats at aU) ~ne C". "'rh moving unit or Tanda. The head or the 'Naik' of a tanda used to be con­ to some other person for Rs. 1,500 a very serious sidered all powerful in giving decisions and solving crime according to them. The meeting took place on grave matters pertaining to the Tanda. Disputes bet­ the request of her in-laws. Chaudharies of different vil­ ween two or more different Tandas were settled by lages were invited and other members of the caste the respective Naiks along with the help of certain were also informed about the date and place of the used to act like the rulers and thus were superior of meeting to be held. On the appointed day a large other members of I'f' l.ni,. N ,;1_::'s family members crowed of the Banjara assembled just to hear the all. Even now some of them are respected by other case and the judgment. Surprisingly enough this caste members. Opinion of the eldest member of the meeting continued for full one week and only after Naik's family is sought in petty quarrels and he is so much time the 'Sarpanch' or the head of all the offered the highest seat and freshly filled hubble-bub­ Chaudharies elected on the spot for the purpose, was ble in social functions like marriages etc. able to give his judgment. The father of the woman was asked to pay compensation to the in-laws or face t~ is _understood that there were two Banjara Chau­ excommunication. He paid the fine. Women in no daries III Delhi before the partition of the country, case speak in such matters. Even if they are involved who ~~ed to represent the members of their respective in the case they cannot SPeak for themselves. Their locahhe<;. It was their dmv then to decide petty dis­ ideas and views are put before the members of the putes in their localities and to maintain peace among Panchayat through some male intermediatery. 40

These days minor offenders are fined maximum tice in oreier to stop it coitlpieteiy. the families whose upto Rs. 11 which are either spent in buying and females go out for selling are looked down upon and distributing sweets among all the participants or dis­ are openly declared 10wer in status as compared to tributed equaI.cy among all' the Chaudaries of the the others. community whether they are present or not. Accord­ ing to them this is the best way to make the crime References: public. Sometimes it happens that the small sum of 2 Paise falls to every Chaudhury's lot but they have to 1. AyyangM Anan.tharayanam 'Report of the Criminal Tribes· accept it. Act Enquiry Committee', 1949· 50, p. 12, para 43. It was also reported that one such meeting known 2. Russel R. V. ; 'The Tribes & Castes of the Cen, tral Provinces of India, 1916 by the name of 'Panchmi Panchayat' is held at Gur­ Vol. II, pp. 16~ 192. gaon once in a year to decide cases. Even if there 3. Mead, P.J. &. Margregor, 'Census ReportofIndia'VoI. VII, are no cases to decide, the meeting takes place just G. Laird. Part I, 1911, p. 282. in the form of a get together of big people of the 4. R08e H.A. (Compiled by) 'A Glossary of the Tribes & community. Castes of the Punjab and N.W.P. LahOre, 1911, Vol. II, Apart from this, two other meetings of the caste pp. 62·63. Panchayat are held twice in a year at Rohtak to de­ 5. Ibbetso», D.G.l 'Report on the Census of the cide the cases of pedlar Banjaras only because there Punjab', 1881, Calcutta, 1883, are quite a number of them especially the females, p.299. engaged in this work. The Banjara Chaudaries want 8. R!Msel, fl. V. &. Hira Lal. 'The Tribes and Castes of the to abolish this practice because many times these Central Provinces of India,' London: 1916, Vol. II, pp. 162· pedlar Banjarins were accused of theft and kidnapping 192. and thus brought bad name to their community. 7. Hutton, J.H. • 'Castes in India', Bombay, 1951, Now a social stigma has been attached to this prac- p.275. THE BAZIIGAR

41

BAZIGAR

TABLE SHOWING THE DISTRIBUTION OF POPULATION OF Name, Identity, Origin and History 'B.AZlGARS' IN VARIOUS TRACTS AND ZONES. 'Bazigar' is treated as a Scheduled Caste in Punjab, Rajasthan, Himachal Pradesh and Delhi as per 1956 Population list of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. How­ Sl. Tracts/Zone r------A.. ever, 'Madari' is mentioned as its synonym in some No. Total Males Females parts of Rajasthan. Some also regard 'Badi' notified in Uttar Pradesh as a Scheduled Caste, as a synonym 1 Rural Delhi 22 22 of Bazigar. 2 Urban Delhi 386 200 186 The word 'Bazigar' literally means one who does (i) D.M.C. (Urban) 385 199 186 'Bazi'-jugglery and acrobatics. It was found that not Zone III-Karol Bagh Pa. a single person among the present day living 'Bazigars' tel Nagar 383 197 186 performs 'Bazi' i.e., their traditional Occup

It was told by 'Sansis' living in a nearby locality of The following table gives the distribution of popu­ 'Bazigars' that those so-called 'Bazigars' are in fact lation of 'Bazigars' by age and sex according to 'Sansis'. It was. stated that when those so called 'Bazi­ 1961-Census. gars' came to India during partition in 1947, they ~e~tled at Andha MugbaI where 'Sansis' were already TABLE SHOWING THE DISTRIBUTION OF POPULA,ION OF hvmg. The Government of India declared them 'San­ BAZIGA,RS BY AGE A,ND SEX sis'. But they tiled a suit in the court c1aimrng that they' not 'Sansis'. This they did to we~ 'B~zigars' a~d Age-Group Males Per· Females Per· Total Per- aVOId being Included m the erstwhile list of the centage centage centage crittlinal tri~ in which the Sansis were included. They won the case and were treated as a separate cast«:. 0-14 96 43·2 115 61·8 211 51·7 15-44 93 41·9 54] 29·0 147 36·0 History of Migration 45 and above 32 14·4 17 9·2 49 12·0 . The. fore~athers of 'B~zigars' are reported to have Age not hved Itl Bikaner long ttm_e _ligo. They migrated to stated 1 0·5 1 0·3 Kota, Karachi, Patiala State and Peshawar due to Total 222 100·00 186 100·0 408 100·0 d~t ~ondiJtions prevailing in Rajasthan. During partltiO~ In 1947, the 'Bazigars' of Peshawar migrated to DelhI a~? settled at Andha Moghul area where the caste ~bSl was already living. From Andha Mughal The above table shows that out of 222 males they' shifted to Idgah where they lived for two years 43.2 per cent are infants and children, 41.9 per cent 10 1950 t~y got thirty quarters allotted to them i~ are in age-group 15-44 and 14.4 per cent are in the Rameshwan Nehru Nagar where they are still living. age group of 45 and above. The table also shows that out of 186 females 61.8 'Population and its Distribution per cent are infants and children, 29.0 per cent are in the age-group 15-44 and the remaining 9.2 per • A~or~ing. to 1961 Census, there were in ~ll 408 cent females in the age group of 45 and above. Bazlgars In the Union Territory of Delhi out of Whom 22 were Jiving in rural areas Out of 386 It is seen that out of 408 persons, irrespective of sons living' b D Ih' . per­ sex 51.7 per cent are infants and children, 36.0 per re I . In ur an e 1. 200 were males and 186 ~ malees. BI.e, 51.8 per cent males and 48.2 per cent cent are in the age-group 15~4 and 12.0 per cent lema s. ut the 22 persons 1" • are in 45 and above age-groups. all les Th . lvmg tn rural areas were of '~~iiprs' e .folloWI~g table gives the distribution The percentage of males is higher than females fot according to C:nanous tracts and zones of Delhi 196f sus, 15~4 and 45 + age-grOl!p whereas it is lower for 0-14 age-group. - 48 44

Family, Clan, Kinship and other Analogus 'kulla' (headgear). They used to get old clothes from other people in exchange for utensils. These old clothes Divisions they (Bazigars) use after repair and wear. The tradi­ The 'Bazigars' usually live in a joint family, which lional foot-wear of 'Bazigars' was 'pashori chappal' includes parents, married and unmarried sons and un­ (a shoe with back tight system). The women wear a married daughters. The 'Bazigars' are patrilocal. A blouse with a pe,tticoat and a chunni (scarf). They woman after marriage goes to live in the husband's wear chappal or sandal as foot-wear. residence. The name and property is inherited by the The young men these days wear all types of dresses. male members. It is reported that money remains with They wear a kamiz or bushirt, a pyjama or pant. the eldest member of the family who gives it to other They wear all types of shoes. A few young: men wear members according to their needs. The female mem­ terylyne shirts and pants also. bers do not handle the money. Whenever they need they are to get it from male members. The 'Bazigars' do not care much about the dress of their children. One can. see boys and girls, upto 5-6 The 'Bazigars' are divided into different exogamous years, running fully naked. Some had only shirts. gotras. Some of these gotras are 1. Bhoga, 2. Teeda, The 'Bazigars' males slit their ears and put on 3. Malla, 4. Biddu, 5. Abhuya, 6. Chatra, 7. Churha, 'Bunda' (ear-ring). Some wear a ']anjiri' (necklace). 8. Bairu, 9. Kalia, 10. Paharwan, 11. Chaddi. The material used is gold. The women wear 'Payal' 12. Tamachi, 13. Adhwan, 14. Laghdu. on their ankles (made of silver), 'Kara' on the arms, necklace around the neck. The married ladies wear a The Bhoga can intermary with Chatra, Bairu, Teeka on the head which streches upto the forehead. Abhuya and Tamachi. The 'Payal' is made of silver but all other ornaments are of gold. The Teeda can marry with all other gotras except Bhoga, Abhuya and Paharwa'n. Food Habits and Drinks The Abhuya can marry with Bhoga and Teeda. The 'Bazigars' are almost without exception non­ vegetarians. They take all types of meat except beef The Malia and Biddu prefer to intennarry with each which they consider to be against Hindu religion. other. They do not marry with Chaddi. Mutton is most common. They buy inferior quality meat and eat it two times every day. They also take Dwellings, Dress, Food and Ornaments pluses. The common item of staple food is wheat. The 'Bazigars' eat the same food throughout the year. The 'Bazigars' were once staying in tents at Andha Mughal after their migration to Delhi from Peshawar The m~jority of male 'Bazigars' take liquor every in 1947. In 1950 they got allotment of thirty quarters day. This liquor is distilled by themselves. Some take at Rameshwari Nehru Nagar in Karol Bagh-Patel siprit as well. On a function or occasion almost all Nagar Zone. Before that for two years they settled a,t male 'Bazigars' including young boys, must take Idgah. These quarters are in two streets bifurcated by liquor, .sometimes, in excess. Some female 'Bazigars' four streets in-between. The quarters are built with / also take liquor. One woman who was under the in­ burnt brick. Each quarter has two rooms and a small fluence of liquor abused the investiga,tor for visiting verandah in front. Half the portion of each quarter. her locality everyday. excepting two, has been rented out. The rent charged is usually between Rs. 20 to 25 per month. iAlmost all male 'Bazigars' including young boys smoke. They smoke cigarettes and bidis. The young Sanitary conditions are very bad. The average num­ boys mostly smoke cigarettes. H was· reported that ber of persons found in one room was 8. In one case some women also smoke. 14 persons were living in one room. There is no sepa­ rate kitchen, and there is no proper ventilation sys­ Education tem. The literacy among the 'Bazigar' is very low. Out The environment inside the street is worst. The pre­ of 408 persons 358 are illiterate i.e. 87.7 per cent are sence of excreta of children is not uncommon. The illiterate. The following table gives the distribution ot' cPakistan in 1965 some 'B(lzigars' After the delivery !he is given 'halwa' prepared from visited the centre regularly to listen the news from the pure ghee for two weeks or so. This, they say. increas­ radio set installed there. es the quantity and quality of milk in the mother's Occupation breasts. The traditional occupation of Bazigars is reported to Although a girl brings good bride-price, yet the be exchanging utensils for old clothes. Both men and 'Buzjgars' prefer the birth of a boy because he keeps women used to da 'h;s work The utensils were carried the name of the family and earns for the parents. The ~n baskets at the doorsteps of the cu.~tomers. At pre~ name to the new born boy or girl is given by some sent none of the Bazigars is reported to be doing his near relative such as uncle or aunt. work. The following table gives the industrial classification If a girl is born no celebrations are made but if a {If 'Bazigars' in the Union Territory of Delhi accord­ boy is born the near relatives and friends are invited and a party of meat and liquor is arranged for them. ing to 1961-Census. The first hair-cut ceremony is not customary. But INDUSTRIAL flLASSIFICATI()N OF BAZIGARS those who can afford and wish to perform this gone ce~mony generally go to the Mata-ka·mandir at Industry Persons ]Xales Females Gurgaon and get their sons hair cut there.

Household Indnstry 2 2 Marriage M'l.Illlfacturing other than House- hold Industry •. 78 76 2 The average age a marriage for boys and girls is 16 years and 14 years respectively. In a few caseS the Construction • 2 2 marriages took place at the age of 10 to 11 years Trade !lnd Commerce 6 6 while in some cases boys were married at the age of OtherJgel'Vioes • 67 39 28 22 to 24. To"' Wo-rkers . 155 125 SO Child-marriage is very rare. This is supported by Non-Workers . 253 97 156 the 1961-Census data according to which only t male nod 1 femaJe were married below fourteen years Total or 40S 222 186 age. 46

The marriages are all arranged by the parents who Polygamy is allowed among the 'Bazigars' but it is are helped by other relatives. The 'Bazigars' are divid­ not a common practice. Only two men are having ed among different gotras which are exogamous. Mar­ two wives each. riages are avoided with the gotras of (1) mother and father (2) gotra of father's mother and (3) of mother's A widow can marry the younger unmarried brother father. of her deceased husband, and have all marital rela­ tions with him. In case there is no unmarried younger brother then she marries the elder brother of her de­ The very first thing for marriage is the settlement ceased husband. If the deceased had no brother then of bride-price. The girl's father tells the boy's father she may marry outside the family. No ceremony is that he would take a certain amount, usually Rs. 3,000 performed for this marriage. to Rs. 5,000 as bride-price. It is said that a few afflu­ ent families do not take bride price. They consider I\ccording to the 'Census of India 1961' three cases taking of bride price as selling of girl and hate it. of divorce among the Bazigars are reported. Most of the Bazigars reported that divorce is not known to If the bride-price is acceptable a date for 'sagai' them. If the wife is not suitable (barren) the man can (betrothal) is fixed. Both the parties (boy's and girl's) marry a'nother girl but he cannot divorce her. In case throw a party of meat and liquor to their respective the husband is not suitable the wife has to live with relatives. On the day of sagai the boy and his father him. She cannot marry another man flor any reasons go to the place of girl's father. He (boy's father) gives whatsoever. However. a few of the Bazigars did ad­ Rs. 125 to Rs. 1,000 .to the girl's father. The most mit that in a few cases divorce has been given. Per­ common figure being Rs. 800. The girl's father tie~ haps divorce is allowed as among 'Sansis' but since a turban on the boy's head, applies a tilak on his it is considered losing of prestige, not admitted openly. forehead and gives him Rs. 5. No 'Brahmin' is caned for this 'sagai' ceremony. Death Rites

As a rule once the 'sagai' takes place marriage can· The Bazigars used to dispose off their dead bodies not be broken unless both the parties are willing. In in two ways: case only one party desires to break the 'sagai' then the matter is referred to the 'Panchayat' which make 1. Burial,. all attempts to bring both .the parties to a compro­ 2. Cremation. mise, failing which the pary at fault has to pay a fine upto Rs. 280 to the 'Panchayat' and also to re­ Those who died before attaining five years of age fund the money taken by the other party. If the boy's were buried and those who died after five years of party disagrees he loses Rs. 800 given at the time age were cremated. In 1950-51 the people living near of 'sagai'. But if the girl's party- disagrees he is to the cremation ground made a complaint to Bazigars refund the 'sagai' money and also to pay a fine 01 that the animals dug up their dead bodies which -­ Rs. 280 to the 'Panchayat'. But mostly the marriage causes nuisance to them. Since then the 'Bazigars' contract does not fail. started cremating all the deceaSed irrespective of age. . On the fixed date the 'Barat' (marriage party) reach­ When a man dies all his relatives are informed and es the brides residence. The brides father goe,s to they gather together in his house. The dead body IS. meet the bridegroom's father. He (bride's father) washed, dried and wrapped in white cloth. It is then· spreads a cloth before him (bridegroom's father) and placed on the bier. The bier i~ carried towards the asks for the bride-price which is given by the hoy's cremation ground by four persons. Rest of ,the rela­ father. If this bride-price is not· given the 'barat' is tiyes .. follow the .bier. chanting Ram Nam Sat Hai. insulted and returned without marriage. But no such Jo golla Mukat Hai (God's name is truth; One who case has been reported in the recent past. After this .remembers Him wiH go to heaven). At midway they the boy alights from the mare and waits at the en­ stop for five minutes ~nrl hen the h;er is again car­ trance of the bride's honse. The bride accompanied by ried by four persons. This time the direction ,Ii the l)er friends comes :'t the !!ate of her house and gar­ dead hodv is rcv.ersed Le. feet forwh rd Hnd head- land<; the bov. Tre boy then garlands her. Then the backwards: : 'barat' goes for dinner. Meat and liquor are also served by the girl's father. The dead body is placed on the pyre which is lit by the eldest son. People sit there until the body is After dinner comes the most important marriage burnt. ceremony. For this the 'Pandit' hom their own com­ munity erects a 'vedi'. Both the bride and the bride­ For two davs after death no meats \are cooked in grOOm sit on the plank in the 'vedi'. The 'phera' and the house. Th~ meals are served bv .the near relatives. 'l{anYl\ D~an' i'l done as among caste Hindus. The The mOllmin~ period ~ontinues for thir"een days next day in the morning the groom's party returns after whicp th~ normal routine work is rl"smned. with the bride. Religion The 'Bw7:it!ltr<;' hw~ inter-mari.tal relations with 'Sansis'. They give their girls to 'Sansis' and also ac­ The 'Bazigars' are reported to worship all Hindu cent their girls. Thev are reported not to marry in Gods such as Lord Rama. Lord Krishna, Lord Shiva and Goddess Mata in particular. They are however. r~ny other community. 47

not a religious people. One 'Bazigar' said that they Inter-community Relationship worship wine which they distil at home. therefore. he argued, why should they go to any temple. They In the old past the 'Bazigars' were considered un­ . usually do not visit temples. They do not go to re­ touchables. They were not allowed to draw water ligious melas. Only a few visit the Mata temple at from the common well which was used by Hindus Gurgaon to celebrate the birth of a son who they alone. They were not allowed to enter the village think has been blessed by her. Dhaba, tea shops and sweet shops. They were not permitted in village functions such as fairs. 'Bhajan The 'Bazigars' however. believe in Bhoots (ghosts). Mandlis', community feasts and 'Swangs'. They were There are some people in the community who are noi allowed to enter the temples. expert in handling the ghosts. They are known as pandits. When some one comes under the influence The 'Bazigars' were neither served by a Nai of a ghost, his behaviour becomes abnormal. The ex­ (Barber) nor by a washerman. The services of a Brah­ pert is called for who chants mantras. The ghost tells min were out of question. A person from among their the expert what he wants from the suffering person. own community discharged the functions of a priest. The expert usualIy announces that the ghost wants the person to visit the Mata temple at Gurgaon and Now-a-days the 'Bazigars' who are mostly living in to offer a goat and wine to the Mata. The expert is urban areas have free access to the committee tap, to also given some money and food for his services. The the tea-shop and all other shops. They visit temples. affected person does as directed and the ghost leaves particularly 'Mata temple' at Gurgaon. They say that they can avail the services of a Hindu Brahmin the person. but no such case has been reported in which a Hindu The 'Bazigars' are superstitious people. They con­ Brahmin has served them. At the marriage and all sider the following things as bad omens. other functions they are served by their own priest. 1. If a man stumbles when he starts on a jour­ They have free approach to the barbers and dhobis. ney. Their children sit along with other children in the 2. If a black cat crosses the way. school. All this. however, does not mean that they 3. If a man sees somebody with empty earthen have raised their social status. The fact is that they pot. are living in the 'heart' of the city where it is difficult to distinguish between a Scheduled Caste and a caste 4. If someone sneezes. Hindu. The attitude of the neighbours clearly shows that they are still considered lower in the social status. They consider the following things as go(..d omens. The neighbuurs do not mix with them. They do not 1. If one sees a cow. accept any food from them. They do not allow them 2. If one sees a Pandit. to enter their homes. This avoidance is also due to their criminal habits. They celebrate all. the Hindu festivals particularly ~ata Puja'. Holl and Diwali. The houses are illumin­ I~ short the 'Bazigars' were and still having a low ated by earthen lamps and candles on Diwali. Drink­ SOCIal status. ing and gambling is common on this occasion. Structure of Social Control Prestige and Leisure, Recreation and Child Play Leadership The 'Bazigars' do not make any use of their leisure time or to be more precise they misuse it. Most of the There is only one agency for social control among old people have more than sufficient leisure time. th~ 'Bazigars'. It. is their Caste Panchayat' and even They will take spirit or home-made liquor and wan­ thIS 'Panchayat' IS very flexible in its organisation. der ~ere and there or sit in some tea shop in their There are no formal rules or regulations for electing locabty and gossip. Majority of young men also do the 'Panchayat' members. All old men who attend the not work. They are free throughout the day except in Panchayat are considered its members. the evening when they are busy selling liquor. During 4la:y time they usually go to movies or play cards. . The function of the 'Panchayat' is to settle all the ,Tl_l~ also listen to radio. but only film songs from dIsputes and quarrels of its community. The 'Pan­ VIVIdh Bharti and C~ylon. The majority of children do ch~yat' has powers to impose fine on a party at fault. ~ot.~ to school. Their most favourite game is to play It IS reported that they never go to a police station or gob (a small round ball of glass). The female 'Bazi­ court for their cases. gars' d? not find much leisure time, because they do domestic work and also help in preparing illicit liquor. The 'Presi~ent' and other 'Panchayat' members HOV!e~r, when they find spare time they only do are not censIde.red as of higher social prestige. The gosSlpmg. youngmen partIcularly are against this 'Panchayat' They. say that w~atever the Panchayat earns fro~ These J.?Cople who are working in factories or shops. fines I~ spent on hquor. They believe that the 'Pan­ g~ to theIr work in the morning and come back at chayat has ~ot done anything for the betterment of Plpt. They do not have much leisure time. the commuBIty.

THE BHIL S

BHILS

Rhil the second largest tribe in India, is treated as killed his father's bull and has banished to the hills a Sch;duled Caste in Delhi, though in other States. and jungles. His descendants have since been stigma­ Used with the names of Bhils and Nishad, terms that such as Andhra Pradesh, Gujarat,. Kerala, Madhy~ connote out-castes. Another version is thu,t the first Pradesh, Maharashtra, Mysore, RaJas.than and T~­ pura it is treated as a Sche.dule~ Tr~be. The ~hds Bhil was created by Mahadeo by breathing life into a doll of clay. While according to Bhagwat Puran the have their main concentratIOn 1U Rajasthan, GUJarat. and Maharashtra. In Delhi there are only a few Bhils tribe descended from a Mythical Raja called Vena, who are recent migrants. The Bhils living in the Union the son of Agna, who is said to have ruled the people with an iron rod and compelled !hem !o wor­ Territory of Delhi make a distinction between ~ caste and a tribe. According to them though they are lflclud­ ship him. According to some. myths, BhIls ~la~m that ed in the list of Scheduled Castes in Delhi, they are Parvati, the wife of Lord Shlva, was a Bhllm. Later 'Adivasi' and are inappropriately referred to by some her sons lewd his father's bull, and as a punishment was people as 'Bhil Jatti' (Bhil Caste). banished into the jungles. His descendants came to be known as the Bhils. The Bhils, thus claim them­ The Bhils of Delhi prefer to prefix the name of selves to be oft ancient origin, and to have lived their tribe with the title Manjhi Rana, which, they through all the four great epochs namely, Satya, say, was conferred upon their ancestors for the military Traita, Dwaper and Kaliyug. While the Rhils of services they rendered to Rajput rulers against Muslim Delhi do not know the meaning of the word Bhil, they Kings in the past. Some state that they are Mall ani are quite aware' that they hail from an ancient stock Bhils. A few otners refer to themselves as Mewasi which lived in the times of great epics of Ramayana Bhils. These appear to be territorial names. Thus, and Mahabharata and whose references they cite to 'Mallani' is derived from the Mallani State which substantiate their above claim. Thus they know that comprises the present Barmer District of Rajasthan Shabari who offered Bers (Prunes) to Lord Rama from where the Bhiis residing in Delhi migrated to was a Bhilani belonging to their Garasia section. They Sindh before cotp.ing to Delhi after partition. The also claim that founder of one of their sects, namely Mewasi was originally Mahivasi, a dweller on the 'Mailkat' was created by Lord Rama; who enroute tribulant river 'Mehi', skirting Durgapur and Banswada to Lanka (Ceylon), halted in the jungles near a lake, in Rajasthan. The terms Mewas for a hill strong hold for a swim. There he felt the need of a watchman to and Mewasi for tribulant or thieving person originate keep an eye on his belongings, but not finding anyone from the name of this river. In Delhi, Bhils are notified around he made a man out of the dust of his body. as a Scheduled Caste specified without any synonym This man and later his descendants came to be known or sub-caste. as 'Mailkat Bhil'. The Bhils also refer to a person There are various versions as regard to the origin mentioned in Mahabharta as an expert archer Eklavya, of the word Bhil. The Sanskrit lexicographers trace who wanted to learn archery from Guru Dronacharya, the origin of the word Bhil to the root bhil, which the teacher of Pandavas and Kurus, but could not do means to cut. They take it to mean 'Mlecha' that is, so far his being a Bhil. He however, succeeded in be­ one who has fallen to become degraded. Dr. Wilson coming an expert in archery, by practicing it bef9re an traces the origin of this term to the Dravidian word image of the Guru. When Guru saw that Eklavya 'bighee' which means a bow, and which happens to could beat Arjuna, the best pupil, he asked Eklavya be the characteristic weapon of the tribe (Enthoven. to give his right hand's thumb as Guru Dakshina, 1920, Vol. I, 151). Bhils are, however a very ancient which Eklavya gave as an obedient pupil. community and find many references in ancient litera­ ture, mythological as well as historical. They have A.ccording to the Sanskrit literature the invading been termed as a non-Aryan race and also Dravidian. Aryans pushed the Bhils into the jungles where they They have also been regarded as the modern descen­ remained under their own chief, leading a lawless dants of the Dasyus of Rig-Veda and it is believed life, defying the levies of the territorial chiefs and that BhiIs represent those people who opposed the ad­ causing trouble with their war-like and plundering vancing tide of Aryan conquest in earlier times. Even habits. n was Rana Pratap of Udaipur, who realising Country of 'Nishads' (Bhil inhabitation) was called good qualities of the Bhils, made friends with them in the Adi-Parva of Mahabharata mention is made, of and thus succeeded in subjugating their territory and - Phlinda, Nishad or Bhil who inhabited the hilly coun­ later allowed marital alliances with them. Bhils ren­ try in west and central parts of peninSUla, and the dered valuable help in return, to the Rana, during his country of 'Nishads' (Bhil inhabitation) was called fight with the Muslims. Although the offsprings bf the Nishad country. The references to the Bhils in Sans­ Bhil and Rajput, today take pride in claiming to be krit lIterature are interesting as much as they show Rajputs (Known as Bhilalas). "These Bhilalas" that the Bhils were people both feared and hated. remarks Mr. Aberigh Mackay, "descended from Raj­ puts who have mingled their sacred blood with that of There are numerous 'legends regarding the origin the abased people of the jungle. They ~re half Raj­ of Bhils, the most common being that they are des­ puts, half Bheel, but taken the name of the Rajput cedants from Mahadeo who ,had inter-course with clan to which they trace their origin. They affect to a female whom he met in the woods and by whom he ignore· Bheel faint, and desire to be regarded as an had many children. One of the ugly and vicious one ancient Rajpoot clan" (Sherring. M.A. CilIc",tta 1872). 51 52

Vol. HI, p. 84). Thus after Rajput ascendancy the Zone IV Civil Lines Sabzimandi has the maximum Bhils were given some privileges of Hinduism. Bhils number of Bhils while the transferred area i.e. Zone in Delhi call themselves Maji Rana indicating thereby V has second largest concentration of the Bhils. Karol their connection with the Rana Rajputs. The other Bagh and Palel Nagar rank third in their number of Bhils, they call Milani Bhils, Formerly these' Maji residents. Their main settlements are near Timarpur Rana Bhils were called 'Ujwala' meaning light in Zone IV and at Baljit Nagar on Kala Pahar near coloured, while the term 'Niggar' or dark coloured W(lS West Patel Nagar. These are temporary settlements used for Milani Bhils. Thus these two divisions were near the quarrysite where they work. comparatively. recent additions to the Bhil group after their mingling with the Rajputs. Originally Residential Pattern they claim to have only three chief groups namely Mailkat Got BhiL Dhabi Got and Dagla Got Bhils. They a~e found scattered near' the stone quarries The ancestors of the last was protected with a stone, where their hutments are visible on small hill tops in (Dagla meaning stone). The story as narrated by the clusters surrounded by those of the other castes en­ informants goes thus that once a Rajput king tired 01 ~aged with thel? in stone breaking work. Timarpur the unlawful activities of the Bhils and planned to kill IS one and BalJlt Nagar on Kala Pahar behind West of them living nearby. So he encircled the area with Palel Nagar i~ lhe second point. The- latter can be the help of his armed men and started slaying them adjudged the place of their maximum concentration one by one. One woman was able to skip away with at the present time where more than 25 Bhil families a basket of stones on her head. Under these stones she have been reported while at the former site only four was carrying a two days old Bhil child who survived to five households arc living. The third spot of Bhil and whose descendants later on called themselves a8 residence is near Pusa Gate. Here about 8 Bhil Dagla Bhils. families including that of the President of 'Akhil Bhartiya Bhil Kalyankarini Parish ad' were found. At Mi~rations aU the above mentioned places Bhils have constructed Original home of the Bhils, according to Enthoven huts more or less on similar pattern with gable roofs is the hilly tract between Abu and Asirgarh from of tin or wattle. The walls of these huts are made of where they spread westward and southward into the big stones placed one above the other and plastered plains of Gujrat and the Northern Deccan, and even over with mud. The floors invariably are of 'Kaccha' further north of Rajasthan. A Mohammedan historian' type and are always smeared with cowdung. writes of Bhils "a powerful tribe occupying hills and Generally a single hut accommodates O'Ile nuclear forests of Mewar and Udaipur, under their own chiefs, family and was found more neat and clean as com­ from which positions they were eventually driven out pared to their neighbours. The interior of the room and gradually found their way into Khandesh and its is decorated by hanging few photographs and colour­ vicinity where they are now settled in considerable numbers". (Enthoven, Bombay Vol. I, 1920, p. lSI). ed calendars on the walls. All the household articles Thus territorially there are 3 main groups, viz. are arranged near one of the walls quite nicely so that Khandeshi Bhil, Gujrati Bhils and Rajasthani Bhils. enough space is left for sitting and sleeping purposes. In most of the cases small openings in the side walls Some of the last two groups had migrated to Sind for ventilation were also noticed. (Pakistan) under the pressure of famine during the second decade of this century. But soon after the At all the three places it was observed that the partition they returned to India, some of them settling Bhils are devoid of the comforts of water taps and in Delhi. Thus the Bhils of Delhi have all migrated their own latrines. They draw water from public water finally from Pakistan, though they all originally be­ taps nearby the road sides and for the defecation long to Rajasthan where their settlements are near they go to the nearby uninhabited areas. Jodhpur and Udaipur. Only two or three families of ., the Bhils in Delhi are of Gujrati Bhils. These are in­ Dress and Ornaments significant in as' much as the Delhi Bhils form a homogenous group with regard to their way of life. Allhough slight changes were observed in the Thus the Bhils form a small nucleus of their own dresses -of the younger generation yet the majority is amidst the surrounding Hindu castes. Both the group~ adhering to their traditional dress as put on by village maintain social ties with their original hometowns folk in Rajasthan and Guirat. For example, with which they visit periodically. exception of a few Bhil families of Pus a- Gate who Distribution and Population Trend have migrated from Gujrat side and whose fenuiles were found wearing 'Saris' all the females of irest Their sex-wise distribution in Delhi in different­ wear the 'Odhni' which covers the head and is wrap­ zones is given in the following table:,.- . ped around the body, the 'Kanchli' i e. the half sleeved bodiCe tied at the back with the help of TABLE SHOWING DISTRIBuTION· of THE BHILS IN DELHI ACCORDING TO CENSUS-1961 strings, 'Kurti' put over the 'Kanchli~ covering the s!oro.a~h, and the 'Ghagra' or skirt, all made of Coarse Zone Males Females, Total ]>rinted long cloth. The Odhnis are gt)nerally of red or yellow colour, with printed borders and 'Pallas', Zone I .. .. Zone II 6 5 11 like the one wom,by the 'Marwaris' or the women in Zone III 13 8 21 . --t4e"-ruraI area,of Rajasthan where this dress is still Zone IV 43 26 , 69 common. ZoneV 16 33 49 Delhi Rur!tl 1 ." 1 On festive occasions there is not much difference New Delhi: -1 2 3 in the dresses except that the dresses are new, clean DelhI Cantt. 1 1 and tidy; Even today a Bhil bride is dressed in the Interior view of a Bhil house.

House; ~ of Bhils.

/

53 above said fashion without any change with the only For a married woman 'Chuda' a set of 5 to 11 difference that it is of finer material but still of red broad rimmed white horn bangles in the wrists, is or yellow colour. a must and no married woman dare go without tt. Some were noticed wearing such bangles in their Widows do not put on gay coloured garments. upper arms also. Besides, a Kantha of gold or nose They dress themselves in black or some fast colours stud is also an indispensable ornament for a married which are not gaudy. Usually the dresses worn by the Bhil woman. Bhil widows are the left-overs of their daughters and daughter-in-Iaws. On special occasions the neck is further deco­ Unmarried girls even below five years of age are rated with some more garlands of silver and beads dressed in the traditional fashion of the community of the type common in their surroundings. On the with a slight difference that they are not allowed to forehead 'Bandhali' is tie~ which is well known to wear 'Kanchli' and 'Kurtz" which are the prerogatives the women of Rajasthan. 'Toti' or long ear-rings of married ladies only. Instead they wear kula (a loose with hanging chains which are tied at the back of blouse) with petticoat or lehnga. the hair beautify their ear on such occasions. Fur­ ther. 'lhanjhar', 'Kari' and 'Anwalad' decorate the The incoming changes can well be observed in the lower legs which produce a musical sound while group of boys up to the age of 20 years. Below twelve walking along with toe rings or 'Bichuwe' worn in the years of age they are generally dressed up in 'Naikar feet. To these 'Bichuwes' are attached small trinklets. or half pants and shirts but above that age some wear 'Pyjamas' and the others wear pants with shirts or bush-coats depending -upon their choice and means. Food Habits

Again we find uniformity in the dresses of the Habitually they are non-vegetarian befitting to middle aged and old Bhil males whose garments are their old tribal habit of killing and eating animals, of the traditional type being a 'Dhoti', a 'Kurta' and a but these days as they say, months together pass 'Said (turban) or a Botia as they called it, all white without tasting any meat. They would love to take in colour and made of thick coarse material. The the meat of a hen, fish, goat etc. but cow is spared use of 'said, however, is on the decline and can be as she is revered. Their every day food consists of observed on ceremonial occasions on the heads of chapatis taken with some cheap vegetable or daal aged persons. The younger generation prefers to go (pulse) or some chatni (pickle) or gur. Fried fooo bareheaded. But the Bhil bridegrooms are still dressed and sweet dishes of the category of Halwa, are con­ in their traditional costumes at the time of their sidered luxurious and these are consumed at special marriages. Over and above the said dresses a 'Lunf(i" occasions. Generally at wedding feasts, Halwa Poori or sleevless coat of red silk is also worn by the bride­ or Laddoo Poor; are served to the guests. groom which differenciates him from the company. The footwear used by the Bhils are locally made, generally of the type of 'Desi lutti' (unlaced shoe) and cheap rubber chappals. Children mostly remain Langua~ bare-footed. The characteristics of the Bhil language have been During winter one finds hardly any addition to discussed differently by different authors. For instance, their dresses with the exception of a thick bed-sheet to Sherring, "they do not appear to have any sepa­ or a blanket over the shoulders, that too while going rate language of their own but speak a peculiar Hindi out. While working, these coverings are kept aside. dialect" (Sherring, M.A. Hindu Tribes and Castes Vol. III; 81-84). According to Enthoven, they speak the The women tie up their hair. Five to seven small cognate dialects of Gujrati, Marathi, Ramgadi. plaits are made in the front part of the head which Mewadi, Hindi, Rajputani etc. (Enthoven Bombay are aU united together at the back into a single 1920, Vol I; p. 154), in accordance with the proximity plait. These are further decorated by some married to these larger languages. These dialects vary much women with red silken threads and small pieces or in corruption from the source from which they are jewellery like 'lhumru' and 'Borc'-pendant like borrowed. These dialects too are of a fluctuating ornaments which hang a little below on the forehead nature as is only natural when there is no standard from the middle parting of the hair. to which they can be referred".

The work. of stone breaking and other allied jobs Grierson classified Bhil as dialect of Gujrati that the Bhll men and women of Delhi mostly handle these days do not permit them 'to put on The Bhils of Delhi know the local languages suffi­ ~le~n clothes. ~e women were found to be quite ciently so as to converse freely in Hindi. Sindhi and mdIfferent to theIr personal looks except on special PU'Iljabi. They also know Marwari. In fact they speak occasions. such as festivals and weddings. In spite in Matwari with each other. of all this, the women are fond of ornaments which they possess according to their means. These are They do not show any interest in educating their mostly of silver, lac. beads and hom. The orna­ children. As soon as the child grows up a little (about ments of their daily nse are simple and not many in 8-9 years of age) he/she starts helping the parents number consisting of one or two pieces in the lower in stone breaking. the work at prest'nt most of the legs, a few bead necklaces along with a 'Hanslt Bhils are handling in the Union Territory. The follow­ m~de of silver in the neck and some bangles in the ing table on the educational level of Bhils as com­ wnsts. piled during 1961 census. will substantiate the above. L/P(D) 4 D:JO D9lhi-6 EDUCATION AMONG llHILS ACCORDING TO 1961-CENSUS

Population Illiterate Literate without Primary Matrie Union Territory (If Delhi education r------A..- ______r------A..------, r----'C_ -----, r------A..------, r--..A.---., J> M F M }' M F M }' M F Delhi Urban 154 80 74 71 72 5 3 Rural 1 1 ------Total 155 81 74 72 72 5 3

The above table shows that out of the total popula­ Birth Customs and Ceremonies tion of 155 persons, 144 are illiterate. Of the remain­ ing 11 persons, 6 are literate without any educa­ The ceremonies performed at the birth of a child tional level i.e. they have never been to any school by the Bhiis of Delhi are found to be quite similar and four have passed primary school examination. to that of the other Scheduled Castes of the Union There is only one male Bhil according to the above Territory. table, who could reach up to the standard of matri­ culation. They were found to be apathetic towards It was noticed during the investigation that an the educating of their daughters, in spite of the expectant Bhil mother handles all sorts of jobs heavy prevalence of late marriage. The pcriod of 16-20 or light till the e1eventh hour. Besides cooking and years which girls, spend with their parents before managing other household chores she helps her hus­ marriage, is utilised in learning household jobs besides band in breaking stones. helping their parents in the work of breaking stones, Unlike in the past the delivery cases these days are thus earning some cash also. taken to the nearby maternity health centres, as there Occupation is hardly any space to put delivery bed in the small hut that generally accommodates one Bhil family According to the legends among the BhiI it is compriSing 4 i to 6 persons. Wherever there is a understood that the first Bhil was created to keep little more space i.e. two huts instead of one, delivery watch over the belongings of Lord Shri Rama, and still takes place at home, in the presence of a lady the descendants of this first Bhil took to watchman­ health visitor and with the help of a local midwife. ship as their occupation for which they were destined. The midwife cleans the mother and the child along­ To perform this occupation well, they took to bow with the room. She cuts the umblical cord and buries and arrow and became expert archers. Simultaneously the placenta in the same room where delivery takes they practised agriculture which remains the chief place, lest, it gets subject 'to some black magic' or source of their livelihood in regions other than the witchcraft. , "Few wheat grains with a small piece of Union Territory, where majority of them are engaged 'Gur' are also buried alongwith--th~_placenta. in quarrying and stone-cutting. According to the informantsl all of them including women and children It is the duty of the sweep~es~ to carry away the are working in quarries while only one or two persons dirty clothes of the "Zachcha' or new mother. Both are car and truck drivers. the dai or the midwife and the sweepress 'are paid ..according to the financial position of the family. Their chief occupation of quarrying consisting of removing large stone boulders from the earth and then No food is given to the new mother on the first breaking these into smaller stones shows a distinct day ,.of the child birth and the child is given some division of labour based on sex as wen as, age. Here­ sweet liquid preparation (generally of 'Gur'). Later the women and children work side by side With the , on whatever food is given to her, is cooked~ in the men folk, the latter removing large boulders from the \ . same room by a lady who may be a relative "Of a earth and breaking them into small ones while the neighboucNo special food is given to the mother. In women carry these to some marked nearby spot where case the financial position of the family is good !she other women and children and often men break them is givc,? Halwa and milk for a day or two. ' into smaller bits with the aid of small' hammers. For this they wear rubber coverings on the fingers to There are in all thre~ 'Nahans' or baths given 10 the avoid any accidental impact of the blows on the 'Zachcha', or new mother, so' arranged that all fall fingers. It is said that on an average, 3 persons work­ in one fortnight of the mo.nth.', This is .the way to ing full-day break one truck load of stones for which clean and purify the polluted mother: The last one they are paid Rs. 11·00 only. The payment is made marks the end of the total period of pollution! although twice a month by the Bharat Sewak Samaj Stone the pollution by touch ends after the first ~Nahan'. , Cutters Committee which has taken these quarrys on contract. On the first Nahan" day which may be obsei'V~d either au 7th or on the 9th day after the birth, the Apart from breaking stones, women also work on new mother with the child is given a bath and dress¢d daily wages in removing the mud which comes down in new clothes. Then a small ceremony of worshipping when boulder is removed. It is only in Pusa Gate 'Suryanarain' or the Sun God is performel:l by the that women also go to work as household servants Zachcha. She comes out of the delivew room' and in the neighbouring bungalows. In short, their women offers a spoonful of milk from, her breasts to the Sun and children work hard to contribute to family earn­ God and prays for the abundance of it till the child ing. grows up. It is only after this action she is permitted Big stone boulders being broken into small pieces.

Tools and instruments used in stone breaking.

55 to see the face of her husband. On the same day a some grave reasons occur for which the aggrieved Brahmin is sometimes consulted. He suggests the party gets three times the expenses incurred on first alphabet of the name the baby can be given. 'Mangni'. It was reported that the Bhils of Delhi these days Generally the marriage takes place one year after do not care much for evil spirits, bad air and other the above ceremony. A priest of their own caste finds allied things that may cause harm to the child and out an auspicious day and time at groom's place who mother. They do not take much precautions with the in tum informs the bride's side. Tlle bride's parents exception. that an iron _piece-insignia of 'Shani-Dev' convey their acceptance or acknowledgment by st:nd­ (God of Saturday), who IS supposed to keep away all ing 'lagan' to the other party. 'Lagan' is nothing but evils. is kept on the delivery bed for the first seven a ceremonial gift of a dried coconut, one kilogram of days. 'Gur'. some wheat grains and 'Roli' or red colour worth 50 to 60 paisa. Two persons from bride's side Birth of a son is rejoiced greatly by the Bhils in carry this gift to the groom's house, where besides spite of the prevalence of paying the bride's price receiving welcome, each is presented with 21 yards of take him from his/her own community preferably white cotton cloth with yellow borders. Red colour amongst them. For example 'Halwa' is distributed in is sprinkled on everybody present at the occasion. the neighbour-hood on the birth of a son whereas This ceremony is termed as 'Rang Chadna'. birth of a girl is always announced quietly. First hair cutting ceremony of the first son is preferred to On the fixed date Baans (oil baths) begin on both be performed at Jodhpur in Nanguesi Temple. Those the houses. During this period which is generally of who cannot afford to go there due to some reasons, 5 to 11 days. the prospective bride and groom are perform it at home. During the 'Puja' in such cases invited by their respective relatives and feasted. Be­ they sit facing the direction of Jodhpur city. After sides, daily in the morning 'Pithi' or a thick paste of the haircut, food is given to four or five beggars. flour, oil, and turmeric etc. is applied on the bodies of the would-be bride and groom by their friends Another custom among the Bhils, is that on the and relatives. eruption of the first tooth, the 'Kaka' or 'Chacha' (uncle) of the child feels it with his own hand by One day before the 'Barat', 'Ganesh Pooja', or puting his finger inside the mouth of the child and Swastik worship is done on both the sides, and then then offers a coin to the mother. the ceremony of 'Ghee' and 'Tel' Chadna is performed. 'Mehandi' is applied on the hands of 'Bind' (groom) Adoption is not very common but if any body is and 'Bindani' (bride) by their respective 'Bhabis' desirous of adopting somebody's child he or she can (brothers' wives). This ceremony is known as 'Bando­ take him from his/her own commU'nity preferably waH'. On the same day family deity Jog Mata who is from one of the relatives. ,given a special place in one comer of the house in each Bhil household. is worshipped by lighting an Marriage Customs earthen lamp alongwith the offerings of coconut. a The BhiIs generally marry when both the girl and piece of red cloth and some sweets etc. Afterwards the boy have achieved adult status. Even about food is served to the whole of the brotherhood. On eighteen years hence they used to marry their sons the marriage day the groom is dressed in traditional at an advanced age of 20 to 23 years. So was the clothes and becomes ready by tying up a Maur on C'lse with the girls who were never married until and his forehead, Before the departure of the 'Rarat' unless they attained the age of puberty. Similar is groom's mother offers him her breast. Women never the case today. Sherring (1872; Vol. II, 128-129) also accompany the marriage procession. writes about the Bhil tribes, "frequently it happens As soon as the procession enters the bride premises that a girl is \not' married until she is twen,ty or the ceremony of 'Samela' is performed which is most twenty five years of age". Same fact has been brought important part of the whole of Bhil Marriage. Money into light by the analysis of 1961 Census data where given to bride's party in 'Samela' is an old custom and not a single married Bhil has been listed in the age uo Bhi! marriage can take place without it. Minimum grouo 0-14 years. Out of the total population of "mount paid these days is Rs. 100 but the usual 70 married persons 53 come in the category of 15-44 amount is Rs. 300-400. It was also reported that the age-gronp and the remaining 17 in 45 and above. higher the amount given in 'Samela' the higher is It is auite evident that the Bhils do not favour infant the social status of the party concerned. . or e:1rlv marriages. Marriage is avoided with mother's hrothf'r's son. father's sister's son. mother's sister's son Before'the actual marriage ceremony the bride ;s and father's brother's son. Territorial exogamy is ~iven away ceremonially by her father to the boy in practised 'Kanyadan'. During this 2 Pisa and wet Mehandi is !keot between the two right hands of the groom and The Bhils of Delhi can not have matrimonial alIi­ the bride. I ance<; in Delhi itself but somewhere outside mainly to­ I For solemnising the marriage the bride and the wluds Rajasthan where they are found in greater 1U'00m take 7 circumambulations around the sacred nllmhers. . - fire for which special olace known as 'Chauri' is made Officiallv the relationship is considered permanent in the bride's house. This is about 1 foot square draw­ ling made out of wheat flour on which is kept half l'fter :'I ceTemony Known as 'Mamml' in which the wouM-he groom' is given some money bv bride's coconut and 'Samigri' (incence). At the four corners futher. This makes the relationship irrevocable unless wooden nails are fixed. On this. fire is lit and 'phere' 66 or circumambulations are taken around. In the first minute 0,( two to ,take rest. The bier is also lowered four rounds the bride leads and in the later three and placed on the road. On the resumption of the the groom. A Gamda-their own caste priest generally journey two 'Pindas' are left there. Bhil f.emales presides over the ccremo'ny, sometimes, they get the never go with this procession and because of this services of a Brahmin, if available. Next day In the even the aged females are found ignorant of the last morning at the time of 'Bida' (departure of bride along rites which are performed at the cremation ground. with groom) the bride takes leave of her parents and The body is placed on a 7t maund wooden pyre. relatives and goes. away with the groom and his party. The chief. mourner usually the son or any other near rclat!ve of the deceased person, after taking 4 The women at groom's side make 'Shabri ka Chowk' rounds of the pyre with fire in his hand lights it. a square drawing in which a figure of newly married '[his. fire is brought from the home of the dead per­ couple is made. It is the sign of prosperous marriage :on. III the fo~m of a smouldering cow dung cake. and worshipped by the newly married couple. Knya Karma or breaking up of the skull is also As soon as the bride a'ad groom reaches groom's performed by the .same ~hief mourner when the corpse house the ceremony of 'thali' is performed in which IS half burnt which fimshes ,the last rite customs of his 'Bhabis' (elder brothers' wives) place seven brass the Bhils. Third day or the 'Tisari' marks the end plates or thalis one ~fter the other in a line right of ~heir mourning period. In the morning a few from the main entrance of the house upto the door family members of the deceased persons family go of a r'Oom. While' stepping in, the groom touches and collect the bones. These are either taken to the each 'thali' with his sword and the bride picks them Ganges or thrown in the river Jamuna which is the up and goes to her mother-in-law where she is pro­ more common practice these days. Then some cows mised a gift. and dogs (5 to 7 in number) are fed with cooked rice and pulse. No sweet hem of food is caten by After spending two or three days with her in-laws any of the family members till the Tisari day. the girl returns to her parent's house where she stays till the ceremony of 'Gauna' or Auna as it is called Another ceremony observed after the death is by the Bhils, is performed. Auna is nothing bUI 'Niyat' which is mostly performed by certain well-to­ consummation of marriage. The groom goes and brings do families as it requires a considerable amount of back his wife. money to be' spent Qn feeding the whole 'Biradari' or brotherhood. Although there is no time limit up The Bhils have widow marriage also. According to to which Niyat should be performed but still the Bhils the informants it is not a must for a widow to re­ find that only rich people can afford to observe the marry but if she wants there are two alternatives be­ ceremony. iii,' fore her, i.e., either to marry any of the brothers of her deceased husband or to stay with some other During the 'Shradhas', 'K'accha' or uncooked food man, of course of Bhil community, who is a widower. is given to the Brahmin after the name of their de­ ceased ancestors; On the other hand a widower can marry a spinster --~- as well. . Widow marriage is a very simple affair in which Religion the man willing to marry a widow goes and presents her a new set of clothes and 'chudha' or bangles in The Bhil pantheon of Gods and Goddesses inclu­ the presence 0.11 few responsible members of the com­ des their mythological heroes and heroines such as munity. Divorce is permitted. Bride price is refunded E~lavya. Balmiki, Sabri etc., whom they venerate in case of a divorce in which the wife is at default. WIth much greater fervour than the : Hindu deities. Lord/Sri Rama and Krishna, with whom their above ~nc~s~ors came ~nto contact are also worshippec.i. This Death Rites \Idolizmg of theIr ancestors together 'with the makiul! The Bhils of Delhi do not cremate the dead bodies of stone tablets in memQry of the dead previously, in of their children upto the age of five years. They are certain s~ctions of the ,Bhils, lends a strong support either buried or thrown in flowing water, generallv to th,e eXIstence of ancestor worship among them. , . infants in the age group 0-3 years are buried and above that and below 5 years, either buried or thrown In additlan to this (Sherring 1872, Vol. II) is of· the opinion that the Bhils may have had totemistic in water. The adults are cremated. organisation in the past, as they used to respect cer­ The dead body is washed and dressed in clean tain kilJ.ds of animals to the extent of notkimng and clothes and then covered with cloth, white for males - eating them. Today however, no such pract~es ba~ and coloured (generally red) for the females. The' been observed by any of the BhiIs. . dead body is. placed in such a manner that its feet always point towards the door. Four Pindas (rounded A Devi is also worShipped by the BhiIs. They d9 balls of dough) are placed one each near the hand! not give her any name but just call her Devi-a term meaning Goddess. They build a small temple in theiir and feet. courtyard, and call it 'Devi-ka-Sthan'. Wo.men·· ar~ Four persons who generally are the sons or hrofhers not allowed to pass by this temple without\~overing of the deceased. first carry the Sanathi (bier) on their their heads. A cQconut and a red cloth and .some shoulders. After covering nearly half of the distance. thread is placed on the spot. A~ times a flag is hoisted the funeral procession stops on the road side for a above them, signifying thereby that no goat can 'be Temple in the court-yard (Devi-ka-Sthan).

Tu care for both-the child and the work.

57

Tantar gives rhe remedy with which tu cure the disease. sacrifict:d before it. Thus one comes across only two Foday it is only in the smal~ pox cases that the Bhopa kinds of sacreg spots one without flag where goats IS called. The home remedIes for small pox cure in­ and other animals can be sacrificed and the other dude. drinking of Jaggery water and eating rabadi pre­ with flag. These are, however, no separate terms to paratIOn of wheat flour, fried in ghee and then boiled distinguish these different spots. The Devi, is worship­ in milk for seven days. Throughout these 7 days no ped in case of small pox. meal is cooked at night in the patient's house and the meals are eaten only when the food gets cold. The Beliefs and Cure of Diseases Devi-Ka-Sthan in the courtyard is worshipped daily by burning an oil lamp and incense in front of it. Belle! ill ghosu; ana spmt~ IS very strong amollg Apart from these common remedie$ they follow any the H11lls. 'lney bell eve Ulat when a person's soul other advice which is given by the Bhopa. tioes not aCllleve salvation It keeps on wandering about. Such as these are termed llhoot and Chudel by The BhBs have knowledge of herbal medicines. them. tiue here again they distmgwsh belweell tlIe These herbs are found growing near the sites where two, contrary to tile popular belief that 'Hhoots' are they work and as such these pecome very handy in males and 'Chudels' are females, the Bhils believe that case of injuries. Common herbs which are used fre­ both can be males and females, but while the 'Bhoot' quently are recognised by their children even but they has no evil powers, the 'Chudel' is charged wIth are ignorant of the names of these herbs. tremendous power which can frighten or even kill a person. F airs and Festivals It is believed that both the 'Bhoot' and the 'Chudel' A large variety of festivals are celebrated by the can be got rid of or destroyed completely by the Bhils. These include Nav Ratri, Shiv R:!.tri, Janam Bhopa. He can destroy the evil spirits because he has Ashtami. Balmik Pujan. Dewali. Holl etc., but there the power to do so through incantation. One such mode of celebration is entirely different, as compared Bhopa i.s rc~iding at Kala Pahad, a temporary settle­ to the way of the celebrating of these festivals by ~ent of Bh11s. Bhopa has to lead a very austere life caste Hindus. Their chief festivals are discussed be­ I.n order to become disciple of one of the deities, low:- tor example. Hanuman. Bhairav. Nag etc., whom they can ~l~ at any ti~e. The Bhopas differ according to Shiv Ratri the deIties whose dIsciples tbey are. Whenever there is a need to destroy or scare away the spirits the On this festival whicb falls in the month of Fagun Bhopa calls his master. on bearing whose nam~ the (February) the Bhils visit Hami Mahadeo's temple in spirit runs away, which is visible only to the Bhopa. Bakhtar. For those who cannot go to this place, a mela takes place in their own locality. On this day Another common method used by the Bhopas in they worship their tools as well. detecting the ghosts is Ly charging a few cowries with some mantras and then throwing them in all direc­ Janam Ashtami tions which destroys the ghost. On this day the Bhils worship the statue of Lord Apart ~rorn destroying the ghosts, the Bhopa can Krishna. called Kanadi which is made of mud. Later also get nd of the evIl eye by several ways and means. in the evening the same is immersed in water. This One such is to give a thread which has been sancti­ festival falls in Bhadon (August-Sep.). fied by the Bhopa. Another is to take mud from below the feet. of the victim and after circling it over his Shahari Pujan head to throw it away. This festival. in honour of Shabari Bhilani, falls in ~part. from. -belief i~ ghosts and spirits the Bhils the month of Shavan (August-Sept.) when all throu",h­ beheve III re-blrth, and III order to know the next birth out this month', no non-vegetarian food is cooked. of .the dead, they keep some wheat flour near the Shabri's picture is drawn in a Thali (brass plate) ana roam entran.ce of the house. On this they believe ap- kir/an is performed. 1?ears the plc,ture of the next birth of the dead. One mEorman! saId that after the death of her husband Balmiki Pujan she found the impression of both the feet on th~ This is another festival which falls in the month of wheat flour and these impression were in the direction Sravan (Aug-Sept.). They worship Balmik all through~ of the house. So she believes that her husband will out this month. ~e reborn. in her h?use and since her daughter-in-law, tsif expe.ctmg a chJ1rl. she fllrther believes that her grandchild will be the incarnation of her own husband. Nav Ratri It falls in the Indian month of AsoJ11 (Sept.-Oct.). As regards the cure of diseases Bhapa is again cal­ They draw a picture of Devi in Rangoli pattern either led f?r but the m~eflt tff'nd is to go to a medical on the wall or on paper and worship the same by pracht!oner. The Bhopa divides the process of jreat· hurning incense before it for nine days. They also per­ ment mto 3 stages, viz., the Jantra, Mantar ~nd form Jap recitation of sacred verses. If any vows are T.antar. T~e first creates an atmosphere to know if the fulfilled then the fami.ly sacrifices a he-goat and the dIsease eXIsts or not. Then the Mantar throws light on the actual disease and cause thereof. while the meat is distributed among the relatives. 58

Gau Pujan this caste Panchayat in times of need by the 'Panchs' or five heads. These 'Panchs' are elected on the spot This falls two days before Diwali which falls in in the presence of whole 'Jamat' or brotherhood out th~ month of Asvin-Kartik. (Oct-Nov.) Cow is wor­ of the aged and otherwise experienced Bhils. Formerly shipped on this day. they used to be elected out of the 'Chaudharis', the Diva-Diwali prosperous wealthy land holders, to whom this title was awarded. There are one or two 'Chaudharis' who This is celebrated after 8-10 days of the Diwali have inherited this title from their forefathers, but (They do not celebrate Diwali) on this day they corn­ these are in name only. In order to retain it rhey are memo~ate the departure of Jantia Bhil who was one expected to be economically better off as compared of theIr powerful and popular leader. His samadhi is to the others and also to give a communal feast or near Mahu at a ~mall. village in Panipat (HaryanaJ. 'Ausar' (described under death) in commemoration of Onc~ a year a bIg faIr takes place on this spot in their deceased parents. Otherwise they cease to be Kartlk. Chaudharis. Holi The person who wants to settle his/her dispute . On this day women sing and men dance with seeks the help of the 'Chaudhary' to assemble the :S~Icks. In the past the men were using swords at the orotherhood. The 'kotwal' or a messenger informs tI!lle ,of danc~. Some men used to get hurt or even the Bhils of different localities about the meeting. He kIlI.eo. But WIt~ the check on the use of swords the IS paid by the complainant. At the fixed time and Bhils have. sWItched ov:r to the use of sticks but place the brotherhood assembles and after electing have not gIVen up dancmg. the 'Panches' the matter is put before them. They settle the case quite amicably according to their abili­ Family ties and give their jUdgment, generally accepted by T~e . Bhils usually live in an elementary family both the parties concerned. The defaulter is fined ~0.nsIstm~ .of parents and unmarried children. But within the range of Rs. 5 to Rs. 11 depending upon jomt famIlIes are not uncommon. The Bhils are patn­ the seriousness of the crime. After settling three or local and patriliveal people. four cases tb~ money thus collected is spent in a Among the Bhils family the fathe! or the eldest feast. The most effective punishment given by the Bhil Panchayat is 'lamat Se Bahar Karna' i.e. social male m.ember enjo~s the ~reate~t 'imthority and res­ boycott of the CUlprit. To regain bis entry he is ex­ pect. TIll the son IS marned hIS earnings go to his father. But after his marriage, he makes a separate pected to win the favour of the 'Panches'. Sometllues hut nearby where he manages his own business and he is ordered to give a feast to the brotherhoud. But brings up his own family. Women's position is not at present nothing of this kind happens in Delhi. Now whatever small disputes occur due to difference of better ~han that of a servant. Besides managing their d?mestlc chores they work outside as labourers and opinions are. settled by themselves without the hdp of the Panchayat.· It is only in seriQ1:Is cases that the dIsh was~ers to earn money but still they do not have any say m any matter. A strict purdah system is ob­ meeting is caUed which lately are becoming infrequent. thus giving less importance to the caste Panchayat. s~rve~ by them ~nd e,,:en while working their faces Women have no voice in Bhil society and thus CaIlDot r~mam cC?vered wIth veIls of their odhnis. It is. con­ attend Panchayat meetings. . SIdered ~lsrespectful ~m the part of Bhil daughter-in­ law to SIt and speak III front of her father-in-law. The (nter-community Relations unmarried girls help their parents inside as well as In ascertaining the position of Bhils in the local outside the house. Urban Society of Delhi economic' determinant of Panchayat Organisation statu,s' seems to be the only available criterion. Being J]ligrants they do not have a root in tbe local caste In the past it was reported by Bhils that hierarchy. They are proud of being tribals -and- main­ they were living in 'Pals' or 'Paras' which were tain a nucleus of their oWn culture different from the large settlements or collection of hamplets local one. They are not making/any attempts to caste each owing allegiance to its own leaders. They structurc, absorb themselves in the locals. They would usually followed the lead of some local head man like to' maintain their status-quo as tribals and their or principal classman These 'pals' according to them. attempts at. their bederment , strike the economic' w~re strong enough to defy the levis of the ruling frontiers. Thus for example, their trying to gain agri­ chief who were then m constant terror from the lihils cultural land is purely from ·an economic -motive, so due to their unlawful activities. Moreover it was as to get better food and lead less stren~ous life equally difficult to pursue them into their fastnesses than their present one. -\ >, or to fix the responsibility on the state to which they Speaking from occupation they follOW, theit. iJ?-co~e. belonged.. The.y a~~e~ that about twenty years back is low and consequently their standard of hvmg 1$ ~ny ?utslder mqUlsltIve ~f their ways and means of hfe SImply used to be killed. But now in due course low. Further because of their occupation they hav~ of time and change of circumstances matters have be­ to stay with lower castes. such as Meghwals, Balai~. Dlieds, Chamars, Mirasis, and Nais with whom they c~e more communicat!ve and the Bhils seem to have do not maintain any social ties as they are c'~nsidered farrly sabred down. ~hlls of Delhi are havrng a local low. They claim to take food and water ft?m t~e c~s~e ~anchayat. It IS an age old iudicial body exer­ clsmg Its powers over the community ever since they Rajpoots only but in the absence of the latter ill theIr were forest dwellers. The only difference reported at vicinity it is diffiGult to check their claim; \ presenl1. is that it has ceased to be as rigid as it used Here, they do not have an~ temples 0,£ th~ir oWO. to be. But still social etiquette and certain other as each household bad a 'Dev! Ka Stban of lts o~ petty quarrels pertaining to the Bhils are settled by Many are followers of Sindhi Baba of Majun Ka TI1a ..... - whom they worship from time to time. They have Only eleven years back they established a registered no 'Jalmani' system with the Brahmins or any other association on all India basis with the name of higher castes because they strictly adhere to their 'Akhil Bhartiya Bhil Adivasi Kalyan Kami Parishad". own tribal norms. Other lower castes with wh,)m It works for the upliftment and betterment of the Bhils they are forced to stay because of the nature of ,heir with its head office in Delhi at Pusa Gate. The head job, they maintain social distance in as much as they of the Parishad is from the same community and at do not accept food or water from them. There is not present he is trying his best to acquire some land for much inter-action at social and cultural level with cultivation for the community either in Delhi or in other communities of the region. For their important Rajasthan but he has not succeeded so far. There is social functions, sllch as marriages. they visit the no membership fee for the sabha and the workers places in Rajasthan where they have their relatives. are voluntary members.

References

1. Sherring, .1lf.A., "Hindu Tribes and Castes as represented in Benaras'," Calcutt" 1872, Vol. III, p. 84. 2. Enlhoven, R.E. 'Tribes and Castes of BombI"lY', Bombay 1920, Vol. I, p. 151.

3. Enthoven, R.E. • 'Tribes and Castes of Bombay'. Bombay-1920. Vol. I, p. 154. 4. STterring, M.A. "Hindu Tribes and Castes as represented in Benaras". Ca,l­ outta 1872, Vol II. p. 128-129.

THE DHANAKS

61

DHANAKS

N arne, Identity, Origin and History origin of Caste may be supposed as in other cases to be an attempt of the priestly chronicler to repress the The Dha'l1ak or Dhanuk is treated as a Scheduled unfounded claims to a rise in rank" (Russel, 1916, Caste in Delhi, as per the Scheduled Caste and Sche­ Vol. II, pp. 484-487). duled Tribes List Modification Order of 1956. Tbey are also treated as belonging to Scheduled Caste in The Dhanaks themselves cite the reference from Haryana, Punjab and Uttar Pradesh and parts of Tulsi Das Ramayana, while describing the marriage Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan. Etymologically scene of Sri Ramchandra, the poet describes the people Wilson finds the word Dhanak to be the derivative present, who include Dhanaks, Baniyas and several of Sanskrit word 'Dhanuksha' which means an archer other castes. (Rose H.A., 1911, Vol. II p. 235). One of the infor­ The present day Dhanaks claim to be the des­ mants explained thUit the word Dhanak originated cendants of Rajputs Of Yadav Vansh, and hence Ksha­ from "Dhanukali" or "Dhanaki" which is a bow triyas. They relate a legend according to which in shaped instrument for carding cotton. He claimed the Dwapar age, a Kshatriya named Sahansar Bahu, that from time immemorial Dhanaks have been stole a cow of Parshuram's parents. Parshuram, when weavers, the first process of ,their occupation being after a thorough. search failed to find the culprit, carding cotton-wool with Dhanukali, and hence they began to extenrunate the Kshatriyas, who in turn began to be called Dhanaks. fled and took up different names. One among these is Dhanaks. The Dhanaks of Delhi prefer to call themselves Dhanak J ulahas or simply J ulahas because Dhanak Some of the Dhanaks claim that they are the des­ IS considered of lower social status. The term J ulaha cendants of Brahmins but due to their 'Karma', or IS purely an occupational term meaning a weaver. action they have been degraded and they come to But many of them admit. that they are no more pre­ ~ccupy a low social status in the hierarchy. Accord- dominantly weavers for a large variety of avenues 111g to them there were three Brahmin brothers, the have been tapped by them. Those who refer to them­ eldest of whom was in-charge of the store in God's selves as Juiahas or Dhanak Julaha intermarry with household. One day he was late in opening ,the store, those calling themselves as Dhanaks. The nomencla­ and God himself opened it. While he was closin& tural differences seem to have ari'Sen chiefly due to it the store-keeper carne. God became angry and re­ other castes, using the occupational term J claha fused to give him food. Consequently he began to which the Dhanaks have picked up later. But ,the eat ,the leftovers of other cQ,stes, thereby lowering terms Dhanaks and J ulahas are not always synony­ his own status and that of his descendants. He then mous as there are other J ulahas who are recruited went to Kabir for help. But Kabir taught him to from other e,thnic groups as well. weave so that he could earn his living and since then he and his child'ren began to weave. an occupa­ Some of the Dhanaks are also known as 'Sahees' tion which is practised even today by liome of the or 'Bargi' because of their occupation of looking after Dhanaks. the horses. There is another group of Dhanaks which is known as Dilwalis who are economically According to Buchhan as quoted by Crooke (1904, well off and hence at a somewhat higher level of Vol. II, p. 271) the Dhanaks were the former militia social status than the other Dhanaks. Dilwalis is a of the country. He states that all the Dhanaks were corrupted form of the term Delhiwalas. It is s~id by at one time probably slaves, many of whom were re­ the informants that when the Dhanaks first mIgrated cruited to form the military ranks. He found this to Delhi there was jungle around the city wall~. method of recruiting the military personnel to have Some of them stayed outside the city walls a~d th~lf been prevalent in Asia. The armies of Parthians be­ settlement came to be known as Julaha BaSH, whIle ing composed entirely of slaves. At the time when others managed to enter the township and lived Buchhan wrote, many of the Dhanaks were slaves. there. These latter Dhanaks were called Delhiwalas some procuring their freedom because of ,their mas­ by the former, the term h~ving been ~orru.pted to ter's inability to maintain them coupled with their Dilwali in the course of tIme. The DIlwalts hoW­ reluctance to sell ,their fellow creatures. ever have no social relation w1th the Dhanaks and Russel concludes "they were a body of servile they'seem to have formed a small section of their own. soldier recruited from the subject Dravidian tribes; following the all powerful tendency of Hindu society, Recorded references to their origin have been they became a caste and owing to their compara­ found in Padam Purana and Tulsi Das Ramayana. tively respectable nature of their occupation obtained Eliott (1869, Vol. I, £. 78-79) has q~oted the Padma a rise in their social position from the outcaste status Purana wherein the Dhanaks are saId to be the des­ of the subject Dravidians to the somewhat higher cendants of a Chamar husband and Chandal wife. group of caste who were not unclean but from whom Risely (1891, Vol. II, 220-222) traces their mytholo­ a Brahmin would not accept water. But the Dba­ gical pedigree to a Chamar mother and an outcaste Ahir as a father. But Russel opines "This debased naks not less than other soldier castes have advanced 63 64

a pr~~ension to. be Kshatriyas; those of Narsinghpur Population and its distribution somellme~ call.mg themselves Dhankari Rajputs. though thIS claIm is a pure absurdity". (Russel. 1916. According to 1961-Census there are 8,540 Dhanaks Vol. II. pp. 484-487). (4818 males and 3722 females) in the Union Territory of Delhi. 22.5 per cent of Dhanaks are living in Russel further puts forth a hypothesis that the Rural areas and 77.5 per cent in the Urban areas. Dhanaks formed the militia of Lodhi Chieftanis in The distribution of Dhanaks in different tracts zones !he Narbada Valley, because the Dhanaks of that of Ddhi is given in the following table. -place accept food cooked without water from the TABLE t:iHO"vVIN; TRACT::ljZONE WIi:{E DItiTIUBUTION Lodhis and Brahmins only (Russel, 1916, Vol. II. OF DHANc\K.t:i IN DELHI AS; PER lJ6H':ENSUS pp. 484-487). Population Crooke traces their origin to a large number of r---- ______A._ ------~ Impure castes of Basor or Basket makers. According P0fSons )Iales Females 10 him these Basket-makers took to bow making -_-_---- -:------~ ------. and from thence to archery, and some connection is traceable between the Dhanaks and Basors of Nar­ Delhi Total 8,540 4,818 3,722 singhpur (Crooke, 1896. Vol. II, pp. 271-276). Russel Rural 1,924 1,008 916 Urbln remarks that such a pretension must probably have 6,616 3,810 2,806 D }Le. (Urb,n) occurred i'll recent times in as much as recollection 6,.~1O 3,;48 :t,762 ZOne I Shahadara 6 3 of it still remains. J 3 Zono II City Sadm' Pahar- g.tnj Of the seven sub-sections of Dhanaks in North­ 4,973 2,862 2,111 ZOne III Karol R'gh P<1tel West provinces mentioned by Eliott and the same N"gar 836 467 369 mentioned by Sherring as found in Benaras. the ZOne IV Civil Lines Subzi· Dhanaks of Delhi know only of fiV,e viz., Laung lfialldi 292 178 114 Barsa (found mainly in urban Delhi), Mathurtya. ZoneV Transferred Area 252 141 III Kathariya, Jaishai. and Meghal. In addition. to these Zone VI South Delhi 18 9 9 sub-sections Dhanaks of Delhi are known a few other ZO.16 VII West Dolhi 134 88 4;6 sections mCiltioned by Crooke, as he found them in New Djlhi 100 56 44 Etawah and North-West Frontier Provjnces. These Delhi C~'lt~. 6 6 are Hazari. Lakariha, Atariha, J alaliya, and J agoh. The Dhanaks cannot furnish any explanation as to how these names or the sections originated. Crooke The great\)st concentration of Dhanaks is in D.M.C. 0896. Vol. II. pp. 271-276) attributes ,the name (Urban) area within the D.M.C. (Urban) area their Laung Barsa to the custom of tying dove strings main concentration is in Zone II viz., City Sadar around the necks of bride and groom-a custom Pahar Ganj where they llcoount for 76.4 per cent; peculiar only to this section. They however, do not Zone III viz. Karol Bagh, Patel Nagar takes the show any special regard for cloves by observing of second position with 12.8 per cent. In other areas any taboos. The term Kathariya is an occupational of D.M.C. (Urban) their number is . negligible and one, meaning one who makes 'kathari:' a special ki.Jld varies from 6 (0.09 per cent) in zone I-Shahadara, to of mat. The term Jaiswar seems to have derived from 292 (4.4 per cent.) in Zone IV. Civil Lines. Subzi~ the town of Jais and is referred to the migrants malldi. In New Delhi and Delhi Cantt. their number therefrom. The Lakriha do wood work such as being 100 and 6 respective!y;. Sex ratio of Dhanaks making toys etc. Some of them are found in. rural . in the Union Territory of Delhi. Delh~ Rural and areas. That the Dhanaks of Delhi have sub-sect~ons . Delhi Urban is 773, 909 and 736 reSPectively. mentioned by different authors working in' different There population has been subject to fluctuations parts of India is a pointer to the fact tliat these sec­ in the past. However, since 1951 it shows. steady In­ tions have migrated to Delhi from their respyctive crease. places, from where they have been reported. Their migration' figures for -1931 are as fol1ows:- Population IMMIGRATION OF DHANAKS INTO DELm AND .NEW DELHI FROM DIFFERENT PLACES 1911 7,156 Name of the place Delhi -·New 1921 • '1 4,471 Delhi 1931 1,321 1941 N.A. 1951 3.641 (Esti- Punjab 10 10 mated) 1961 8,540 Bihar & Orissa 1 Rajputana Agency 31 32 Their decline in 1931 has beeil, attributed. to Gwalior "their departure after a temporary sojourn of a large Uttar Pradesh 76 number of labourers engaged at the time of last Cen­ sus on the building operation in New DelhI." Source (Census of India 1931, p. 131, Subsidiary Table No. IV). (Censns of India 1931, Vol. XVIII p. 556). A kitchen out side one, roomed house.

A Dhanak woman selling vegetables.

65

Anotne: re-ascn for popubtior: vanatwn could be C"\!Cllsio!J of o~:; of lhe walJs of the room. The plac..' lhat Dhanaks prefer to return themselves as lulaha. near this wall IS used for cpoking ili<:ir meals. . Ii is not un-likely that some Dhanaks returned them­ selves as J ulahas thus registering a decrease in their Some of the poo~er I?hanaks have built temporary IilrUCflIres of very ]!Jfeno! quality, like the double population. lean toes, They are made by cresting two poles op­ poslte each other" at ,he distance of desired lengtb Family of the accommociallon. Tbe tops of the poles are con­ Nuclear family is the d

controllin!! their peh'lviflllf.' L thn;mgh the Basti is of large stone slahs, if }las sma! drams on either side. Tbis lane is always strewn witt Settlement Patterns garbage and such other dust-bin stuff, so that it look: not only und~an but very filthy. Tn rural areas the Dnanaks reneri1J!v live in Kll(''''N~ Public hydrants act as a main source of water how;~s. But Quite fl few of tile D1~malc house~ in supply. While only abcut 50 of !be households have rural area are 'Pucca' structures, having one-roomed their own water taps. Water is also taken from wells apartments many of which aTe in dilanidaten <"nd'­ in the locality. These water sources and their sur­ tl<:n. These Pucca structures have walls Jllllde of burnt rounding area is used for cleaning utensils. washing ?rides ,plastered with mud and cow dung. Thl"Y ilft': clothes e' c. and of len for bathing children. In-ventilated, having only one door as an exit. The doors which are made of wood are fixed with big iron In Dhobiwara located at Esplanade Road, which latches. The roofs me made of bricks cowred wi'h is another colr.ny of Dhanaks, bowever the housing lime. These ~int!Ie roomed a1)artments serve chiefly :3<; c

open courtyard in the front. There is no electricity ment is full-sleeved shirt. The covering garment of here. They use lanterns a'nd oil lamps for light. odhni is taken from below the left hand in the front, There is only one water tap. They use public latrines over the right shoulder and then after covering the for defecations. head it is allowed to drop on the left shoulder. so that .the rest of it hangs at the back. The furniture in the houses of Dhanaks in rural or urban. consists of cots only. In the Basti Julaha only In urban areas the lahanga of the Dhanak women a few households were noticed having two chairs and has given place to a full-sized petticoat reaching a table. To them radio-set is a luxury, nonetheless, llpto ankles and made of only 4-5 yards of material, the inflormant mentioned that in the Basti Julaha a as it does not has many folds. The shirt as an upper few persons did possess it. garment has been replaced by a blouse. while the odhni remains the same, though of the shorter length. The articles of decoration include calendars with They use chappals only when going out. pictures of film stars or political leaders. Very often pictures of gods sllch as Krishanji, Rama etc. are The adult males wear, dhoti, shirt and turban. also been noticed. whose loose end is allowed to hang gracefully on the neck. However. while at work. the men wear only dhoti and no other grament. The elderly males are Dress still seen wearing dhoti while the present generation To explain the dress and ornaments the members of adults have taken to wearing pants and shirts and of the community can be divided into the following hllsh-shirts. They have totally discarded the turban. groups:- Tn all the above types of the dress, a single com­ Infants-upto 3 years of age. mon factor which predominates. is the very poor qua­ lity of material used. This may be explained in two Children 3-7 years. ways. Firstly. their poverty does not permit them to buy good quality cotton and secondly. very often Adolescen~s 12-15 years. their clothes are gIven to them by the higher castes Adults 16 years and above. with whom they come into contact, for their work or otherwise. This is true as the Dhanak women be­ All these age groups. with exception of the infants ing Dai (indigenous midwife) by profession are given and children upto 7 years. have different dresses for the old clothes which the women wear at the time males and females. of child birth. The infants usually remain naked. in summer. Thev do n0t have more than three sets of clothe& while in winter some old warm upper garment is put out of which one is kept £or special occasions, like on. Once the child, whether male or female reaches festivals and'· for going out. The remaining two are the age of about three he generally wears an under­ used for daily use. But these agam_ are not washed wear so as to cover the loins. These underwears are daily, but once in 4-5 davs only and -that too mostI'! dirty and are washed once in 4-5 days .. without soap. Consequently, their clothes are dirty After the age of seven. the Dhanaks begin to. dress looking. It is only the males whose clothes fpr goinfl, their boys and girls differently. The girls wear an out purposes are washed with soap. I underwear together with a frock. At this stage they do not cover their heads. They also plait their bair Ornaments at this age. lni rural areas the most common ornaments arc Boys belonging to this age grol.lP wear underwf'ar bangles made of plastic. While women wear nve to or an half-pant together with vest or a shirt. . 'six plastic bangles in each hand, th~ unmarriell girts On reaching the adolescent age the girls begin tn have only one or two in each hand. As regards neck­ wear salwar-kameez and an upper covering cloth. laces, only a _black string is worn. It is only the ~ell locally known as odhni. The above clothes are gelle­ to dQ among theme who wear a small shining neckH!.ce rally made of coarse cotton cloth of poor quality made 01· b~ads. - . though the odhni may sometime be made of cheap Get)"rally, 'no ornaments are worn arQund the nylon cloth. ankles. During the survey for present stucLy only one puP, AJHUUJ gql ol sv. The adolescent boys continue to wear half pants and lS;}q;)~l ~UlfluOT;}q P:~l;}prsm:b - s~ UP,tUbM s~qJ, 'S1;}T~UU ];}APS l.ll™ UggS s~ Ul'.qIO'M shirts in rural areas. The shirts worn are chiefly full sleeved ones. However, in Urban areas the adolescent hence she could afford to have these silver: anklets. A few Dhanak women have bangles of different de- boys wear f1Jll pants seldom are they seen wearing signs.' . half-pants. I Tattooing as a form of body decoratiOJ,l is com­ The adult Dhanak females in urban and rural areis mon amClng the Dhannks. General patterns, are floral wear different dre~ses. nonetheless. they both retain d("coration on hand~ or a few dots on the ,

Food Habits ton etc., they denied taking flesh of cloven footed ' The daily diet of the Dhanaks usually consists of animals and beef etc. roti (made of wheat flour) and gur or chautnee (jag­ gery). In rural area they seldom prepare any vege­ The Dhanaks men are very fond of drinking table. The general rule is that the mothers cook the country-brewed liquor, although they cannot always whole day's roti in the morning and keep it for the afford il. Just because of this, the men run into debts children to come and serve themselves. The women and women have to supplement the household income. only serve their husbands while children help them­ selves. Education Crooke (1896 Vol. II. pp. 271-276) mentions that Dhanaks will eat mutton. pork, the flesh of the clo­ Literacy among the Dhanaks is very low. According ven footed animals and fish. They drink freely. They to 1961-Census in the Union Territory of Delhi 81.7 will not eat the flesh of monkeys, beef, uncloven­ per cent persons are illiterate. The illiteracy in rural footed animals, fouls, crocodiles, snakes, jackals, rat., area and urban area of Delhi is 85.0 per cent and and vermin. 80.8 per cent respectively. The table below gives the However, during the field investigations while the education among the Dhanaks in Rural and Urban Dhanak acknowledged that they sometimes take mut- Delhi according to 1961-Census.

EDUCATION AMONGST THE DHA.NAKS IN RURAL AND URBAN DELHI (1961)

Rural Urban Delhi Educational level ,---._ __A___-----.., ~ Males Females Total Males Femalos Total M'1les Females Total %age

Total population 1,008 916 1,924; 3,810 2,806 6,616 4;,848 3,722 8,540 Illiterates 743 893 1,636 2,728 2,616 5,344 3,471 3,509 6,980 81·7

J... iterates without Educational level 160 17 177 849 165 1,014 1,009 182 1,191 76·3

Primary or Junior Basic 87 4; 91 184 22 206 271 26 297 19'0 Matriculation or Higher Secondary 18 2 20 44 1 45 62 3 65 4·2 University degree or Post gradua.te degree other than technical degree 4. 1 5 4 1 5 0·3 Technical degree or diploma equal to post gradu~te degroe 2 2 0'1

The above table shows that among literates of Delhi sound enough to give higher education to their sons 76.3 per cent. are without any educational level, 190 even. They realise that education is the stepping stone per cent have passed primary or junior basic and to good jobs but after visualising the troubles thereof. 4.2 per cent have passed matriculation or higher they are becoming skeptical. secondary examination. Only 0.3 per cent have uni­ Dhanaks are not in favour of the modern school­ versity degree or post graduate degree other than tech­ room type of education for their daughters. They con­ nical degree and 0.1 per cent have technical degree sider it to be waste of time, money and energy and or diploma equal to post-graduate degree. as such highly impracticable and utopian. They attri­ Among the literates in Urban area 79.7% are with­ bute to it loss of respect for the elders and the tradi­ out any educational level, 16.2% have passed primary tion. The girls, they say, become fit for nothing as or junior basic and 3.6% have passed matriculation regards their household duties, which is their main or higher secondary. Only 0.3% have university degree field of activity. Further, the burden of work at home or post graduate degree other than technical degree falls entirely on the mothers if the girls go to school. and 0.1 % have technical degree or diploma equal to post-graduate degree. Occupation and Economic Life Among the literates in rural area, 61.4 per cent are The Dhanaks of Delhi follow a large number of without any educational level, 31.6 per cent have diversified occupations. The table showing their indus­ passed primary or junior basic and 7.0 per cent have trial classification as per 1961 census bears testimony passed matriculation or higher secondary. to this. There are 66.6 per cent non-workers and The literacy at all levels. is far greater among men 33.4 per cent workers. The female non-workers are than the women· more as is expected in any Hindu caste. The following The Dhanaks are in favour of educating only their table gives the Industrial Oassification of workers ~'Dd sons. But they regret that they are not economically non-work~rs by sex. 68

INDUSTRIAL CLl..SgIFICATIO~ OF WORKE:tS AND ~O~:,VORKER~ BY REX A'V[O:N'GST THE DHA:N'AKS IN RURAL AND URBAN ARE_'\8 OF DELHI (1961)

I II

Total population Total workers Cultivators ,---Agricultural___A__ labourers ' ______, ___..A--' Unic n Territury of Delh i r---.----~------.. ,------..A..------, -.-~ Ruml/Urban M F T M F T M F T M F T

---_.------~ -

Delhi Total 4,818 3,722 8,540 2,577 275 2,852 3 3 87 68 155

Delhi Rul''''} 1,008 916 1,924 440 176 616 2 2 87 68 155

Delhi Urban 3,810 2,806 6,616 2,137 99 2,236 1

III IV v VI

Uni~n Territory Lf Delhi Mining, quarrying livestock Househald industry Manufacturin; other than Construction Rural/Urban etc. H.H. Industry ,---____A.. ____---.,,--- -, ,------A----...... , ,-----"------, M F T M F T M F T M F T

Delhi Total 34 16 50 206 73 279 341 23 '364 161 6 167

Delhi Rural 16 13 29 157 63 220 16 6 22 14 14

Delhi Urban 18 3 21 49 10 59 325 17 342 147 6 153

VII VIn IX :x: l]ni.y;l Territory of Delhi Trade and Commerce Transport and Communi- othel' Services Non.-Workers cations ._- Rnra.l/Urban ,-___.A.. ___ ~ -, _A.. ___-, ,--__..A..----, M F '1.' M F T M F T 11 F T

I Delhi Total 196 6 202 685 2 687 864 81 945 2,241 8,447 5,688

: 23 Delhi Rural 6 3 9 13 13 129 152 568 740 1,808

Delhi Urban 190 ,3 193 672 2 674 735 58 793-- 1.673 2,707. 4.380

I'

Out of the total working force of 2,852 persons, '33.1 IX i.e. other services whi~h _includes; women working per cent or 945 persons are engaged in other services:· as housel).old servants, mIdwives, and in .other occu- 24.1 per cent (68·7) are i~ transpon an~ communica­ '.pations slkch as cleaning, scavanging etc.' Manufactur­ tions, 12.8 per cent (364) 1D manufactunng other tb,an ing other than household industry engages' the second household industry while only 5.4 per cent or 158 per­ largest number (17). This category includes making sons are engaged in agriculture, mostly as agricultural of paper bags, envelops, packi~' cases"cotton spinning labourers, all of whom with the exception of only one ~tc. The numbt'r Qf women wo~kers' in other Categories ,person belonging to rural area. IS very small. No woman works as agricultural labourer: . The table also throws light on the sex wise division of labour in the Dhanak community., The fact that In the rural area the maximum number i.e. 68 wo­ only 9.6 per cent of their total working force is formed men are engaged as field labourers, ~hile the house­ by wom~n, shows that while their men go out to work, hold industry engaging 63 wOt_nen ranks second. This women look to the household chores. The number latter category includes occupations Such as spinning, of female workers in rural area is greater than in weaving. bidi making, malcing of leaf platters etc. The urban area. In urban Delhi, more than half the num­ category titled 'other services' rank~ third with only per of working women are engaged in the category 23 females, thus showing the great !iisparity, . between Threads are washed before these are used for weaving.

A Dhanak making rope on a native loom.

69 agricultural and other jobs in rural area. These Dhanak or so before the delivery. Her presence is essential be­ women following their traditionaL occupation of Dais cause immediately after the child birth -there is the or indigenous mid-wives fall in this category. There breast washing ceremony of the Zaccha or new are no female workers in Construction, Transport and mother and this is performed only by the 'nanad'. Communications in rural area, while only 3 women Her presence in the house relieves the expectant listed as being in Trade and Commerce can very well mother of her daily chores· such as cooking, washing, be imagined to be the vegetable sellers whose number drawing water etc. since the publication of these figures in 1961 Generally, most of the deliveries take place at home. seems to have increased to-day. As regards Those who have two rooms use one of them as a the male workers in urban areas, it is seen delivery room, while others who have single room pre­ that none of them is in agricultural pursuit, with the pare an imprOVised delivery room by dividing the exception of a single individual who happens to be room into two small portions by tying a piece of an owner cultivator. Here too the category titled cloth as a curtain. A steel article such as a knife is 'Gthc:r Services' engages the maximum number of kept in the delivery room for they believe that it males (735) of the total male working force of 2.138. will drive away evil spirits. The Dai or an untrained The men in this category are working as musicians indigenous midwife attends at the delivery time. She in bands. as domestic servants, peons in offices and belongs to their own caste (i.e. the Dhanak) and other institutions, and as garbage and sewage dispos­ serves as Dai 10 all other village castes except the ers with public health and sanitation services. Bhangi. Her services are continued for 10 days, dur­ 672 males in urban areas are engaged in transport ing which she has a number of things to do for which and communications. These include tonga-wallas she is paid a paltry sum of Re. 1 only. She takes the (tonga drivers), bullock-cart drivers, a few unskilled clothes which the Zaccha wears at the time of deli­ labourers in transport companies, drivers in the Delhi very. Transport Undertaking and peons and line-men in The umbilical chord is cut by the Dai who buries Posts & Telegraphs. it in the courtyard, after carefully putting it in a small Household industry and manufacturing other than earthen pot, lest it may be used for performing sym­ the household industry, comprising of bidi making, pathetic magic on the new born. It is the Dai's job manufacture of paper bags, envelopes, card-board to 'let the family members know of the baby's sex. packing cases, leaf-platters, rope twine, weaving ctc. If a boy is born she announces it by beating a brass engages 374 males in urban area. There is a consider­ plate with silver 'hasali' (a kind of necklace) or with able number of Dhanaks working in Trade and Com­ a wooden ladle. The announcement of a daughter's merce and in Transport. while their number engaged birth is made silently. Washing and cleaning of new in Mining. Quarrying and Livestock is negligible. being born is done by the Dai. She gives it 'gur' or jaggery 18 only. water to lick, prior to the infant's first feeding. In the meanwhile the nanad washes the breasts of the Only 11 males, 10 from urban area and 1 from mother, without which the child cannot be fed. For rural area are engaged in 'special occupation' such as this the l1allad is gven some money which varies with sweepers and scavengers. the economic status of her brother. From this day start the food taboos of the mother. She is given only ghee and sugar on the first two days, while on the Life Cycle Rituals third day she is given 'halwa' a sweet made with sooji. sugar and ghee. Birth A song usually sung after the birth of a male child Associated with different stages in a man's life, the runs as below:- Dhanaks observe a number of socia-religious cere­ monies which begin at the birth of a child and end "Larke ka dada youn kahe. main karun dasodan after his death. The birth ceremonies are quite elabo­ bhari rate because children are always welcomed and more Larke ki dadi youn kahe, Larka doondi laya, specially so if they are sons, who, apart from the Hath ke muthi ke beech sir per lahura laya. practical advamages they give to their parents. be­ With the above song the Dhanaks welcome the new come a necessity for a man, in keeping with the male child. The paternal grand-father says that he popular Hindu belief that a man can only go to heaven will give a big dinner in which more than 100 people if his funeral pyre is lit by his own son. Consequently will be fed. The child's paternal grand-mother says a barren woman suffers from a social stigma and is that the boy has brought great treasures in the closed at times associated with the possession of an evil eye. fists of his hands. One of the learned men from their for the fear of which the children are kept away from own community is called on the day of the child her. 'The woman in question tries all the avenues pos­ birth, to cast the child's horoscope and accordingly sible fll'om sorcery to propitiation of the gods for get- to suggest its name. For these duties the so-called ting a child. . Pandit is given Re. 1 or Rs. 1.50. He also suggests an auspicious day for the 'Kuan Punjan' ceremony. 111e pregnant woman does not observe any taboos which is performed generally on the 10th day after as regards food or work. whether light or heavy. She the child birth. remait\s in her husband's house for the delivery, in keeping with the popular belief that the child must The pollution period lasts for only 3 days. For be born amidst his own people. The 'nanad' or the forty days, slow fire of cow- dung cakes is kept burn­ sister-in-law of the pregnant woman is called a month ing near the entrance of lhe room. It is known at L/P(D)4DCODelhi-7 "Uple ki Aag", a:nd near it is placed rai (mustard symbolizes' transferring of her . fertility to otber seeds) Ukala dana, salt and margosa fruits. Any woman women. entering the room has first to drop a few grains of raj and salt into the fire, so as to drive away the Then there are no ceremonies until the Mundan or evil spirits or any other bad influences such as evil the first hair cutting of the child. which takes place eye which may accompany the entrant. when it is 2. 5. or 6 years of age. In case of sons, they are taken to the Sitala-ke-Mandir (a temple) at On the third day two ceremonies take place, viz., Gurgaon. The Nai (barber) by caste does not serve Mandta in the morning and Siawat in the evening. them and hence one of the Dhanaks cuts the hair. Now­ The former includes an oil bath of the Zaccha and the baby by the 'Nanad' who later escorts the Zaccha ~-daYl very few people go to Gurgaon and the hair upto the exit of the house. Thereafter the 'Nanad' IS cut by the local barber who may not be a Nai by makes swastika mark of geroo or red colour on The caste. After Mundan. feast is given to the lineage walls of the house. It is believed that this mark will members. In case of a daughter the ceremony is scare away the ghosts. The Siawat ceremony includes known as 'Devi-ki-Karhai' which is performed at replacing of the earthen pots with new ones. and home only and the neighbour's children alone arc cleaning of other utensils in the house. Singing takes fed. place only if the new-born is a son. Water is also sprinkled in the house for purification. Marriage On the 6th day the 'Nanad' plasters the wall over Child marriage was very common in the past. But the Zaccha's head with cow-dung paste. She then these days. it is stated, the age at marriage is usually draws a picture of Bemata or Bid Mata on it, in 19-20 years for boys. and 14-16 years for girls. Rangoli pattern with cow-dung. It is believed that on According to 1961 Census there were 2039 males and this night the goddess will come and write the fate of 1788 females in the age group 0-14. Out of these, the infant on its forehead. Drawing of her image is 32 males and 88 females were married. This shows said not only to please the goddess but because of that child marriage is practised but it is not very it she grants long life to the child and protect'> it common· The fcmale child marriagc is more com­ from any evil influences. In the evening the Nanad mon than male child-marriage. prepares geroo or red colour solution and plants the The marriages are all arranged by the parents, who marks of her palm and fingers dipped into this solu­ are helped by other relatives and good friends. The tion on the houses of friends and neighbours in joy person who acts as an intermediary is known as of the new born. Bichola, who is not a professional match-maker, but At night on this day both men and women keep is generally one of the relatives. In choosing the match awake lest the Bemata may find them sleeping and care is taken to avoid the prohibited degrees of get annoyed. Women of the house and the neighbour­ exogamy. As such the gotras of both the parents and hood sing songs irrespective of whether the new born of grand-mothers of paternal and maternal side are is a boyar girl. While the singing goes on. the pater­ avoided. It is' needless to say thaLQne's own gotra is nal grand-mother of the new born prepares Kajal or always avoided. Similarly marriages- with first or lamp black soot and applies it in the eyes of her second cousins are ruled out, and so also are the grand-child. From this day onwards Kajal is applied marriages by exchange. While avoiding all these to the infants eyes. Application of the Kajal is a de­ gotras, care is taken to maintain _the territorial exo­ vice to divert the influence of the evil eye. gaply in as much as marriages do not take place within the radius of 10 miles. This is because the children On the tenth day, the Zaccha's mother or brother of the same village and the neighbouring villages are come with clothes for her and the baby. The clothes supposed to have final kin ties, and lienee horror of are, Peelia or a yellow coloured scarf for the mother. incest ,prevails. Potras or napkins for the baby and Choora or red bangles for the Zaccha. More clothes may be given , \ When both the parties accept the proposal Kacchi if the Zaccha's parents can afford. On this day lunch" , Sagai (temporary betrothal) takes place. At this time is given to the neighbours and friends and in case the Bichola gives Re. 1 and a coconut to the boy's their number exceeds 100 persons then the lunch is father. This may be termed as proposal acceptance. known as 'Da05uthan' to differentiate it from 'Khana' Final engagement or the Pakki Sagai comes fater, dur­ or feeding of a few. ing which the ,_ groom is; given any amount ,ranging In the evening the new mother takes a bath, wears between, Re. 1 t6 Rs. 5 and some clothes, after apply­ clothes given by her parents. takes an earthen pot ing tilak on his forehead. The groom's mother ,is also, or 'Kalash' on her head and proceeds to their com­ given some clothes. This ceremony takes pl~ce in, mon well. followed by other women. On reaching the the boy's house. As a rule once the Sagai takea place, well, the Zaccha puts down the Kalash, and puts into marriage cannot be broken unless both the parties the well some of the bajfa (millet) which she carried agree to it. In case only one party desires 1:0 break the f with her in her 'odhna'. Of the remaining bajra she Sagai then the matter is referred to Panchayat. which puts seven handfuls on the well and the rest is dis· makes all attempts to strike at a compromise failing tributed to the women present. She then brings home which the party at fault has to pay fine upto '~s. 50. the Kalash full of water from the well which is But in the immediate past no cases of this 'nature sprinkled in the house -for purification. The signifi­ ha vc been reported. . cance of this ceremony is that it lifts up the confine­ ment prohibition in case of those Zacchas who have The day fnr the marriage is fixed by one of the, to do their own work immediately. Further, distri­ elderly members of the Dhanaks, who' ,officiates as bution of the bajra by the Zaccha to other women Pandit, since the Brahmins do not serve them. His' emoluments are around Rs. 5. Soon after the date is the remnant ot 'swayamwara- type of marriage, where fixed Peeley-Chawal (yellow rice) ceremony ta~cs in the groom, after defeating all the. opponents knocks place. The girl's father ties 1 Kg: rice grains, turmenc, on the door of the bride's house, ghee in a piece of cloth, se~ds It. to t~e boy's father, Once the groom alights from the mare, he stands who keeps some of the gr~un~ with hIm and returns .at the entrance of the bride's house, for the next cere­ the rcst. These grains are dlstnbuted by both the part­ mony, namely barolhi, where the bride and the groom ies to the invitees while sending the invitation. Along­ stand at either end ofl a large wooden plank placed with the Peeley-Chawal are sent a few sweets and near the entrance. Then the bride's father's sister comes clothes for groom's mother to the boy's house. This with tilak and lamp of dough placed in a bronze plate is known as lagan. Some male members of the bride's and docs the arati after applying tilak on the grovm's side take it. At this time the priest is called and he forehead. The momenl the arati is over Lhe women reads out the Pili-Chilli or yellow letter., This speCI­ around throw cut grass reeds on the groom, a sign fies the date and time of marriage, number of persons for his welcome. The boy is then taken back to the to .form the Barat (marriage procession) and the Jallwasa for dinner. number of oil baths for the boy and the girl. This lagwl generally takes place on 5 or 9 or 11 days be­ After dinner comes the actual marriage cere­ fore the marriage. mony. For this the Pandit erects . 'Ve?i' which. is made by plotting a square and fixmg III each of l~S Once the day is thus fixed bans or oil baths begin comers a Ganara Plant. Around these a red cloth IS on both the sides, but in the groom's house they be­ tied. In the centre of this is fixed a pole of about 7 ft. gin a day eady. The bride and the groom, are massag­ height. On it is placed a lam!!. This is. known as ed by their sisters and mothers with a lubricant paste Manda. Near it on the UOOl' fire IS kept burmng known called 'Uptan' the ingredients of which are mustard as Havan. oil, wheat flour and turmeric. The bride, at the time of her first oil bath is made to wear Kangan or silver The brid~ wears clothes sent at the time (if bhaa bangle. by her uncle (mother's brother) and a few minutes before the appointed time both the bride and the One day before marriage the maternal uncles of the groom sit on a plank in the Vedi. The Pandit makes groom and the bride give some clothes and ornaments them take 7 rounds around the fire and thcy are known to the groom and the bride respectively. This is known as phere. Before this the daughter is given away by as Bhaat and is the contribution towa,rds marriage her father or in his absence her maternal uncle to the from maternal uncles, of the boy and the girl. groom. This ceremony known as Kanyada~ also .in­ cludes giving. of dowry, clothes and other thmgs whIch In the evening of the same day Chak ceremony the bride's side want to give her. A song is usually takes place on both the sides. The women go singing sung at the time of 'Phere' by the women. The song to the potter and there they worship his 'wheel, the runs as follows:-·- chief worshippers being the mothers of the bride and the groom. They apply vermilion mark on the wheel "Lay-lay beti pehla phera, dada ki poti. and prostrate before it. They then place their order Bablll duja phere, beti babul ki. teeja phere tao ka, for the pots to the Kumhar's wife. The order is in Beti tao ki, chautha phera kaka ka, bett kaka ki". terms of 1 leek or t leek. One leek comprises of a number of pots of various sizes such as one big matka In the above song the bride is reminded that she (pitcher), 5 medium sized pitchers, 5 earthen mettles, is like daughter to all her paternal uncles and her 4 Jhaulis or grinding pots and 10 sakoras or smallc')t paternal grand-father. The song implies that the first size earthen pots. round around the fire (Phera) is for her paternal grand-father, the second is for her father, the third On the marriage day, the groom takes bath and for father's elder brother and the fourth for her wear the clothes sent in the 'bhaat,' and on an hired father's younger brother. mare he rides to the brides place. He follows the pipers and other musicians and behind him walk the other The next day in the morning the groom's party members of the procession. On coming to the bride's returns with the bride to the bridegroom's residence. house the barat ,is received by the elderly members If the girl has not reached the puberty stage she re­ and is then led to the J anwasa or the place kept for turns to her parents after staying for a few days ~ith the stay of 'barat'. Here light drinks are served. Soon her in-laws. The Dhanaks allow polygamy only if a man's first wife is barren. Similarly WIdow marriage one of the Panches from the Pa'nchayat of bride's is alJowed. In such a marriage the ceremony com­ side presents a coconut and clothes in a bronze thai prises only of garlanding of the groom by the widow to the groom, after applying vermilion on his fore­ a'nd vice-versa and is known as Karevat. The Dhanaks head. Thereafter in return a Panch from Dhanak Po;;­ practice levirate, because in case a widow marries any chayat of the groom's village offers a bag full of coins person other than her brothers-in-law, she loses her to the girl's side Panch, who takes out a few coin" to give later to the people who work for the b'lrat. right to the propcrty, and the new husband has to He then invites the groom to the Tauran. Groom while pay a fine to her first-in-Iaws. si~ting on the mare comes to the Tauran which is just Only in extreme cases the Dhanaks anow divorce, a wooden plank with 4 pegs on it. Each of the pegs (_he main charge for which must be adultery. Here to.o has wooden sparrows placed on them. This entire again a man alone can ask. for divorce an.d not hiS structure is tied on the entrance of the girl's house. wife. Tn short as one of the 'nformants put It, women The bl)y then just touches the Tauran with his hands being ctependant 0:1 their hll,~ands, they ,have to put or dagger. This ceremony, the Dhanaks claim to be up wi h the adulterous b'?lnv1onrs of theIr husbands. 72

However, recently one member of their Panchayat lits it. Once the' pyre is lighted nobody leaves the said that wives can also ask for divorce. The proceed­ ghats for another 2-3 hours so as to ensure that the ings of the divorce case take place before the Pan­ body has burnt well· At time some elders stay on chayat, which tries its best for compromise, failing till the cranium is heard cracking. which penalty is imposed on the guilty party. How­ ever, the divorce cases are very few because separa­ When th~ peoRle return home. ~hey ta~e their bath tion by returning of the wife to her parents is prac­ and enter roto -lie mourning penod. which lasts for tised even to day. 10 days and dunng which the males do not shave. On the 2'l1d day of the mourning period the ehIerly Death members go to the burning ghat to collect the bones. The ashes are thrown into the local river or water The Dhanaks dispose their dead chiefly by crema­ source. Bones are kept at home for immersing them tion. None-the-Iess burial is also In vogue in cases of in the holy Ganges, whenever it is feasible to do so. the children dying below 5 years and victims who fall prey to chicken pox or small pox. The method for The pollution period in cases of infants and child­ disposing the infants is the same in both the urban ren ranges between 2-3 days, after which the house and the rural areas. It consists of placing of the dead is purified by sprinkling of Ganges water by elderly infant in a big earthen vessel which is the'll buried members of the community. The same pollution period near the cremation ground. extends for about 10 days in case of an adult's death. Immediately after the death occurs, some elderly All throughout the pollution period the house is persons of community goes to the neighbouring vil­ regarded as impure and no outsider except the rela­ tives can enter the house. During this period atta lages to inform the relatives. In the house the dead (flour) and butter are offered to a priest of their own body is removed from its bed for the purpose of put­ community. With the hope that it will fill the hunger ting its feet to the south, for they believe that Yama, of the dead person in the .other world. the God of death comes from that direction. The body is thus kept for paying last tributes while the elderly On the 10th day the house floor and walls are persons go out to arrange for the cremation. The smeared with cowdung mixed with water and holy arrangements include getting of the bamboos, fire­ water is then sprinkled by an elderly person of their woods, kerosene, earthen pot, cowdung-cakes and own community. This! is the sign that the house has clothes which diffe.r with the sex and status of the deceased. Thus married females with their husbands been purified. alive are covered with red saree, blouse-piece, while On the 13th day after the death feast is given to a few glass bangles and sindhur (vermilion) are also friends and Birada.ri (bilateral kin-group). The menu .kept near their bodies. Males and widows are both for the feast includes purees (fried bread) and sweet covered with white cloth. No bangles or vermilion are kept with the widows. rice. When all the things are arranged and all the rela­ These are not the only ceremonies Jor the dead, tives have paid their last tributes to the dead body, for they are remembered in the years to tallow. Every it is taken out of the house or to the open space just year during the mO'nth of Bhadon (August-Sept.) near the'main door to give it its last bath. An oil Shradha ceremony takes place to commemorate the lamp is kept burning at the place from where the dead. This ceremony includes purning; of fire and dead body has been removed. Cow-dung cakes are offering 9f purees and chawal ki kheer ~preparat~on also kept burning at the entrance of the house to made of rice, milk and sugar) a sort of nce pudding. drive away the evil spirits. After the bath has been to the pandits. given to the dead body it is put on ,the bier and The same fbod is given to the kin-group and neigh­ covered with the new clothes and tied to the bier. bours who are specifically called to attend this cere- - When this is done a part of the burning cow-dung cake is placed in an earthen pot which is then car­ mbnYt ried by one of the sons, preferably the eldest son who In case the death is caused by snake bite then happens to be the chief mourner of the deceased. milk and fried rice are offered to the' snakes on the The person carrying this fire leads the procession. Nag-Panchami day :which falls jn the month of 'Sar­ Then the bier is lifted by four persons to be carried van' (August). This is, done in addition to t~e Shradh to the burning ghats. This is followed by other male ceremony. The reason to feed the snakes IS to ap,­ members. No females form a part of the funeral pro­ pease their hunger so that they may not trouble the cession among the Dhanaks. On almost half the way dead further in. the next world. to the cremation ground the bier is stopped for a few minutes. There is no special word for this among The Shradh ceremony among .tl!e Dh~naks does; the Dhanaks, but recently a few of them have begun includes an elaborate ritual, requmng serVIces by any terming it 'Aram Dena' (to give rest) after the fashion specialised priest or a Brahmin. of higher castes. In any case no Brahmin by caste serves the Dha­ The Dom prepare the funeral pyre on which the naks ana hence any elderly person from Dhanaks\ bier is placed. Then the chief mourner goes round the pyre three times and then !its it with the fire which officiate as a priest. \ bas been carried from the house in an earthen pot. The Shradh ceremony is not performed for' the As a rule, it is the eldest son of the deceased, who children but only for the elders, specially the parents. tits the pyre, and failing him any nearest relative 73

Religion of their own caste. The common method of droving out the spirits is by waving a broom around the affect­ The Dhanaks of Delhi are Hindus by religion, a ed person's head, while the Bhagat smokes hukka. fact which has been noted by earlier writers. None­ ~hi~ waving of t~e broom drives away the spirits. theless it has also been said of the Dhanaks that they SImIlarly by burrung the person's one strand of hair regularly visit some of the Muslim shrines and pay the Dhanaks believe that the ghQsts disappear. The respect to Muslim saints. Crooke mentions they (the Bh~gats are known to have .domesticated a few spirits Dhanaks) make pilgrimages to the tomb of Madar WhICh have affected the patlent. The Dhanaks believe Sahib at Makhanpur, in the Cawnpore District and in in the malevolent power of the evil eye. To cast this the month of Magh (March-April) offer malida, a sort out they wave a few red chillis, and salt around the of pudding, and money which are taken by the person's head seven times and they throw it into the khadims incharge of the shrines. They also worship fire. The staunch of the fire is believed to drive away the two Miyans, the great of "Bara Miyan" has his the spell of the evil eye. tomb at Jalesar, in the Btah District, and the little Qr Apart from casting out the influence of evil eye, 'Chhota Miyan' at Amroha in Moradabad. These ghosts and spirits. the Bhagat is also called in cases saints are worshipped after child birth, if the child of snake and scorpion bites. He sucks the blood happened to be a son they offer a he-goat, for a daughter the offering is a kind of cake (gulgula). Over the wound in case of the snake bite all along (Crooke, 1896, Vol. II, pp. 271-276). They, Dhanaks chanting the mantras. For scorpion bite. chanting of of Delhi have, however, no knowledge of the above mantras alone is sufficient to remove the sting. places of pilgrimage or the saints mentioned and hence The Bhagat has to lead a hard life in order to be this is not applicable to the Delhi Dhanaks. successful in his profession. He is tabooed from eat­ In Delhi except two males who have turned as ing certain food & killing the animals like snakes. Sikhs, all the other Dhanaks were enumerated as On eclipse and other appointed days he has to stand Hindus, during 1961 Census. in knee deep water and chant the mantras. It is be­ lieved that the Bhagat must answer the calls he gets. The Dhanaks believe in all the Hindu gods and otherwise his power may be lessened. His services goddesses, the chief gods being Sri Ram, Krishna, are rendered without expecting any return, although Shiva, and the Sun. The sun god is worshipped people do pay him in cash or kind. The Bhagat daily, \Specially by the women who make the offering who happened to bel an informant did not wish to of flowers and water. Special worship of the sun god discuss the techniques and methods of acquiring takes place on Sundays of Baishakh (April-May) power over spirits. However, he did mention, that to month. During the worship, flowers, rice, betel leaves, have power over the spirits. one has to visit the burn­ cardamoms and money are offered to the sun god. ing ghats at night hours quite often. The goddesses worshipped are in Gurgaon and Narela and known as Gurgaon Ki Mata and Mushi Fairs and Festivals Devi respectively. These places are visited frequently The Dhanaks of Delhi have no festivals typical of by the Dhanaks. The goddess at Gurgaon is believed their own community. They celebrate only the main to be controlling the pox diseases and hence is pro­ Hindu festivals, viz. Holi. Janam Ashtami, Guga pitiated by the persons suffering therefrom. They be­ Navami, Nav Ratri, Dussehra and Dewali, etc. lieve that this goddess expresses her wrath by sending these two diseases to them. Her worship consists of Panchayat performing the puja and making an offering of Any village having Dhanak population has its own sweets: Dhanak caste Panchayat. with a Chaudhary as its They also take vows before this goddess and also head and four other subordinate office bearers known ask favours from her, specially when they want to be as Panch. These offices are hereditary as a rule, but blessed with a son and after the birth of the son, the informants cite instances where an inefficient panch shrine is visited again for thanks giving. At this time or even a chaudhary has been replaced by a more feast is given to the biradari. Besides this goddess. capable person. In such cases the choice for the new person rests on public opinion i.e. selection or most the shrine of Vaishnu Devi 81t Jammu is an im­ recently voting. The new office bearer has to take an portant place of pilgrimage. Their minor gods are oath in front of his own community and the Dhanaks Mahabir. Ram Thakur and Dharam Ram. There is of the neighbouring village. In turn he is honoured a group of Dhanaks who have adopted Kabirpanthi by placing a turban on his head by another Chau­ sect. . , ., 1<0"" dhary and other elder members. . A trace of what may be termed ancestor worship Over and above a single village Panchayat there is was also, discovered among the Dhanaks. A platform Chaugami or four-village Panchayat in which panch of bricks covered with mud laver and then smeared is from each of the villages. The headquarters of the with cowdung is found in each of the household. On Chaugami is generally in the village of the Chaudhary. this platform fire is kept burning. They say that by Similarly there is Baragami or twelve-village Pan­ doing so the ancestors remain happy as the fire acts chayat and ChobisJ?ami or twenty-four village Pan­ as light to show them around their houses. chayat. These multi-village Panchayats act in cases of inter-village disputes. Panchayats do their level best to The Dhanaks are firm believers in the demoniacal settle all the quarrels without going to the court of theory of diseases. They believe that evil spirits and law. As such it is very seldom that the jurisdiction ghosts enter into a person's body and cause diseases. of the Panchayat is defined and the cases taken to the JIence they require the services of a sorcerer who is court! 74

The sub-castes of the Dhanaks do not have separate the importance of the panchayat. The verdict of the Panchayats. Whatever may be the sub-casles, they all panchayat is always accepted. unite:: under one Panchayat of the village. Thus Pancha­ ydt acts as an unifying force where the sub-castes are A case was referred to the panchilyat by some of concerned. In the urban area, the Panchayat has not t1:e elders, as they found that the party concerned had been so effective, as it is losing its hold on the people. vl.ol~ted the rul.es of matrimony, firstly hy marrying wlthm the proillbited gotras and secondly, by marry­ The functions of the Panchayat are many and varied. ing in the office of the Registrar of Marriages, which For the protection of its community the Panchayat the elders considered illegal and hence demanded the organises night watch. Cleanliness of its locality and nullify of marriage as it violated the traditional norms. public places like Chaupal etc. is also the function of The first plea was that tne gotns ot the bride's the Panchayat and anybody who does not help in maternal grand-mother and that of the girl were the· maintaining cleanliness is taken to task. Administra­ same and hence it was a marriage be~ween brcther tion and justice is again the responsibility of the and sister. with all its associations of horror of incest. Panchayat, provided that the matter i~ referred to it. Inter-family, intra-family, and inter-village disputes lie The panchayat considered the maHer in three of its within the jurisdiction of the various Panchayats. The lengthy meetings. The first meeting lasted from form of punishment is varied, and ranges from fine to 10 P.M. to 5 A.M. and was attended by 800 persons. ostracism. To put to shame the wrongdoer in the The last meeting was attended by about 1.100 persons public is a common [,)rm of punishment. Thc maxi­ and it lasted from 11 A.M. to 7 P.M. mum amount of fine that can be imposed is Rs. 52 only. The Panchayat can stop the guilty persons from The· entire defence of the groom Was that he had enjoying the community life, which includes smoking left out the important gotras. He admitted that tra­ hukka, drinking, eating and sitting with oth'~r com­ ditional marriage rules were violated. but not to their munity members. This type of casting out may be for last degree. He said that this was definitely not a different periods of time, depending upon the nature marriage between siblings. He also pointed to the of crime. At times, even a feast to the community may Jegality of the marriage as it took place in the court be demanded as a form of punishment. and as such the pancJ1ayat had no right to nullify it. With this defence the panchayat had to strike a Any member of the Dhanak-community enjoys the middle course. It imposed a fine of Rs. 52 on the privilege of referring his grievances to any of the office accused and the marriage has been accepted as valid bearers, who alone can arrange for the Panchayat by the entire community. meeting, if he thinks that the matter is worth the atten­ tion at the Panchayat and no private compromise can It is in case of this type, the Chaudhary remarked be affected. In case the Panchayat Officers decide to that limitations are imposed on the panchayat duties call the meeting, the plaintiff is asked to deposit Rs. 11 and thus although .the panchayats remain the same only. Then the Panchayat selects a member of their structurally, their progress is hampered tu.J1ctionally. community to announce the date, the time and the . --- venue of the panchayat meeting. 'fhis messenger is Inter-community ·Relationship not a professional, nor a fixed person at the service of the panchayat. As such the choice of the Panch As regards the social position of the. Dhanaks. the may fall on any member of its community to run its early .writers express at times diametrically opposite errands. The expenditure for this is berne by the v;cw. Risky (1891 Vol. I, p. 220) speaks of their social Panchayat, from the amount deposited by the plaintiff. position as quite respectable. According to him "they In case of the inter-village strife, the panches have to . rank with the Kurmis and Koiris and Brahmins win bear their own expenses, and that is why the infor­ accept water from their hands. They themselves will mants feel. that any person with money to his credit eat .. d:('ink and smoke with the Kurmi. Amat· and-~ can be an office bearer of the Panchayat. Kewat". However, none of the other castes mentioned' bv Risley exist simultaneously iwith the Dhanaks of The panchayat meetings take place generally in the Deihi today and as such the qnestion of any kind of late evenings and at nights, often going on ~i1l the reciprocal relationship in, Delhi with them does not dawn, as the case study below will indicate. This arise. timing is suitable to aU the members of the commu­ nity as women and children are barred from attend­ Of the Dhauaks of Punjab, Ibbets'on writes that ing the meetings. Women can be present only if they "thev differ from the Churhas in that thev will ·not are personally involved in the case. But here too. even remove the ni~ht soil. though they win do the genem,l in cases of divorce where women are concerned. care scavetiging. The Churhas are said to look down uf*1n is taken to bring; them to the panchayat for the mini­ them but they are apparently on an eQuality.as neither mum possible time.· will eat the leaving of the other". (Ibbetson, 1911, Vol. II, p. 235). All the office bearers make it a po,nt to remain present during the proceedings of the panchayat. The present day Dhanaks are treated as being slight­ Before they give their final verdict elders of the com­ ly higher than Bhangis: in their own opinion as al~o munity are consulted. The general pattern of proceed­ bears testimony to this. in as much as, their houses ings of the Panchayat is to ilsk the plaintiff to put forth ::tre found on the outskirts of the villages. and near his grievances fonowed bv the defence of the defen-~ those of other untouchable castes, - . dant together with any evidence from both sides. Thus, after hearing both the pros and cons, the opinion of The Dhanaks of Delhi are untouchables, from whom the elders, the panchayat gives its verdict. Up till now none of the higher castes. will accept food. either voting has not been introduced, for it will diminish kacch{l or pakka. and water. and to whom none of 75 the higher castes will serve. The Kumhar or the potter efforts are hampered by their ignorance of credit and is perhaps the only one who supplies pots to them market facilities available to the cottage and small but will not have any other kind of social relationship scale industries. with them. The Churhas and the Chamars are con­ sidered by the Dhanaks to be inferior to them and The Dhanaks remain as untouchables even today. hence they do not accept water or hllkka from them. in the rural areas. In their urban localities, where caste Thus the Dhanaks rank somewhere above the Churhas is not so important a factor their low income places but still remain untouchables. them at the low rung of the social ladder. Thus whe­ ther in the caste society or in the class society, with Formerly all the public places were' banned to their two different determinants of status, the position them and the position remains more or less the same of the Dhanaks remains the same. even today. the only exception being that they can participate in the fairs and visit the village Dhaba (eating house). The Dhanaks are aware of the aboli­ Social Reforms tion of untouchability but they themselves have not tried to visit the village well or the temple and if. at The Arya Samaj movement did not fail to touch the all. they visit these places. they remain at a distance. Dhanak community and after the lInd war many for want of any encouragement from others. Dhanaks were given sacred thread and became Arya Samajist. Today the influence of Arya Samaj is no The Dhanaks are trying to utilize the forces which more and many have even thrown away the sacred will permit their social mobility vertically. According thread. None-the-less, the enthusiasm generated by the to them. the only two avenues open to them are, first. Arya Samaj movement led to the formation of Akhil betterment of their financial position. so as to get Bhartiya Dhanak Maha SaIYha in 1946. Although the some place in the changing Indian society wherein society was entitled Akhil Bhartiya, meaning all India. caste seems to be giving way to class and second its influence never went beyond some of the important education, whereby they hope to get good employ­ Dhanak settlements in Delhi. This society was short ment. As regards increasing their income. some of them lived but in that short span of its life it campaigned have taken to mal1)lfacturing on a very small scale against extravagance in marriage, singing of obscene such as making of envelopes, toys etc. but here their' songs at social functions etc.

ReJerencea :

1. RORe, H.A. A Glossary of the Tribes and Castes of Punjab. (Compiled by) North West Frontier Province, London: 1911, Vol. II, p. 235. 2. Elliot, H.M. The Races of the North Western Province of India, London 1869, Vol. I, pp. 78·79. :J. Risley, a.M. The Tribes and Castes of Bengal, 1891, Vol. I, p. 220. 4. Crooke, W. Tribes and Castes of N.W.P. & Oudh, Cal. cutta : 1896, Vol. II, pp. 271-276. /'i. Russel, R.V. The Tribes and Castes of the Central Province of India, London: 1916, Vol. II, pp. 484- 487. fj. Turner, A.C. Census of India 1931, United Province of Agra and Oudh. Part I Report, Allahabad, 1933, Vol. XVIII, p. 556.

THE DHOBI

77

DHOBI

N arne, Identity, Origin and History is reported that the washerI?an represents an. impur~ caste but in many degrees hIgher than that of Bhangt.. Both Dhobi and Bhangi have descended from the Dhobi is one of the Scheduled Castes in the Union Dom whose sole wealth according to Manu must be Territory of Delhi. It is also notified as a Scheduled dogs and asses. . Th~ J~dian washerm~n has ~lways Caste throughout Assam, Bihar•. O~jssa, Uttar. Pradesh b~en associated WIth mdigenous ass WhlC~ carnes the and West Bengal and in the dlstr~cts o~ Rals.on and soiled clothes down to the bank of the flver or tank Sehore in Madhya Pradesh and AJmer /m RaJasthan. and takes them back clean to the house. No Hindu of any caste. even the lowest, will was~ his own In the Union Territory of Delhi it has a tola1 popu­ clothes and so the Dhobi has been formed mto a caste lation of 14,144 persons of which 8,091 are male~ ~!nd which shall bear the impurities of all. Risley (1891. 6.053 are females. Vol. 1, pp. 233-236) disputes this connection of Dom'l and Dhobis through the common use of donkey on According to Crooke (1896, Vol. II, p. 2~8) tht> various grounds. "In the first place the use of donkey word Dhobi has been derived from t~e Sansknt word hy the Dhobi caste is so far from being universal dhav which means to wash. Accordmg to Thurston that it has given rise to the formation of slightly in­ (Vol.' II, 1909, pp. 168-:-20()) it is a nal:ne used for ferior sub-caste called Gadhaiya, secondly beyond the washerrnan by Anglo-IndIans all over Indm. highly conjectural identification of the Doms with the Chandals spoken of by Manu, there is nothing to As to how they came into being as an occupational show that the Doms have the faintest partiality for group and later as a cas~e the Dhobis of Delh.i have the donkey. To Crooke (Crooke. W. 1896, Vol. IT: 288) different versions. Accordmg to Deshwala Dho~l~ who it does not appear necessary to connect the Dhobis have migrated from Rajasthan. they :vere ongmally with either the Dom or Bhangi in order to account higher caste Rajputs. When Lo:cd Knshna was born for the loW social rank which they hold. According there were no Dhobis, and the probJem arose as to to Crooke there are seven sub-castes of Dhobis and who will wash his and his mother's clothes. ~ woma.n Sir Elliot (1869 Vol. I, pp. 81-82) gives the sub-castes was given some gold coins who started washmg theIr as Kanaujia, Maghahia, Pagehiya. Belwar. Batham, clothes and her children took up washing as a profes­ Sri Batham. In Delhi Dhobis migrated from West sion and were hence called Dhobis. But accordi~g. to Pakistan say that they have seven sub-castes, but ·they Dhobis migrated from Pakistan, who are now resldmg do not know the names except of four or five sub-castes in Laxmi Bai Nagar; before the reign of Rama there e.g. KafUlujia, (campuloaley. Purbia or Kanpuriya, were no Dhobis and one clay Sita (Rama's wife) asked Nngpurh'(j and Malhuria etc. Rama as to who will wash her Saree at which Rama rubbed his arm with his hand and produced a sister Dhobis migrated from Rajasthan are of the opinion and a brother. They believe that all the Dhobis are that the Dhobis of different areas have been given children of either the sister or the brother produced different names. As the Dhobis migrated from Rajas­ by Rama. Some other Deshwalas Dhobies hold tl1(' than are called Deshwalas (which is the most nume­ view that during the reign of Mughals particularly of rous of all the groups in Delhi) by the Dhobis migrated Aurengzeb many of them (Raj put Hindus) were con­ from Uttar Pradesh. The Dhobis migrated from Uttar verted to Islam. To protect themselves from exter­ Pradesh in their turn are termed Purbia or Kanaujia mination or conversion some of the Rajputs took to by the Dhobis migrated from Rajasthan and sometimes washing as a profession. This impressed the authorities they are nick named as Nagpuriya as they walk bare who thought they were not Hindus proper. Thus they footed. Besides that the Dhobis of Aligarh and Hathras saved their religion and thereafter came to be called districts of l"ttar Pradesh are called Vaseeta. who is Dhobis on account of their new profession. an allied group to Mathuria. There is another group of Dhobis in Delhi who are Muslims. Another version prevalent amongst the Deshwala Dhobis in Delhi is that before Dhobis existed a person gave some money to his nephew (sister's son) for Some other say that there are only two sub-castes washing some clothes. He took out his Janau (sacred Mathuria and Baruthiya and others are not real thread) and hung it on the branch of a tree. As soon Dhobis but they took up this occupation only much as people of his caste saw him without his sacred later than the two. thread and washing clothes they out casted him. UIti­ mately he took up washing as his main occupation and Each sub-caste of the Dhobis is an endogamous so his descendants had washing as their traditional unit i.e., people of a sub-caste marry within their sub­ occupation a'nd came to be called Dhobis. caste and cannot marry a person belonging to some other sub-caste. A person doing so is fined by the Dhobis migrated from Pakistan are of the opinion Panchayat. that their caste existed even at the time of Rama. They are proud of the incident that it is due to the Dhobis residi'ng in Delhi have gotras, each !!Otra is saying of a Dhobi that Rama turned his wife out of an exogamous unit (details of the gotras will be dis­ hi~ house hecause she had lived at Ravna's palace. It cussed under the beading of family). 79 80

Distribution and Population Trend: females. 96.6% of the total Dhobi population were living in the Urban and only 3.4% were living in At the time of 1961 census there were 14,144 Dhobis the rural areas of Delhi. in Delhi. of which 8.091 were males and 6,053 were

DISTRIBUTION OF'THE DHOBIES IN' DIFFERENT TRACTS AND ZONES OF DELHI (CENSUS-19Bl)

State/Traot/Zone Total Male Female Total Percentage

Debli ]4,144 8.091 6,053 lOO'O DelhiRural 484 246 238 3'4 Delbi Urban 13.660 7.845 5,815 96'6 D. M. C. Urban 9.022 5.066 3,956 63·8 100.0 Zone l-Shahdara 410 256 159 4.6 ZOne II-City-Sadar Paharganj. 2.744 1.531 1,213 30.4 Zone III-Karol Bagh Patel Nagar 1,403 791 612 15.6 Zone IV-Civil Lines Subzimandi 1,938 1,081 857 21.5 Zone V-Transferrcd Area. 1,808 983 825 20.0 ZOne VI-South Delhi 416 245 171 4.6 Zone VII-West Delhi 298 179 119 3.3 New Delhi 4,165 9,486 1,679 21.4 Delhi Cantt. 473 293 180 3.4

The maximum concentration of the Dhobis was For some time the husband and wife stay with the 63.8% in D.M.C. Urban followed by 29.4% in New parents of the husband and then they establish a new Delhi and 3.3% in Delhi Cantt. household. A woman always stays with her husband and only occasionally visits her parental home. In Delhi Municipal Committee Urban, the maximum concentration (30.4%) of Dhobis was in Pahar Ganj They have division of labour based on sex and followed by 21.5% in Subzi Mandi area. The lowest age. Men wash clothes and do other hard jobs, while Dhobi population (3.3%) was in West Delhi. it is the duty of the women to look after her children. cook food and do other household jobs, though very The table below gives the population growth of often they help their husbands '~n doing lighter jobs Dhobis in the union territory of Delhi since 1911. In in the process of, washing. decade 1911-1921 the population of Dhobis decreas­ ed by 11.4% and during the period 1921-1931 it However, the" money thus earned -i~ owned collec­ increased by 18.5% and then during the next 30 years tively by both and is spent on the hOl,lsehold. Accord­ i.e ..

New Delhi areas it is more common to see them living becoming less and less common amongst them. A in the out-houses of big bunglows and they are also married woman whose husband is living must apply accommodated in the servan1 quarters of colleges which Bindi, a read mark on her forehead, they also use nail are provided with hostels, and in the out-houses ot polish and red colour (in liquid form) to dye the soles hospitals and hotels etc. of their fcet the colour being called Alta or Mahar which is only used by married women, who have their When living with other castes most of them live husbands alive. Tl:ese days almosf all the modern in rented pucca houses, which are mostly one roomed cosmetics are common amongst them such as lipstick and usually the motor garages or servant quarters. In . and powder. these areas sanita.ry c,'uuitions are quite satisfactory, they use the tap of the house and for defecation they Their women arc very fond of ornaments which ~re go to the latrines of their land-lords. mostly of silver and seldom of go~d. The ornaments When they are living in groups, the housing and in common use are tops and lhumkian for ears. Hasli sanit.ary c~nditions are not up to the mark. They use and Zanjeeral1 for neck, Bajooband for biceps, Choori publIc latnnes and puhlic hydrants, as is the case in and Karey for wrists, Charry, Jhanjhar and Torey for Katra Nanak Chand, where they have four latrines anklets. and one bathroom for about 40 households and they all use public hydrants. Same is the case in other areas where the Dhobis are living in groups. But in Literacy and Education Laxmi Bai Nagar the sanitary cO'nditions are not bad as the place where they have built their huts is a wide The Dhobis residing in Delhi send their children to ground. Here their huts are scattered with the huts of school at the ages of five years and above. The schools other caste people, such as Kolis, Khatiks and some attended by them (their children) are generally the Gov­ Muslim communities. Here their houses are kuccha ernment schools which are near their settlements. In huts having gable roofs with small courtyard or corner, these schools they do not pay any fee up to the eighth which is used as a kitchen. Bllt in Katra Nanak Chand. class and very nominal fee in higher classes. Mukim Pura, and Shora Kothi they live in rented pucca houses. According to the 1961 Census data, 79.7%, of the total Dhobi population in Delhi are illiterate and the Dress, Personal Decoration and Ornaments: rest i.e. 20.3% are literate. In the rural areas the percentage of literates & educated persons is 14.9% According to Dhobi women their traditional dress of the total rural population and in urban areas it is is blouse on the upper half and petticoat on the lower 20.5 % which is comparatively higher than in rural half of the body, over which they wrap a dhoti. But areas pointing to the fact that there is more literacy often at home they are seen only in a blouse and a and education in urban areas than in the rural. petticoat with an odhni or a head cloth. Unmarried girls wear salwar and kameej with a Out of the total Dhabi populati.on, 15.1% are chunn; and little girls wear frocks. literates without any educational standard and the rest, The traditional dress of men is ahoti and kurt" 5.2 % attained some standards of education, of which (loose shirt without collars). Now they are seen deviat­ 4.5% are junior basic or primary and the rest only ing from it, si'nce they sometimes wear pyjamas, and 0.68 % have passed matriculation or higher secondary pants etc. apart from dhoti and kurta. examination. 77 persons are matriculate or higher secondary qualified, 18 persons are graduates and only Small boys generally wear shirts and slightly more one person has attained a technical degree or diploma grown-ups, short pants and shirts or bushirts. equal to degree. The table below gives the education For personal decoration previously tattooing was among the Dhobis in Rural and Urban Delhi accord­ quite common with their women folk, but now it is ing to 1961 Census.

Dl

Total Rural Urban

~ ___J... __.. ~-.A. __...., Eduoationallevel ~--""'__-.-., M F M F M F

Total Population 8,091 6,053 246 238 7,84.'5 5,815 Total I1Hoor",te 1.,738 5,530 178 234 5,560 5,296 Tota] Literate 2,353 523 68 4 2,285 519 Litel'.lte without odnc;ttional standard 1,705 434 52 4 1,653 430 Primary or Junior B,tsic 553 88 15 538 88 :M:atriculatiqn Or Hr. Sec. 76 1 1 75 1 Technical Diploma not equal to Degree Un.iversity Degree Or Post Graduate Degree other than a Technioal Degree 18 18 Technic'!.l Degree or Diploma equal to Degree or Post Graduate Degree 1

According to the Dhobis residing in Delhi. they are Han examination before getting married, but due to in favour of education for their children and want poverty very few of them can do so. them, specially their sons, to pass at least matricula- 82

-TABLE SROWING THE DIST.RIRUTION' OF WORKEHS MALES AND FEMALES IN DIFFERENT INDUSTRIAL CATEGORIES AT THE TIME OF 1961 CENSUS

1 II III ~ ______...,A.______~ r----~_A_._::_---____... ,--____A_ ____---., Unit Total Populntion Cultivators Ageieu'trlr'Llla1:)(.Hlrers Mining, Quarrying etc. r------...A...----~ r-----__A._------.. r-----...... __-~ ,-_~--.A------, l' M F P M F P M F P M F

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13

Delhi Total U.1H 8,mn 6,033 6 5 1 28 21 7 1 1 I-tural 4,84 24G 238 5 4 1 2-.J 18 7 I I Urbctn 13,660 7,M'" 5,81.3 I 3 3

IV V VI VII ,..----___...A.. _____-..., _____-A.._ ____ --.., ,---i___ ....A.. ____-." r-----_.A_---~ Unit Household In,lustl'Y Manufacturing other Construction Tmcle & Commerce than household Indus- try

,-___....A.. ___~ ,----_,_;..__----, r----.--.-A ____, ,-____....A _--" __~ P ~i F P M F P M F P M F

14 15 16 17 18 I!l 20 21 22 23 24 25

87 37 '29 Delhi Totitl 5 3 2 82 5 8 40 36 4 Rural 1 1 7 5 2 ;l 1 2 1 1 Urbane. 4 3 1 80 77 3 36 28 8 38 35 3

TIll IT X r------_A_-----.~ r------"------~ r-----....A._-----~ Transport & Storage Other Servicc8 . NOll-Workers ,-_____• ...-A.... ______---., ,-~ ___.A.. ____ _, r-----.-..A._~---_, Unit P M F P M F P M F

26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34

58 4,94;1 4,126 815 8,941 3,730 521 Delhi Total 58 Rural 10 10 I 109 84 25 323 122 2,Oll Urban 48 48 4,832 4,042 790 8,618 3,608 5,010

Economic Life and Occupation yieldS much less to meet their ever increasing ex­ penses, Secondly it requires a good amount Qf hard The traditional occupation of. Dhobis. is ~ashing of 'w9rk to pursue this occupation and thirdly it is an clothes and majority of them still practIce It. unclean work which b~ars a stigma in the Hindu Society. The parents want to give high education /to According to the 1961 Census data 6~.21 % of th~ their, children- so that they may do some other work total Dhobi population in the Union Terntory of Delh~ of I heir chqice. But sin¢e they are generally .poor, not are non-workers and rest 36.79% are all workers. Of all can afford to send tbeir children for higher educa- all the non-workers 41.71 % are males and 58.30% tion. . are females. The following account will give some id,ea about Of all the Dhobi workers in the Union Territory of their main occupation. Delhi the highest percentage is in the liveliho~d class of 'other services'. under which comes wash1l1g of Technique of Washing clothes also. which is their traditional occupation. The next highest percentage is in the category of manu­ First of all the clothes to be ,washed are collected facturing other than household industry and then house­ at one place for numilering. Numbering is done with hold industry and then comes transport and storage, tannin of a tree which leaves a black mark on the while the percentage in other livelihood classes are cloth.. Either they put some mark or an ali\habet for negligible. a particular family by which they can distingpish the The younger generation of the Dhobis is seen to be clothes of one family from those of the other. gradually divertill& from their traditional occupatio:} After this a big tub with five buckets of wateT is and for it they glve the followmg reasons. firstly It taken. In the water some sodium-carbopate (washil?8 soda) or Masala and soap ate added, the quantity of One tola of tinopal is used cl)stlng Re. 0.60 paise. both soda and soap varies with the number of clothes 60 gms. of indigo or neel and one kilo of sago costing to be washed. Then the ,juti1es to be washed are Re. 0.55 paisa and Re. 1.00 respectively are enough soaked in water and the tub is kept on the fire over- for 100 clothes. 11ight. This process of heating the clothes on fire is For ironing 100 clothes 7.5 kilos of charcoal costs called 'Bhatti Charana'. Rs.2.00. On the morning of the second day, the clothes are An individual. if he washes his clothes at a rented ta}cen out of the tub, then they are taken one by one 'Ghat' (as most of them are doing) has to pay Rs. 10.00 an'd more soap is applied, after which each cloth is per month as rent for using the 'Ghat'. beaten on a stone slab by holding the cloth from its lIue end. The stone slab is kept in an inclined position. Dhobis charge 15 paise per bigger clotll such

Starch is prepared from sago and is applied on the Cost Sale Proceeds clothes. Sago is soaked in water fol' a few .hours and then it is boiled till it dissolves to form a stlcky paste. Re. p. This is tied in a thin cloth and some water is taken 1. S )~h O,le Kilo 0·75 Rs. 15 ·00 per ;hundred in a tub, in which a little indigo (Robin Blue) is mixed 2. Soap 1· 50 Cluthes (Re. O. 15 pCI' big and then the cloth containing the starch is put into 3. Coko 16 Kilo 1·50 cloth, Re. 0.10 per smaller the tub so as to dissolve some starch into the watcr. 4. Tinopal 1 Tola 0·60 andRe.0·25forbig heavy Then the clothes are dipped one by one into this 5. Sago olle kilo 1·00 clothes) water and squeezed. after which they are spread in the S1)n for drying. 6. Indigo 60 grams 0·55 7. Charcoal for iron 2.00

Most of the Dhobis of Delhi wash clothes at the TOTAL 7·90 Ghats. Ghats are cemented small tanks whose side walls are quite thick and these thick walls have in­ clined upper surface, the inclination being towards But usually they wash 400-500 clothes so the the tank and away from the subject as has been des­ profit for them will be Rs. 36.00 for 500 clothes which ~ribed previously in the case of stone slab. These they wash in 10-12 days. So the income of a family 'Ghats' are spread all over Delhi but their concentra­ where a man and a woman work will be Rs. 108.00 tion is more on the banks of the river Jamna. per month. After the clothes have dried, they are pressed by According to the Dhobis in winter they cannot work using heavy iron presses, treated by burning coal in it. hard due to cold water and so their income per month The clothes are ironed after spreading a thick cloth in winter is usually less than Rs. 108. either on floor or on some table. In washing the clothes, the Dhobis of Delhi have Life Cycle: division of labour according to sex. Lighter worles such Birth Ceremonies as ironing and applying indigo etc. are done by the women and comparatively heavier works such as It has. been reported by the Deshwala Dhobis who beating etc, are done by men. have migrated from Rajasthan that the news of preg­ nancy although brings happiness into the family, is They wash 400--500 clothes at one time which is not marked by any ritual or ceremony. The expectant called one 'Bhatti'. The whole process of washing mother may however, consult dai, a lady doctor or a from Bhatti to ironing takes 10-12 days for one lady health visitor. The woman generally works till Bhatti if a man is helped by his wife. the time of delivery, but if she has her mother or mother-in-law staying with her, the latter may help Economics of Washing the pregnant woman in her daily chores i.e., in kitchen Clothes are washed in instalments of 400-500 as well as in ironing and washing of the clothes. clothes per Bhatti. But for studying the economy Delivery may take place either at home or in any washing of 100 clothes has been discussed. Numbering maternity hospital. at home, at the time of delivery of clothes is done with tannin of a tree, the cost of If the woman is attended by a dai or some woman health which is very nominal and does not make any signi­ visitor and sometimes an elderly lady who can be ficant difference in the economics of washing of 100 clothes. either the mother or mother-in-law of the woman or a woman from the neighbourhood. If the house is One Kilo of Sodium Carbonate works to Rs. 0.75 Kuccha, placenta is buried in the compound of the paise and 1 Kilo of soap works to Rs. 1.50 paise. In house otherwise it is given to the dai who disposes it· the 'Bhatti' they put about 16 kilos of coke costing off. On the third day of the delivery the mother and Rs. 1.50 paise. ' the child are given a bath. On the birth of a son the child's lather's sister draws a figure 'Satiya' (Satiya is performed for the sons only. For this, they take their made only on the birth of a son) on both side of the children either to Garh Ganga or Kalkaji or some door of the room in which delivery has taken place. other holy place where the hair cut is done in the 'Satiya' consists of two things, one is a figure of temple. Very often they take their children outside swastika which is made in turmeric on one side of Delhi to fulfil the yOW they have taken before the the door, and the other thing consists of a rounded child is born. On coming back home they either distri­ ring-like structure made of cow-dung which has 5-6 bute sweets to all their neighbours and relations or wooden sticks ijttached to it and it is made to stick invite them to their place for a feast depending upon on the other side of the wall of the door. She is given the financial condition of the family. some money and clothes for this work. Marriage The pollution period lasts for 40 days. Previously, during this period the woman in child birth used to As has been said earlier, Dhobis of Delhi have remain confined to bed and was not expected to work certain sub-castes. Each sub-caste is an endogamous in the kitchen. Now since most of the women help unit. The Dhabi Society looks down. upon a person their men in washing and ironing of the clothes and who marries outside. one's sub caste and the Panchayat besides that they have to do other household work orders him and his wife to go to Raridwar and take also. they cannot afford to remain idle for that long an ablution bath in the Ganges. If he refuses to go a period. So they resume their duties much earlier (0 Haridwar for ablution bath, the Panchayat imposes and especially when she does not have anybody to a fine upon him, the amount of fine varies according lookafter her and her children. It is after the first to financial condition of the man. bath on the third day that she takes up lighter work All the sections of the Dhobis of Delhi practice and gradually resumes her normal duties. gotra exogamy. One has to leave one's own, one's The sixth day is the day of 'Chatti ka Pujan'. Chatti mOlher's, one's mother's mother's and one's father's is worshipped on the birth of a boy as well as on the mother's gotras. Marriage in any of the above gotras birth of a girl. On this day again the child and its is considered to be incestuous. motber are given a bath and they wear new clothes. By and large the Dhobis of Delhi are monogamous. Then all the women of the house (since no outsiders But two cases of polygamous marriages have also been are i.nvited) come to the compound where a rounded lamp of earth representing 'Chatti Mata' is kept. They reported, one case in Rana Pratap Bagh in a family of all sit around the 'Chatti", and place flower petals on Deshwalas. where two sisters are married to one man and another in Laxmi Bai Nagar amongst the Dhobis it, a~ply Tilak (mark) of Raldi (turmeric) on it, fold migrated from Pakistan, here the father-in-law of the hands and prostrate in reverence. Then all including woman brought another wife for his son· The Dhobis the mother, go and take food which consists of Halwa, living in Delhi are of the opinion that most of the Puris and Laddoos etc. Before this day the mother of polygamous cases arise due t6 the fact that when a the child is not allowed to touch the grain since it is man and his, wife fight, his wife goes to her parent's considered to make the soul impure. house, after which the man thinking that his wife On the ninth or tenth day on the birth of a son will not come back marries again. When his first wife th~y perform the ceremony called 'Kuwan Pujan' or claims maintenance charges, her husband asks her to well worship. The day of 'Kuwan Pujan' ninth or come and live with him. in this way he has to maintain tenth day after birth, is suggested by Pandit, to go out two wives. ' for the well worship in the afternoon. While going l-he age at marriage, according to the Deshwala they take with them the 'Satiya' (only the cow-dung Dhobis. is reported to be 15-16 years for the girls and ring which has been described earlier). They also take 18-19 years for the boys. Now-a-days most of the with them a 'Lata' (a round bottomed brass Vessel) parents' desire their sons to pass matriculation and full of necter with some mango leaves in it. The 'Lata' the daughters to. read up to 4th or 5th class before is kept on a 'ThaIi' (a brass plate) which con'tains, they are married. According to 1961 census, .. 21 males flower petals and some turmeric mixed with water. and 39 females are marri~ and one male is widowed In this way they all go singing, and if they can afford, below 14 years of age, so. in all there are 61 cases of they take with them a band also. There at the well ... eady pmrriages. Th,is reveals that child marriage is· they draw a figure of Swastika in turm~ric. On the stilhn voguti. ' .. - wall, below it they keep the flower. petals, pour oat the water from the Lata, fold hands and prostrate. Marrjage, amongst the Dhobis 'is arranged by nego­ Then they come back home. tiations through a mediator or go-between calle.d Agua After 'Kuwan Pujan' they perform the ceremony who kn~ws both the parties. When a girI~ is of of Nam Sanskar' (name given). The Pandit tells an marriageable age, her parents ask their relations ,to' auspicious and suitable day for· this purpose. Fout look out for a marriage partner for .their dtiughter .. or five names are suggested by the Pandit for the child When the match has been found for the girl and both, . by consulting a book called Jantri or almanac of the parties agree. then the Agua ,goes to the. boy's: the Pandits. Then parents of the child select any of house and gives a rupee to the boy which is called; the ~mes so~ s~ggested. On this day the friends and . Rokna which means to reserve the boy and after this' relatIOns are lllvlted for a feast. Sweets are distributed a day for Sagai or betrothal ceremony is fixed. ' to the relations and neighbours depending upon one's \ means. The following ceremonies pertain only to the \Desh­ wala section of the Dhobis residing in Delhi:- After the ceremony of 'Nam Sanskar' comes the 'Mundan' (Tonsure) ceremony or the ceremony of On the day of Sagai the mediator goes to the boy's first hair-cut of the child. This ceremony is mostly house and gives Rs. 1.30 to the boy and then the boy's relatives give something sweet to the boy and also 85 put tilak mark with haldi ~m his forehead. Then they According to another view of the Dhobis. in the distribute sweets in the neIghbourhood. nast child marriage was quite common. It was the {narriage day after which the bridegroom was weaned After Sagai the day for marriage is. fixed. For this away from mother's milk and therefore, this ceremony first the girl's parents consult a Pandit by caste and is symbolic. give him Rs. 1.25 and then the Agua informs the boy:s side about the date and then they also consult theIr After this the bridegroom rides a mare. About 20- Pandit to see that the date suits them. 2.5 persons accompany him to the girl's house in the form of a procession. The procession is led by a band. If the date is suitable to both the sides then the girl's On the way the barat stops clt a temple. All the mem­ parents send an invitation to the boy's people in the bers of the bara! induding the groom, fold hands and form of a letter called Pilli Chithi meaning yellow prostrate in front of the deity (Ganesh). The bride­ letter. groom gives Rs. 1.25 in the temple and then the barat Three. seven. nine, eleven. or fifteen days before the starts for the bride's house. actual marriage day lagan is sent by the girl's peoplc through the Agua to the boy. Lagan consists of Ii At the bride's house the Barat is given a warm wel­ yards of white cloth called 'Patka' some sweets and come by her relations and the members of 'Barat' are Re. 1 to Rs. 25. The Agua applies tUak on the boy's served cigarct!es and Pans (betels) etc. Then they take forehead and then the boy's relatives distribute shakar food and at about zero hour marriage ceremony takes (raw sugar) in the neighbourhood. On the day of lag_an place. the girl wears seven green glass bangles on eac~ wn~t. From the day of lagan till the day of marrIage, III For the marriage ceremony .Vedi is erect~d by the the house of both the boy and the girl, women sing Pandit in the house of the bnde. For Vedl a square songs after which some sweets or boiled grains are piece of ground is selected. On its f?ur corn~rs, four' distributed amongst them. The song most usually sung vertical poles are fixed. On the po,.es are tIed four by the Deshwala Dhobis when translated into English horizontal bars so as to make a cublc frame work. means-"O! darling don't go in the garden. Your At the time of marriage ceremony the bride and !he husband is coming on a horse. He is carrying bridegroom sit adjacent to each othe~ on one SIde a spear and sword. He is coming after a hunt and of the Vedi and in the centre the Pandit performs the has killed a rabbit and a dear. O! darling don't go 'Havna'. Then the bride and the bridegroom take seven to the well, your husband is coming". circumambulations around the 'Havna fire'. In all the A Jew days before the day of marriage, the girl ;even circumambulations the groom leads the bride. and the boy are given oil baths. The number of oil After this comes the ceremony of Kanya Dan. For baths (which is always odd) is prescribed by the Pandit this cerenomy the bride and the bridegroo~ ~it oppo­ and it is always two less for the girl than for the boy. site to each other. A thali (brass plate) contammg some Every day both in the evening and in the morning turmeric a'nd rice is kept between them. Then all the the body of the girl and the boy, is ~assaged With. a relatives of the bride come and give gifts to the bride mixture of barley flour, mustard od and turmenc. and the groom. This ceremony means that the bride Then they are given a bath in the evening. has been given to the groom. The~ comes. the cere­ A day before marriage the boy's family gives a feast mony of Charan Pllja or feet worshIp. In thIS, the feet called Mandav to all their relatives and friends. In of the bride and the bridegroom are washed with a this feast they serve Puris, Halwa and Ladoos etc. mixture of water, turmeric and dhoob (dried grass). Thereafter the dowry is given to the bride which con­ In the evening of the marriage day the bride-groom sists of clothes, utensils, jewelle-ry and other items of is dressed in yellow clothes which are sent by his household utility. mother's mother and is made to wear Mukat or crown. A few years back the groom used to wear lama and On the next day the 'Bara!' with the bride departs. Maur. which is becoming less and less common with At the time of departure, each member of the 'Barat' the passage of time. After this they have a ceremony is given something as a gift-either some money or one called 'Kuwan Pujan' or well worship. For this the or two utensils by the bride's parents. groom. his mother and other women go to a well. There the mother worships the well by drawing a After 8-11 days of staying in the groom's house swastika figure on its wall, keeping flower petals etc. the bride comes back to her parent's house and stays under it, folding hand and prostrating. After this there till another ceremony called 'Gauna' is perform­ the mother sits on the wall of the well with her legs ed. hanging, while the bridegroom takes seven turns aro­ 'Gauna' can take place at any time between 3 days und the well with seven sticks of broom in his hand. On and 3 years of mamage depending upon bride's age. the completion of seventh round the sticks are thrown On the day of 'Gauna', 5-10 persons from the boy's in . the well. Then the groom tells his mother that he side go to the bride's house. There they are served is going to bring a daughter-in-law for her. According some sweets and then food. Each of the relations of to some other Deshwala Dhobis, the custom of Pujan the bov who accompany for 'Gtmna' ceremony is given does not exist amongst them. But they have another one or two rupees and a towel and the bride is also ceremony before the 'Barat' (marriage procession) given some clothes. starts, i~ which the bridegroom and his mother go to a crossmg. There the mother ceremonially gives his After this ceremony the bride permanently settles breas~ to her son. This ceremony indicates that the with her in-laws and only occasionally visits her affectIOn between the mother and her son is going to parents. Sometime she may even establish a new decrease. household with her husband. L/P(D)4DCODelhi_~ Divorce On the 3rd day the ashes of the dead are collected and immersed in the river Jamuna and sometimes Amongst the Dhobis residing in Delhi divorce is the bones are kept separate to be immersed in the permissible as is also clear from the Census 1961 Ganges later. according to which. in all 8 divorce cases have been reported. On the 13th day they (Deshwalas) perform the Kirya ceremony of the dead. For this a Pandit is According to Deshwala Dhobis if a husband and called in the house of the dead, where he performs wife want to live separately they have to make an 'Havan' with the recitation of incantations from the appeal to the panchayat. whose meeting is called for 'Vedas'. In the case of the Kirya of an old man a the purpose. In the meeting in the presence of Pradhan feast called 'roti' is given to his relations and other of the Panchayat, they have to sign a paper on which people of the brotherhood. But on the death of a are given the conditions of separation. After signing youngman on the day of 'Kirya' no feast is given, the paper they are considered to be separated. NOW-Pujari (priest) of the temple, men either in white or in cloth of anv other colour. while it was under construction' there arose a dispute, In the case of small children the dead' bodies can be between -him and the Panchayat. because the priest shrouded in clothes of any colour. wanted th~ buVding of sOme other style. So the cons- truction, of the tcmp1e wis stopped. , The dead body is placed on a wooden board and carried to the cremation ground by four persons who According to the priest himself, he is a Dl}ohi by are the nearest male relations of the deceased. Later caste. But has never followed his traditional-<\lccupa-' these persons can be helped in carrying the dead body tion. Before cominu: into the temple as priest he was ' . by the other people accompanying the funeral proces~ a roller master in the Ganesh flour mitIs and his father ; sian. While carrying the dead body the feet of the also was pot a Dhobi lfy occupatipn. . dead are kept forward. The bier is followed by the Besides going to their own temples, the Dhobis of : relations of the dead in the fnrm of a procession. On the . Union Ten'jtory visit other temples a\so. e.g. the death of an old man woman the bier is deco­ or Dhob1s of Subzi Mandi area visit Panchayati \templ~ rated with flowers. If the person who died was rich, in that area which helongs to a caste other than },)hobi. the dead body is covered with expensive cloth. Some­ They also visit Mata-ka Mandir and Kalkaji temple. times they erect a frame of sandal wood around the bier. This frame is caned chakk. The procession A03rt from worshipping gods. and goddesses they is led by a band in case of an old person, observe fasts also On full rr.oon days after every 2-3 ' 87

years they observe a fast and call a Pandit (who is Dhobis in their different colonies are not provided generally a Brahmrn by caste) to ~ell Satya Narayan­ with separate hydrants. They are free to draw water Ki-Katha. On this day the house IS cleaned, decor.at­ from any municipal hydrant they choose. They ~~e ed and a small temporary temple is mad~ by placmg also allowed entry into the temples and other PU~jIC the photographs of gods and goddesses In a corner places such as hotels, rest~u~ant.s aI?-d other eatmg of the house. The relations and other people. of the places elc. In schools no dlstmctlOn IS. made between brother-hood are invited. Members of the famIly who their children and children of caste Hmdus and they desire so observe a fast while the people invited en­ are free to sit anywhere. joy a feast. Regarding tile priest officiatiJ?g at their .ceremonies, he is generally a Pandit, who IS a B!ahmm by caste. 'Naurathras' are observed twice in a year (nine days As has been noticed in Maika Gam area also, the period following the moonless Amavas day in Asauj priest who officiates at .the Dhobi c~rem?nies also or Sept.-Oct. and Chait or March-April). Those de­ officiates at the ceremomes of the cas,e Hmdus. But sirous of observing Naurathras observe fast. They some of their neighbours of Subzi Mandi area are. of may, however, eat fruits and at night they take milk. the opinion that their priests ~re de~rad~d .Brahmms On all these days in the morning they worship Durg~, who officiate at their ceremomes onty. SImIlarly any the goddess of power, placed in a corner of theIr Nai (Barber) who works for caste Hindus can serve house. them also. Sometimes on the fulfilment of a vow they read As reported by most of their caste Hindu neigh­ the Ramayana in their house, after which they dis­ bours they do not accept cooked food at the hands of tribute sweets in the neighbourhood. They call it Dhobis, but may however, take raw food materials from them. But some of the cas~e Hindus have been Ramayan-Ki-Katha. reported to be taking food cooked by the Dhobis. as Laxmi, the goddess of wealth, is propitiated on every has been reported from MaIka G~nj area, that a Dho?i Diwali. Similarly the people who have faith in the family has very good relations WIth a well-to-do Bama goddesses Bharon and Bhumiya worship them on family and sometimes it has been observed that a young girl of Dhobi family g<;>es and cooks foo~ for Saturdays. According to the Dhobis residing in Delhi the Bania family. But accordtng to the Brahmm they have a Bharon temple in Mewar (Rajasthan). of although women also worship Bhairon, yet they are that area who officiates at their ceremonies, takes only raw food material from them and does not take not allowed to enter her temple. cooked food. Most of their other neighbours are of the The other fasts observed are Karva Chauth and opinion that people who are intimate . frie~ds. of lanam Ashtami. Karva Chauth comes on the fourth Dhobis take food cooked by them (DhobIs) .. SImIlarly day of Badi-Katik (October-November). This fast is for hubble-bubble also, only those people can share observed by married women only. On this day they it with them, who are intimate friends of the Dhobis. do not eat anything, and in the evening a Brahmin woman is called who tells the story of Karva-Chauth. Structure of Social Control Prestige and This fast is supposed to prolong the life of the hus­ Migration band. Janam Ashtami is celebrated on the birth-day of Lord Krishna by observing a fast which is broken Each settlement area of the Dhobis bas a common at zero hour. Panchayat for all their sections. The Panchayat con­ sists of a Pradhan and a Secretary who are elected. According to most of the Dhobis residrng in the The elections are held every year and votes are given Union Territory of Delhi, they do not have any faith by raising of hands. The duties of th~ Pradhan are t.o in Bhuts and Churels, but at the same time some other settle the small disputes and olher mlllor cases of hIS Dhobis do believe in them. According to the later, Circa, while that of the Secretary are to call and arrange Rhut is the spirit of a deceased man, who died young the meetings of the Panchayat. and Churel is the spirit of a woman who died in child-birth. These spirits are generally fOQnd at night In Delhi Dhobis of al1 the sections have a common under the trees. They can cause disease or do any Panchayat for all their settlement areas. This Pan­ other harm. Some of the Dhobis, though very few chayat takes up all the serious matters of the caste. of them, practice black and white magic also i.e., are The cases which could not be decided by the Pancha­ capable of provoking and invoking the· male volent yats of the settlements are a),so taken up by this and benevolent spirits respectively. Panchayat. A general meeting of the Panchayat i~ held on every new-moon day near the Yamuna river. Sodal Sta~1I8 Their Panchayat has two P.residents, two. Vice Presidents, two General Secretanes, one CashIer and The caste Hindus of the Union Territory of Delhi one propoganda Secretary. wh? are all nominat~? consider Dhobis to be higher in social status than Out of the two Presidents, one IS from the KanauJla Bhangis and Chamars. According to Crooke (1896, or Purbia Section and the other from amongst the Vol. n. p. 286) 'the was herman represents an impure Deshwalas. Same is the case with Vice-President and caste, but in many degrees higher than that of the General Secretaries. According to Deshwala Dhobis, Bhangi from whom he has sprung'. According to they have divided the offices am<;mgst the tw~ most Ib~tson (Vol. I, 1869, pp. 333) Dhobi stands below numerous sections so as to aVOId any confltcts or Nat, but perhaps above the Kumhar. rivalries which would have arisen otherwise. All the The touch Of. a Dhabi does not carry any pollution office bearers of the Panchayat are honorary workers. for the caste Hmdus. So the Dhobis residing in Delhi Opinions of the Presidents w~igh more than that. of have a free access to the caste Hifndu houses, except the Vice-Presidents. The PreSIdents playa very Im­ .. that they are not allowed entry into their kitchens. portant role than the Vice-Presidents, though any L/P(D)4DC0-8a)) . . 88

8hdY from amongst the general public is free to give some fine is imposed upon them. The amount of fine his or her opinion. imposed depends upon the financial condition of the person. In the cases of divorce a paper giving reasons The dl,Jties of the Secretary are to fix time and place and the conditions of the divorce is signed by both for the Panchayat meetings and make other arrange­ husband and wife. According to the Dhobis the ments. Panchayat does not take .any action against polygamy The cashier looks after the financial matters of the if the husband is willing to support all his wives. This Panchayat and keeps an account of the money spent is evident from a case reported from Laxmi Bai Nagar. and money collected from the people. where a Pradhan has brought a second wife for his son and both the wiyes are living under the same Cases like those of divorce, breaking of the rule roof. of endogamy, domestic or other disputes are dealt with by the Panchayat. For settling a matter, day, According to the Dhobis of Delhi most of the time and place for the meeting of the Panchayat ar.c money collected in the form of fines by their Pancha­ fixed and it is the duty of the propaganda Secretary yat is spent in building temples. Their Panchayat has to. announce the same amongst the people of their built in few temples in Delhi e.g. one in Khampur caste. Then at the fixed time all the office bearers of (near Kirti Nagar), one O'll Mata Sundri Road and one the Panchayat and the people desirous of attending near Jamuna. Sometimes they give financial help to the meeting assemble. Meetings are generally held the poor also. If Panchayat is short of money it raises either in some temple or in some open place like Ram funds by collecting money from house to house. Lila ground. All present sit on the ground. Dhobis of Delhi are not much integrated and their In case of breaking the rule of caste endogamy and Panchayat has very little importance in their lives gotra exogamy the punishment mostly given by the except when it functions as a Union for changing the Panchayat is, that the couple is ordered to take an rates of washing etc. It is only the old people who ablution bath in the holy water of the Ganges and have faith and regard for the Panchayat.

References:

1. Crooke, W. Castes and Tribes of N. W. P. and Oudh, Calcutta: 1896, Vol. II, P 288 2. T"~tr8ton, E . . Castes and Tri bes of Southern India, Madr~s: 1909, Vol. II, pp. 168·209 3. Ri8ley, H.H. 'The Tribes and Castes 9f BeDgal,'" C ,lcutta: 1891, Vol. I. pp.233-236 4. Elliot H.M. The Races of the North-Western Provinces oilnd~London; 1$69, Vol. I,;pp.81-82.· - THE KA'NJAR

8U

KANJAR

N arne, Identity, Origin and History: out of whom 9 (all males) were living in rural areas. The sex ratio in urban Delhi was 777. The following The Kanjars or Giarah are notified as a Scheduled table gives .. he distribution of popuLation of Kanjars Caste in the Union Territory of Delhi. The community in different tracts and zones in the Union Territory of Kanjar is also treated as a Scheduled Caste in Uttar Delhi according to the 1961 Census. Pradesh, Bihar, part of Madhya Pradesh, parts of Rajasthan and in parts of Darjeeling and Purlia Dis­ DISTRmUTIO~ OF POPULATION OF KANJARS IN trict of West Bengal. This community is known as DIFFERENT TRACTS AND ZONES 'Kanjar' by other communities but the members of this community prefer to call themselves as 'Giarah' or 'Giarah Vanzara'. A section of this community Area Persons Males Females calls themselves 'Shikari' as some of them are said to have accompanied English-men in the past on hunting Delhi Tdal 958 543 415 expeditions. Delhi Urban 949 534 415 The word 'Kanjar' literally means one who prosti­ D.J\1.C. Rural 9 9 tutes the females and a female prostitute is called DJvI.C. UTban 756 403 353 ·Kanjari'. The word 'Giarah' means fallen and Zone I-Shahdara • 7 6 1 defeated. Zone II-City Sadar Pahar Ganj 733 385 348 Two versions were given by local Kanjars as to the Zone III--Karol Bagh-Patel reasons why they are referred to as 'Kanjars'. Accord­ Nagar 2 1 ing to the first there was a Mohammedan king who Zo,1e IV-Civil Lines, Subzi had two very powerful wrestlers-Kalu and Malu. l\Tandi 10 7 3 Once a man named Mana challenged the two wrest­ ZOlle V-TranElferred Area 2 2 lers and defeated each in the wrestling match. The Zone VI-South Delhi 2 2 king asked him to demand a prize. Mana asked for New Delhi 9 9 some land which was given to him. Mana, Who was a Delhi Gantt 184 122 62 Kuchbandia, a person who prepares indigenous brushes for white-washing, allowed the people 6f his occupa­ tion to settle on this land and these 'people came to The above table shows that 99.1 % of Kanjars are be known as 'Kuchbandi Giarah'. Later on they were living in urban areas and 0.9% in rural areas. In the known as 'Giarah'. According to the informants since Union Territory of Delhi the largest concentration of they were residing near the prostitute market (Kutab Kanjars is in zone II (City Sadar-Pahar Gani 76.5%) Road) the neighbourers started caliing them K:.llljars. followed up by Delhi Cantonment (19.2%). In other However, this does not appear to be true because the zones their number is very small varying from 2 to 10. people of the same community are called Kanjars 1Il The following table gives the distribution of Kanjars other states also. by age and sex. According to another version during the reign of Al~r~ngzeb the Hindus were forced to change their Age-Group Males Percen- J!'e- Per- Total Per· religIOn and to take off the Janaieu (sacred thread). tage males centage centage Those who resisted this conversion fled to the jungles and started· living in small groups. Some of these abandoned the use of sacred thread. Two influential 0-14 267 4\J.2 242 58·3 509 53.1 p~sons ,Ma~a and Maniya called these people as 15-44 209 3S'5 157 37·8 366 38.2 Girhara which means fallen and defeated. This term ,1.;- & aboye 67 12·3 16 3·9 83 St· 7 '~irhara' is now known as 'Giarah'. Some of these ------~--~~-- Gl~rahas ~tarted earning an easy livelihood by prosti­ '!'O'l'AL 543 100.0 415 100·0 958 100.0 tU~Dg theIr women folk. Due to this occupation the neIghbours started calling them Kanjars. Most of th~ members o.f ~anj~r community seem to persist in The above table shows that out of 543 males bemg called Glarah and would resist the name 49.2% are infants and children, 38.5% are in the age­ 'Kanjar' for the obvious degradation it implies. group 15-44 and 12.3% are in the age-group 45 and above. Out of 415 females 58.3% are infants and Some of the Kanjars have been living in Delhi for children, 37.8% are in the age-group 15-44 and more than two hundred years. Some migrated from 3.9% are in the age-group 45 and above. plac~s such as Peshawar, Lahore, RawaI Pindi (now Pakistan). during th~ partition days. Some migrated It will be seen that out of 958 persons irrespective from Rajasthan dunng 1947.48. of sex; 53.1 % are infants and children, 38.2% are in the age-group 15-44 and 8.7% belong to the age­ Population and its Distribution group 45 and above.

Accor~ing ~o. the. 1961 Census, there were in alJ It is seen that in all the three age-groups, males 958 KanJars hvmg m the Union Territory of Delhi, outnumber females. 91 92

Family, Clan and Kinship Dress &:. Personal Decoration It was reported that the Kanjars traditional~y lived The traditional dress of male 'Kanjar' is a Kurta in joint families which included parents, maffled ana (longshirt), a 'Dhoti' and a turban (headgear) and that unmarried sons and unmarried daughters. At present of a female 'KanjaI' is a Jampar (blouse) and Lahanga the common type of family is a. llucl.e~r, family w?i.ch (skirt) and Odui (scarf). Footwear ~or males. used to includes parents and the unmarrIed Clllloren. But ]omt be a 'pashori chappal' (a chappal With back tight sys­ families consisting of parents and one married soa tem). Majority of women used to remain barefooted with his wife and children are not uncommon. In and only some wore chappais. a few cases two or more than two married brothers (with families) and parents are living together having The young men these days wear all types of dresses only one kitchen. Generally a married man goes to and most of them wear tight clothes as is the fashion live in a separate house af~er three or four years of of the day. Some of them wear terylene clothes and marriage. The reasons being quarrels among different ready made pullovers. The young women generally members, less space to accommodate ~he members, and wear sa/war and kamiz and the old wear blouse and particularly capability to afford a separate house. skirt or dlioti and jal1l[J(lr. The number of children ill a 'Kanjar' family varies The children mostly wear a pyjamas and a shirt but from four to eight and six is the average. The Kanjar some were found putting on shirts only. families are characterised by patrilocal residence and Ornaments are mostly worn by married women. The patrlli'l1eal descent. The property is inherited only material used is silver. The ornaments usually put on by the male members. by women on functions and festivals are as follows;- The caste 'Kanjar' is divided into different exoga- mous gotras. SO.f!le of these gotras are listed below: 1. Chutakiya for toes. 2. Pajeb and kura for feet. 1. Shankat 3. Kamarpatta jor waist. 2. Shoday 4. Kara and Patri for hands. 3. Bhash 5. Baja for aml$. 4. Baraiya 6. Hammal and necklace for /leek. 5. KolWal 7. Ear-rings which they call Baliya and ear-stud 6. Guhray which they call tarkiya. 7. Shoray 8. Taskee for head. 8. Lohiya 9. Rani. The Patri is made of silver beaten into thin but broad stripe. Baju.is made of silver beaten into broad Marriages are avoided with the gotras of (a) mother stripe but it is worn on the upper a£112. near the arm­ and father (b) father's mother and (c) of mother's pit. The Ham-mal consists of a silver rupee with a father. Marriages ::;;c reported to take place in their hook and a silver chain passing through the hook. own community, prefer-cne;? generally being Qiven to Taskce cO~'1sists of a circular piece of silver with a mother's sister's daughter. C chain. This is worn on the head, the circular piece stretc~ed out upto forehead. Settlement Pattern The ornament most usually used by men is 'nurkiyas The houses of the 'Kanjars' are mostly sIngle ro(;med (earrings). The lobes of the ears are slit, and the apartments. small in size, ill-ventilated and serving as murkiyas ~re put on the lobes. kitchen, living room, dining room and the store as These days, they say that they do not, have silver well. The walls are made of burnt bricks plastered . an,d gotd ornaments and the only ornaments used are with lime and the roofs are made of bricks and the the bangles made of glass. floors are cemented. The rooms have been fixed with electrical fittings, each roam having only one bulb. Food H~bits ana Dr,inks Some of the houses have a cemented platform outside the room which is used for sitting, cooking and wash­ The 'Kanjars': are non-vegetarians. They take all ing clothes. types of meat except beef which they consider to be against Hindu religion. They alsQ take pulses and Not a single person is reported to have a latrine vegetables. The common item of staple food is w~at. in his home. They use public latrines and urinals. . i But it is not uncommon to find children easing th~m­ Tea is very common among the 'Kanjars'. Tea, is selves in the streets. The drains are always dGty and prepared at least twice a day in all the homes. Those filthy. - working in offices take tea four to five times a day. Coffee and other snacks like hotdog etc., are not un­ The furniture in mast of the houses of the Kanjars known to young boys who are mostly working in consists of charpoys (cots) only. But some of them Delhi Electricity Supply Undertaking. \ have tables and chairs abo. A few of them have radio sets as well. The 'Kanjars' also take liquor but not all of them. Some are addicted to it. They do not distil the liquor T}l~ .articles of decoration include calendars, pictures but get it from country liquor shops. . . of de~tIes a~d some pho!ographs. Some of them display Majority of male Kanjars smoke. The elders usually trophle~ WhlC~ they receIved from Ram Lila Committee smoke bidis while youngmen smoke cigarettes. Smok­ for theIr serVIces as volunteers. ing among the women is rare.. A n old Kanjar woman dressed in her traditiol1al dress and ornaments.

...... -:- Education and Literacy could read in Hindi (and some in Urdu) but they can­ not write. The foEowing table gives the distribution The literacy among: the Kanjars is very low in rural of Ka'njars according to their educational level as per as well as urban arcas of the Union Territory of 1961 Census. Delhi. But it was rcported that many of the Kanjars

TAU],E SHOWING JmEAKUP OF POPULATION BY BDl7l'_\TlONAL LEVEL

Illiterate Educ:\tional Leyol Area ___----~-- __-J...----~---~--- _, _____ , r- Literate without l'rinwl'y Or Junior M'itric & auoye educationallovel Basic ,-~-, ,------A----, ,--_.A.__ -, ,----' -----, M F M F M F M F

1 2 3 4 3 6 7 8 9 10 11 12

Do]hi U"b"n 534 41i) 949 377 143 7 12 2 D01hi Rural 9 9

The above table shows that out of the to'al popu­ other localities where the Sche::luled Castes are resid­ Iltion of 958. 949 are residing in Urban DeEli and ing. only 9 in rural Delhi. All the 9 persons (all males) in rural Delhi are illiterate. In the Urban arcas 70.6% Economic Life of the males and 98.3% of the females arc illiterate. Among ma:es and females of urban Delhi 26.8 % and It was reported that the majority of the workers J .7% respectively are literate but without any educa­ are engaged in Government or local body offices as tional standard, 2.2% of the males have passed Pri­ peons and chowkidars, and a few as clerks. Some of mary or Junior Basic examination and 0.4% have them are employed in the Delhi Electricity Supply passed the Matric or Higher examination. The table Undertaking as linesmen. A few males and females shows that not a single female has attained any edu­ sell vegetables in their own locality at Multani Dhanda. cational standard. There are a'hers who dre engaged in Manufacturing i:ems such as lanterns, electric shades, leather and fur The attitude of Kanjars towards education is how­ coats etc. ever encouraging. They want their wards to go for higber education and to rise in the society but regret According to the 1961 Census, out of 958 persons that their economic position is not so good as to send belonging to this community in the Union Territory their wards for higher education, However, it was re­ of Delhi. only 249 persons are workers. Hence, work­ ported that majority of the boys and many girls go to ing force constitutes only 26.0% (If the total popula­ nearby schools. They would like a school for their tion. Of the total population 24.6(;; are male workers community in their locality at Multani Dhanda. They and 1.4% are female workers. The following table would like training centres and recreation centres to gives the industrial classification of workers among b~ opened in their locality as has been done in some the Kanjars.

INDU8TRIAl- CL~\SSIFICATION OF WORKERS A"VIONG KANJARS

Delhi Rural Delhi Urban Delhi ,.---_.A ___, ,-__---A.. __ --, OccupatiOn r-----..A.__-~ M F T M F T M F T

HousehOld Industry 10 7 17 10 7 17 Mantlfaoturing other than Household In!lustry 97 97 97 97 Trad,e and Commerce 12 12 12 12 TNlJ,sport, Storage and communications 3 3 3 3 Other Services 114 6 120 114 6 120 Tohl Workers • 236 13 249 236 13 249 Non-Workers 307 402 709 9 9 298 402 700 To~al Population 543 415 958 9 9 534 415 949

It is seen from the above table that all the 9 persons Their next largest number 97 (all males) i.e. 41.1%. (all males) living in rural Delhi are non-workers. In are engaged in manufacturing other than household the' urban areas the largest concentration of workers industry. 4.2% of male workers and 53.8% of female is in the other services and constitutes 48.2% of the workers are engaged in household industry. The male working force. Sex-wise break up in other services working force in trade and commerce, and in trans­ shows that 114 males out of 236 male workers and port, storage and communication is 5.1 % and 1.3% 6 females out of 13 female workers are workers. In respectively. No female worker is engaged in these other words 48.3% of the male workers and 46.2% two occupations. of the female workers are engaged in other services. i.J4

Life Cycle by the other party and a fine of Rs. 60. In addition. it looses respect in the community. Birth The date for marriage is fixed by the priest after The pregnant woman continues to do domestic work consulting both the parties. The priest used to be a until she feels it necessary to stop it, generally a w(Cek person of their own community but these days, it is or so before delivery. Then the sister-in-law or the reported, they avail the services of caste Brahmin also. mother-in-law is called to do the domestic work and Seven days before marriage date the boy and the girl to look after the expectant mother. are not allowed to leave their respective homes. Dur­ At the time of delivery, a 'dai' (midwife) who is an ing t.kese seven days 'lagan' ceremony is performed. elderly and experienced woman of the community is For the first three days turmeric paste is applied to called for. The clai supervises and helps in the deli­ the body of the boy and the girl. This is called ubtalla_ very. It is her duty to cut the placenta and to bury it For the next four days henna stain is applied on the in the courtyard. It is the privilege of the 'dai' to hands and feet of the boy and the girl. The girl ahnounce the birth and sex of the child. If the new applies kajal (lamp soot) in her eyes for all the seven born is a boy she beats a brass plate with a spoon days. and announces the birth quite loudly so that every­ body present may hear that a boy is born. On the On the fixed date, the barat (marriage party) other hand if a girl is born, it is announced in a low reaches the girl's locality and is welcomed by her tone without beating the brass plate. The dai is father and other relatives. The groom is then taken usually given five rupees for her services. at the entrance of the bride's house where he alights from the mare. The bride also comes out at the en­ The nanad (sister-in-law) takes care of the new trance accompanied by her sisters and friends. The born' child and the mother does the household groom and the bride are given a garland each. The chores. She will wash the clothes of the mother and bride garlands the groom and the groom garlands the give her meals. She stays there for at least six days. bride. Then the harat goes for dinner. In the dinner When she leaves, she is given some money and meat and liquor are also served. clothes. The father of the woman gives clothes to the child and the woman. After dinner comes the most important ceremony known as phera (circumambulations). For this the The birth of a boy is preferred to that of a girl. ]ogi, (their caste priest). a Brahmin in some cases, The boy, they say, propagates the '!lame of the family erects a vedi. Both the bride and the groom sit on a and earns for the family. On the very first day of a plank in the vedi. The phera and kanya-dan (cere­ boy's birth. sweets are distributed amongst those monial handing over the bride to the goom by her present in the house. On the sixth day rice is cooked father) is performed as among caste Hindus. The next and distributed among relatives and friends. The day the groom's p\lrty accompanied by the bride re­ father of the new-born generally gives a feast of meat turns to their OWl{ locality. and liquor to his friends. The first hair-cut ceremony is not common among Polygamy is allowcd among the Kanjars but it is the Kanjars. Only those who can afford to go to Mata not a common practice. The only ground for poly­ Temple at Gurgaon and get their son's hair-cut. gamy is the barrenness of the first wife. Widow marriage is not prohibited. The widow moSt Marriage usually marries the younger brother of her deceased husband. Marriage rituals are not performed in a The age of marriage for boys generally ranges bet­ ween 16 to 20 years and in case of girls between widow ma¢age. i 13-18 years. Child-marriage is not unknown but it If a 'mim can give sufficient evidence to the Pap::- ~s very rare. No case of child marriage was reported 'ch~ya't that his wife is immoral, he' can 'divorce her III the recent past. The census data of 1961 also sup­ and. relnarry. However, the divorce or separation is ports this statement. Only 1 male and 4 females' are very rare. Only 2 males got. separation according to married in the age group 0-14 according to 1961 1961 Cens!ls. Census. The marriage is usually arranged by a Bol Basit or Bichola (go-between). He initiates the mar­ Death Rites: riage talk with the fathers of the boy and the girl. !f both the parties agree the date for sagai (betrothal) The 'Kanjars' dispose off their dead in two ways:- IS fixed, The sagai is held at the girl's residence. The father of the boy accompanied by his near relatives L Burial. go to t~e girl's place on the fixed date. The boy's 2. Crematiol! f~t~er gIves some clothes and money to the girl. The gIrl s father then. serves them meat and wine. Then Those who die before attaining five years of age the boy's father and relatives go back to their own are buried and those who die after five years of age place. After their departure the l'ir]'s father distributes ,are cremated. sweets in the locality. ~ When a man dies all his relatives are informed\by As a rule once the sagoi takes place it cannot be the 'Tahalwd (the Tahalwa is a hereditary post held broken unless both the parties are willing. In case by a man of the community). His duty is to _give in­ only one party (~esires to break the sagai then the formation to the community regarding all matters. matter is referred to the Panchayat which makes all All the relatives and other people of the community attempts to strike at a compromise failing which the get together in the house. The dead body is bathed. party at fault has to refund all the expenses incurred dried and wrapped in White clothes. If the dead 95

The Kanjars also believe in ghosts. The Jogi (a man is old then all the relatives put a piece of saint from the same caste) can control the ghosts. The cloth on the bier. Traditionally all the personal effects Jogi tells that the ghost wa'fits a goat which is sacri­ of the dead used to be given to the sweeper. But now ficed and the ghost leaves the person. The Jogi gets this is done only s)'mbolically i.e. some piece of cloth food and wine for his services. is given to the sweeper and the rest is used by the relatives. , ,~ Fairs and Festivals The dead man is placed on the bier. The Her is The 'Kanjars' are reported to celebrate all the Hin~u lifted by near relatives and is taken towards the cre­ festivals. On Diwali they illuminate their homes WIth mation ground with feet forward. Rest of the relatives earthen lamps. At night they worship the goddess follow the bier chanting 'Ram Naam Sat Rai, Jo Lakshmi. Some people take wine and also gamble. Bolai Mukat Hai' (God's name is truth one who re­ Some of the other important festivals celebrated by members Him will go to heaven). At midway they the Kanjars are Janam Ashtami. Dussehra, Roli etc. stop and put the bier on the ground for few minutes. All these festivals are celebrated in the same way as The bier is again lifted and carried by four persons. by other Hindu communities. This time the direction of the -body is reversed i.e. head forwards and feet backwards. Shuddi Karan The dead body is placed on the pyre which is lit The Kanjar believe that if a person commits sin, by the eldest son or brother of the deceased. People he can be purified by Shuddi-Karan (to purify). The sit there until the body is burnt. Then the people person concerned sacrifices a goat and offers wine at come back and take bath. Some wash their faces only the Devi temple and gives a feast to the influential and spray some water on the head. people of the community who then consider the person purified. All the relatives assemble in the house. They are served with tea. Before drinking tea all will pour two To take an oath or three drops of tea on the floor for the deceased. If a man confesses his guilt and wants to take an At night or on the second day food is served to old oath that he would not repeat it, then, he will buy a people of the community. Food is also served for bottle of wine and invite the Choudhury of the com­ the dead. The sons will take this food to a secret munity and other elderly persons. In their presence piace, each will put a piece on the ground and eat he will drop a few drops of wine on the ground and tbe rest of it. This is known as 'Tikkiya Pahucbana'. then take the oath. This oath he is not expected to The mourning period continues for seven days. If break throughout his life. The wine is then served the dead man was old enough, a pig is killed on the to the invitees. seventh day and one member from every family is invited. This they call 'Haad Phodna' i.e. to break Leisure, Recreation and Child Play the head. Afier this 'Haad Phodna' ceremony all can The old people have enough spare time but they take meat. On the same day 'Gulal' is applied to the, do not use it for any creative work. Some of them sons and brothers of the dead. This they call 'Karahi­ will take liquor and enjoy themselves. Some will play Kholna' i.e. to open the pot. After this ceremony cards and others spend time in gossiping. meals can be cooked in the house. When they find time (old and young boys) they would usually go to a movie. The old and young Religion would like a romantic movie while the boys and At the 1961 Census two Kanjar women returned their children would like one full of fighting. Those who religion as Sikhism, the others returned as Hindus. The have radio sets would listen to it whenever they are 'Kanjars' are reported to have faith in all Hindu Gods in the house. They have taste for songs and dramas. such as Lord Rama, Lord Krishna, Lord Shiva. But all The women would go to a movie very rarely. of them have faith in the worship of Devi Durga Inter-community Relationship: 'Maharani' as they call it. On birth anniversary of Maharani, they take out 'a procession with great pomp In the past the 'Kanjars' were considered untouch­ and show. On one of the muonlit nights of Vaisakh ables. They were not allowed to draw water from the (April-May) they worship the Devi. They get together common well which was used by Caste Hindus alone. a~ some lonely !?lace and make sacrifice of goats or They were not allowed to enter the village Dhaba, pIgS to the DeVI. These goats or pigs they cook and tea and sweet-shops. They were not permitted in eat up as parshad. In the evening they return to their village functions such as fairs. Bhajan Mandlis. Com­ places. They have organized a Dal (group) known as munity feasts and swangs (folk drama). They were not Maharani Jayanti Dal. This 'Dar makes all the ar­ allowed to enter the temples. In fact they were not rangements for the procession and worship of Maha­ having access to anything that was used by Hindus. rani. This 'Dal' also helps in making arrangements for They always lived in one locality. They did not send the three main Ram Lilas which are played in Delhi. their children to schools. ~he 'Kanjars' believe in re-birth and next life. They The Kanjars were neither served by a Nai (barber) belIeve that a person who does good deeds will go to nor by a washerman. The services of a Brahmin was heaven an~ one w.h? does bad deeds will go to hell. out of cjuestion. But they had persons from their own (They conSIder relIglOus acts as good and unreligious community who used to discharge the functions of a acts as bad deeds). They believe that heaven is above priest. These persons are called Jogis. the sky and heU is below the earth, and this earth is the place where the destination (heaven or hell) of Now-a-days the Kanjan; have free access to the .a man is decided. Municipal taps and to the tea-shops. They visit temples, particularly 'Mata' temple at Gurgaon. They 96

say that they have availed and can avail the services be charged. The person who gets this help is entitled of a Brahmin. They think that there are many to get it again only after six years. In case he dies the 'Brahmins' who will attend their marriages only to person for whom the help was taken will become the get money. But at marriage and all other functions member of the Sangh and will be responsible for re­ they prefer to be served by 'Jogis' members of their payment. According to a recent amendment for a own community. Their children sit alongwith other boy's marriage who is below 20 years or at a girl's children in the school. But it does not mean that they marriage who is below 16 years of age no financial have raised their social status. The fact is that they ·help will be given. A person who gets this help is .are living in the heart of the city where it is difficult expected to donate Rs. 15 to the 'Sangh'. to establish their social standing. However, their neighbourers (caste Hindus) regard them of very low A member can claim a financial help upto Rs. 100 social status and do not prefer to mix with them. in case of death of any of his relatives provided the dead is not below 12 years of age. This money is Social Reforms and Welfare paid back in equal instalme'nts of Rs. 10 each per month. The person who gets this help is expected to Tbere is an association of the Kanjar caste known donate Rs.5 to the 'Sangh'. as 'Giarah Nav Yuvak Kalyan Sangh' which is engag­ ed in the task of social reform and welfare of the com­ A member of the 'Sangh' can transfer his member­ munity. It was founded on 1st April, 1959. There are ship in the name of another person provided the other about a hundred members of this association, and ten person is not a member of the 'Sangh' already. officials with one Shri H. R. as its President. The In the past there was a peculiar way to test whether membership fee for an office bearer is Rs. 6 per year a man was guilty of an offence or not. The and that for an ordinary member is Rs. 1.50 per year. following procedure was adopted. The elders got No person below 18 years of age can become its together at a place. An iron ball was heated to red­ member. There is no sex restriction for membership. ness. The man concerned then placed a few leaves There is no woman office bearer at present. The on his palm and the red hot iron was placed on these officials are elected after every three years. leaves. The man then walked five steps forward. His The main function of the association is said to get hands were examined. If the palms got burnt or if them concessions which are available with the Gov­ there was the slightest' effect of heat on the palm ernment for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes; the man was held guilty otherwise not. It was report­ to tell them the importance of cleanliness and take ed that in many cases there was not the lellst scratch steps to improve their health; to help them in financial or burn on the palm. The old people still have faith difficulties. However, no work has so far been done in this test but the young men do not believe it. How­ in this direction. The only thing the Sangh is practi­ ever this test is not practised now-a-days. cally performing is the financial help which is given only to the members of the Sangh. This financial help Wine is usually served in a marriage party. Some is also restricted i.e., it is given only on marriages members of the c01lJIUimi~y feel that serving of wine and deaths and the amount given is fixed. in marriages and at all other occasions is· -a_ sheer wastage. But they think that they cannot do much for A member can apply for a financial help upto the betterment of the community due to stiff resis­ Rs. 500, a month before the marriage date. He will tance from majority of the members. get the money provided he stands two sureties. He will have to return the money in equal instalments of The Giatah Nav Yuvak Kalyan Sangb resisted the Rs. 10 per month which he must deposit by the 10th above method of testing the truth and spending on of every month after which a late fee of Rs. 2 will wine during marriage. THE KHATIK

THE KHATIK

N arne, Origin and History places like Allahabad, Banaras, Kanpur, Mirzapur, Jaunpur and Ajudhiya. Khatik is one of the ScLeduled Castes of the Union Territory of Delhi. It is also listed as a Scheduled The people of the second group are said to have Caste in Uttar Pradesh, Punjab, Himachal Pradesh migrated from Rajasthan about 1-2 generations ago. and parts of Madhya Pradesh. Rajasthan, Maharashtra. They came to Delhi in groups at different times in and West Bengal. It has a population of 14392 persons, search of better economic opportunities. 7839 males and 6553 females, as per 1961 census and Sub-Castes c.omprise 4.2% of the total Scheduled Caste popula­ tion of the Union Territory of Delhi. The following seven sub-castes of the Sooar According to Crooke (1896 Vol. III, p. 257), the Khatiks have been reported from the Union Territory word Khatik is derived. ftom the Sanskrit word of Delhi. 'Khattika', which means a butcher or a hunter. Actually (1) Saunkar Khatik is mixed caste of butchers as well as vegetable sellers. According to Rose (1911, Vol. II, pp. 500-50l) (2) Ajudhiyabasi the caste appears to be rising in the social scale by (3) Kaseroo wale taking to dyeing and tanning but has not yet attained (4) Pasi to the status of a workers in leather. (5) Haldia As to how they came into being as a caste, they have different versions to tell. According to Sonar, (6) Subaiya Khatiks of Gur-mandi who have immigrated from (7) Chikwa Uttar Pradesh they were originally Hindu agricul­ turists and during the reign of the Moghuls, particu­ Saunkar Khatiks are also called Allahabasi Khatiks. It is a territorial division of the Sooar Khatiks. Ac­ larly of Aurangzeb, many of them were converted to cording to Crooke, W. (Calcutta 1896. Vol. ITI, P. Islam. To protect themselves from extermination or 257-264). "They are said to take their name from the conversion. some of them started rearing pigs and sup­ town of Sonkh in Mathura." Sherring (Vol. I, p. 400) plying pork. This impressed the authorities who states that they are poulterers and fruitsellers. thought that they were not Hindus proper, as a pure Hindu would not even touch meat. Thus they saved Ajudhiyabasi Khatik is the second territorial divi­ their religion and on account of their new occupation sion of the Sooar Khatiks. tRey emerged as a separate caste called Khatik. The Sooar Khatiks of Subzi-Mandi area who have also Pasi Khatiks ~re reported to be originally pig rearers migrated from Uttar Pradesh are however of the view and pork supplIers. Rose and Ihbetson oppose the that they are debased Rajputs (deviated from tradi­ view of the Pasi being a sub-caste of the Khatiks and tions). they opine that the Khatiks are very much allied to the Pasis notified as a separate Scheduled Caste in Some Sooar Khatiks claim the Kshatriya status and Delhi. to explain the traditional occupation of the caste they narrate the following account: Before they branched J:Ialdia Khatiks are said to be originally agricul­ off as a different caste (as Khatiks) there -was a sect t~rtsts but. now th~y are. ta"!dng to different occupa­ called 'Vam-margie' and some Brahmins were also tIOns. Submya Khattks are saId to be mostly in service. the followers of that sect. According to the followers Chikwa is said to be another sub-caste of Sooar of 'Vam-margie' sect violence in 'Yal!ava' could not be Khatiks and are Chick makers. - called viole-nee. The work of sacrificing the animals was assigned to the Rajputs who by nature were All th~ su?-castes of the Sooar Khatiks are endoga­ strong hearted and who immediately after the recita- mous umts, I e., nobody can marry outside one's sub­ 'tion of 'Mantras' by the Brahmins 'used to kill the caste and a person doing so is ostracized by the Pan­ sacrificial goats. The head of the animals is separated chayat and such a person can retrieve his position in from its body in one stroke. In Hindi stroke is caned the s?ciety by paying the fine imposed, and taking an 'Khat' and one is called 'IK'. So with the passage of ablutlOn bath in the Ganges. time the persons engaged in this work came to be .The Khatiks (ta.ken as the second group, who have called as ~Khatiks'. Incidentally at that time they were mIgrated from Rajasthan) or Khal Rangay Kbatik are not considered untouchables as they suggest. that endogamous. Their traditional occupation is said to otherwise they would not have been al10wed to enter be that of a Gadaria i.e.. rearing and butchering of the place of 'Yacya'. Now the 'Yagyas' have become sheep and goats and tanning of their skins, but now less common and so these peoDle are left with the they are reported to have diverse occupations. They occupation of meat selling and leather tanning only. do not have !lny 8ub-castes. In Delhi their two main divisions are met with: (1) Sooar Khatib. Distribution and Population Trend (2) Khatib, or Khal Rangay Khatiks. The total population of Khatiks at the time of the 1961 Census wa~ 14.392, out of which 14,142 i e. Sooar Khatiks are said to have migrated from Uttar 98.3% of them lIVed in urban Delhi and the rest 25Q Pradesh 100-150 years ago. They came from the i.e. 1.7% in rural Delhi, . 99 100

TABLE different parts of the country . after independence. And the lllcrease was 49.1 durmg the period 1951- DCHH,I3U r[ON OF' TIlE KIIATIK::') IN DIFFERENT TRAOTS % AND ZONES OF DELHI, 1961 61. From 1921 to 1961 the population of Khatiks (including Sooar Khatiks and Khatiks the data for them separately being not available) has increased by F.)ill",l" Percentag,' Rtctte/Tract!Zones of the 240.6% i.e. during the last 40 years the popUlation Total of Khatiks has become 4-!- times of what it was in 1921. The data is represented in a table given below. Delhi Total U,3!)2 7,839 6,553 100·0 PBRCENTA<1E INCREASE IN POPULATION OF 1,7 Delhi Rural 250 162 88 KHATIKS Delhi Urban 14,142 7,677 6,465 98·3 Delhi Cantt. 109 46 63 0·8 New Delhi 1,076 60t 472 7,5 Year l")PUlatio,l S/~ increase in Cumulative 10 yE'urs 'Yo incre,: se D.M.C. Urban 12,957 7,027 5,030 91.6 100.0 Zone I~Shahdra 64 39 25 0·4 11)21 3,0()O Zone II-City Sadar Pahar Ganj 3.09a 1,660 1,433 23.9 1931 3,522 17·4 17·4 Zone III- -Karol Bagh % incrAasc in Patel Nagar • 5,164 2,784 2,380 39·!) 20 years 11151 9,651 174·1 191·5 Zone IV-Civil Lines SubziMandi 1,29[) 2,3il 1,012 18· 1 1)61 14,392 4Q.l 240'6 Zone V -Transferred Area 1,486 832 654 ll·/) Zone VI -South Delhi 662 346 316 5,1 Family, Clan and Analogous Divisions of the Zone VII~West Delhi 147 67 80 1,1 Community Of the total urban population 12.957 i.e. 91.6% of Among the Khatiks and Sooar Khatiks the elemen­ them live in D.M.C. Urban. 1,076. i.e. 7.5% in New tary unit of the society is generally the nuclear family Delhi area and 109 i.e. 0.8% in Delhi Cantt. i.e. family consisting of parents and their unmarried children. The father is the central figure in the family~ D.M.C. Urban area is further divided into VII all authority is vested in him and lineage or descent Zones. The population of each zone was as follows:- is traced through him. All property belongs to him. A wife always lives in her h'llsbands house after. her Zone I Shahdara (comprising old Shahdara city. Gauna and visits her parental home only occasionally. Gandhi Nagar, Geeta Colony, Krishan Nagar. 31 small colonies and 6 urbanised villages) 64 i.e. 0.4% Property is controlled by the_ eldest son. who be­ of the total urban population; Zone II City Sadar­ comes the head of the family aria- it is his duty to Paharganj (comprising walled city, Sadar Bazar. support his widowed mother, younger brothers and . Paharganj and Red Fort) 3093 i.e. 23.9%; Zone III sisters. When his younger brothers come of age, the Karol Bagh-Patel Nagar (compxising Karol Bagh, whole property is divided equally amongst the brothers Anand Parbat, Patel Nagar, Kishanganj, Daya BasH, land as a general rule the daughters married otunmar· the Industrial Area of Najafgarh Road and seven ried do not get anything., small colonies) 5164 i.e. 39.9%; Zone IV Civil Lines­ Subzimandi, (comprising Civil Lines-Subzimandi, in­ Gotras clusive of 5 separate areas, Narela, 49 New colonies The Khal Rangay Khatiks have exogam_()1ls units and 5 urbanised villages) 2341 i.e. 18.1 %; Zone V called gotras SO'11e of which are sitnilar to the gotras Transferred Area of New Delhi Municipal Committe", \ of Raiput5, e.g. Chauhan, Tanwar, Malhotra, Pargu­ (composed of 26 well-defined areas like Minto Road jar, Nagar, Rajora, P~aswala. and Bhilwara. Their Area, Inder-Prastha, Puranakila, Sundar Nagar, Niza­ gotras help in their marriage regulations. A perSQn is muddin, J angpura, Lajput Nagar. Defence Colony, .. not' married in o\1es own, one's mother!s and one's Sewa Nagar, Yusuf Sarai. Rajinder Nagar etc.) 1486 mother's mother gotra~ i.e. 11.5 %; Zone VI South Delhi (comprising Kailash , ' Colony, Kalkaji, Malvia Nagar. Kotla Mubarakpur. Some of the persons of Bhilwara and Phaswala Hauz Khas Enclave. Mehrauli, 9 small colonies and gotras have started calJing themselves as 'B~al1a and 26 urbanised villages) 662 i.e. 5.1 % of the total urban Bansal respectively. This they do in order tp enhatiFe population and Zone VII West Delhi (comprising their social status, since Bhalla and Bansat occupy Tihar I and II, Moti Nagar, Tilak Nagar, Ramesh higher position in the caste hierarchy. ' , Nagar, Rajouri Garden, Najafgarh, Central Jail, 43 Sooar Khatiks also 'have gotras. but their gotras dp­ small colonies and 15 urbanised villages) 147 i.e. not play any important role in their marriage regu11l­ 1.1%. tions two persons can marry if they belong to the Population Trends same' sub-caste and are not related to each ~her irres­ pective of their gotras. So much so that some., of them The Population of I

According to Crooke, however, Bakar Quassab feet roof is approximately Rs. 100. out of which Rs. 30 is a subcaste of the Sooar Khatiks and not a gotra go to the labour and Rs. 70 for the material. (Crooke, Calcut!a 1896, Vol. III, p. 257-264). The Settlements of Khatiks of Delhi are found to be in diffe­ The pucca houses are made of cement and burnt rent colonies. In these colonies their houses are f(jund bric'ks, some of these puem houses are double storied to be in groups. Their main settlements are in Regar also. Some of the single storey houses have corrugated Pura, Gur Mandi and MaIka GU'nj areas. In Reagar Pura tin roofs. Kuchha houses are mostly owned and pucca majority of the Khatiks are migrants from Rajasthan. houses are mostly rented. Kuehha houses are built and Here their houses are found to be scattered in between repaired by men while women help them in building the houses of other castes, Scheduled as well as caste and maintaining the houses. Hindus. In Gur Mandi their settlement is in the neigh­ bourhood of the settlement of Kalis, another Scheduled Dress, Personal Decoration and Ornaments Caste of Delhi. Their houses in the MaIka Ganj area are scattered in between the houses of other castes. The women will usually wear a blouse and petti­ Most of the present study was done in the Gur Mandi coat when at house. But when they go out, they also and MaIka Gunj areas. tie a saree on the petticoat and take an Odni (head cloth). The unmarried girls generally wear Salwar (a The housing conditions of the Khatiks are rather baggy trousers) and Kameej (a shirt}-and over it they poor. An overwhelming number of them is reported wear Chuni, a (head cloth). But now some women also to be living in one roomed houses, which are gene­ have started wearing Salwar and Kameez. rally kuchha and very few households live in pucca According to the Khatik men, their original dress houses. For example, in Gur Mandi, where more than is Dhoti and a Kurta (a loose shirt without collars). sixty households reside there is no pucca house. The But now some of them have taken to pants and shirts houses are built in a scattered manner and there are or bushirts. no planned streets. There is no drainage system, all the sullage water is either channelled into a nullah Infants generally wear only a shirt or a frock on which passed in front of their settlement or directed the upper half of the body. Children of well-to-do towards the open ground at the back of the settlement. families while going to school wear Bush-shirts or shirts Sooar Khatiks of Gur Mandi have four public and on the upper half and short pants on, the lower half four private hydrants and for defecation they go to the of the body. Public latrines. For personal decoration previously tattooing was In the Subzi Mandi area (Mulka Gunj) where about fairly common with their womenfolks. But now they 50 families of Sooar Khatiks reside, the houses are not are against such a custom as it necessitates strangers localized to any particular area but are scattered here touching the bodies of their womenfolk. These days and there with the houses of other castes. In this area modern cosmetics like powder, lipsticks, etc. have the sanitary conditions are better than those of Gur become very common with their women. A women Mandi and some of the Sooar Khatiks here live in whose husband is alive must apply a red mark (Bindi) pucca houses also. They use public hydrants and they on her fore-head and red oxide of lead in the parting go to the Public latrines for defecation. of her hair. Sanitation in Rehgarpura is better than that in Gur Their women wear, Jhumkian and Tops for ears, Mandi and MaIka Gunj. Most of the Khatiks (migrat­ Bazoo band for biceps, Choori and Karey for wrists, ed from Rajasthan) here live in pucca but rented Hasli for neck, Charry, Jhanjhar and Torey for anklets. houses, the rent being about Rs. 25.00 per room per Their ornaments above the neck are generally made month. of gold and those below of silver. though it is not very uncommon to see the women of well-to-do Khatik Generally the houses are one roomed hutments with families with all the gold ornaments. gable roofs. Outside the room is a small extension of the house which is used as a kitchen. In Gur Mandi Their men and especially elder ones wear small . Sooar Khatiks who rear pigs have build separate 'Balian' ear-rings but they are very rarely seen on small low roofed room for the pigs. These rooms for young men of their community. the pigs do not have gable roofs but their roofs are only inclined towards oneside. Amulets are quite common with men and women of all ages. The walls of these hutments are made of mud and the doors and windows of Wood. All the hutments Education and Literacy have proper arrangement for the ventilation. The roofs are either made of chappar or thatch or tiles Khatiks residing in Delhi have not made-much also known as khaperal in vernacular. The roofs of progress in the field of Education. Of the 'total Kha­ thatch are cheaper than those of khaperal. The floors tik population in the Union Territory of Delhi 80.3 % of these houses are coated with a mixture of dung are illiterates and 19.7% are literates. and mud. 14.8 per cent are literates without any educational The roof of thatch can be bought ready-made at a standards, 3.9 per cent. are in Primary or JU'llior Basic, cost of about Jis. 20. the price can be more ('f less 0.9 per cent are Matriculates or Higher Secondary depending upon the size of the roof. But the roof of and only 0.1 per cent have got University or Post tiles are made by hired labour. The cost of a 13 x 10 Graduate Degree. L/P(D)4DCODelhi-9 In ~" J ..... aro }Css educated than the educated females 52 are Primary and Junior Basic males. Of ali tI: literates only 14.9 per cent are and only 4 females are Matriculate or Higher females and the rest are all males. Out of the total Secondary.

LITERACY AMONG THE KHATIKS

Total Population Total illiterates Total literates ,-__-..A.. Area ~-----. r-----.A.---_-, p M ]j' P M F P M F

Rural 250 162 88 200 U5 85 50 47 3

Urban 14,14;2 7,677 6,465 11,352 5,306 6,046 2,790 2,371 419

Total 14,392 7,839 6,553 11,552 5,421 6,131 2,840 2,4:18 422 100% 80'3% 19'7%

OOfltd.

LitOl'.1tO withollt E luctt,i P M F P M F'P M F P M F

Rural 27 1 6 2 , 16 16

Urba.n 2,107 1,742 365 117 115 2 555 503 52 11 11

Total 2,135 1,769 366 123 119 4: 571 519 52 11 11 14:'8% 0'9% 3'9% 0'1%

According to most of the Khatiks their economic claim agricu.lture. and fruit and vegetable selling as condition is not good enough to send their children their traditionaL occupation. for higher education. The parents would like them to earn and augment their incomes rather than to go in Some women also work to supplement the income for higher studies. of their husband. For instance, Ajudhiayabasi wo­ men knit laces with crochet needle which are sold and some others wotk in the houses of their well-to­ Occupation, do neighbours as domestic servants. But Allahabasi The traditional occupation of the Khatiks is. rear­ women sell vegetables. One Allahabasi family con­ ing and butchering of pigs and goats. It is said to be sisted of mother, son and his wife. The son was an 'a functional caste of Hindu butchers and vege~able unemployed matriculate and the only earning m~ber sellers' and the word Khatik is derived ftom the, was his widowed mother who was selling vegetables.

Sanskrit word 'Kattika" which mea'DS a butchtir or a 1 hunter, At present they are found to be engaged in diverse occupa,tions in "Delhi. As is also pointed by the 196'1' According to Khatiks who have immigrated from Census data ,on Indu,strial classification 23.1' per cent Rajasthan they have nothing to do with rearing and of the workers~ are engaged in trade and commerce, butchering of pigs and their traditional occupation is a livelihood cIa:ss which! also iil'cIudes the workers tanning of hides and agriculture. Rose, H. A. (Lahore who rear pigs and supply pork. But the highest per-. 19i1, Vol. II, p. 500-501) also asserted the idea of centage of workers i.e., 27.4% are in the cate~ory of· their being tanners. other serVices. under this head comes tOO-; peons, ' watchmen and labourers etc. 20.2% of. the total wor- ' . The traditional occupation of Khatiks migrated kers are engaged in c01}Struction as unskilled casual ; from Rajasthan differs from the Khatiks migrated labourers and 2.9% in household Industries. from D. P. The following table gives the percentage distribu- . In Delhi most of the Khatiks to hide their so called tion of Khatik workers in different industrial ca~gories unclean work and to enhance their social status, according to 1961 Census. \ No time for attending school.

Ornaments on the arm.

PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF KHATIK WORKERS OF BOTH SEXES AMONG THE DIFFERENT INDUSTRIAL CATEGORIES, 1961

1 State/Traots Total PopulatiOn Non-Worker Total Worker As Cultivators r------'-----, ,------"-----, ,-----"------, ,-----"------., 11 F T M F T )1 F T M F T

1 2 3 4: 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13

r 7,839 6,553 14,392 3,939 5,869 9,808 3,000 684 4,584 Delhi Total 49'7 10'41 31·9 llOO'O 100·0 100'0 50·3 89·6 68·1 100·0 100'0 100·0 162 S8 250 71 66 137 91 22 113 .. Delhi Rural r 56·2 26·() 45·2 lIOO'O 100·0 100'0 43·8 75'0 54·8 100·0 100·0 100·0 17,677 6,465 14,142 3,868 5,803 9,671 3,809 662 4,471 Delhi Urban 49·6 10·2 31·6 l100'0 100·0 100·0 50·4 89·8 68'4 100·0 100·0 100'0

Ccmtd.

II III IV State/Tracts As Agri(}ultural Lahourers In Mining, Quarrying At HousehOld Industry ,----__--A. _____ -, ,--____..A...------. r-----"-- M F T M F T M F T

14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22

.roo 230 97 327 53 79 132 Delhi Total l_oo 0'9 14·2 7·1 1·4 11'5 2·9 13 9 22 17 10 27 Delhi Rural .r .. l_ .. 14'3 40·9 19'5 18'7 45'0 23.9 f .. 217 88 305 36 69 105 Delhi Urban '\. .. 5·7 13·3 6·8 '9 10·4 2·3

Conld.

V VI VII State/Tracts In. Manufacturing other than In. Construction In Trade & Commerce Household Industry r------A------, ,-- -, -, M F T M F T II F T

1 23 24: 25 26 27 28 29 30 31

f 587 108 695 785 141 926 1,006 51 1,057 Delhi Total '\.15'1 15·8 15·2 20·1 20·6 2Q·2 25·8 7'5 23'1 { 12 1 13 11 11 1 1 Delhi Rura,l 13·2 4;'5 11·5 12·1 9'7 1'1 ·9 f 575 107 682 774 141 915 1,005 51 1,056 Delhi Urban ,\_I5'1 16·2 15·3 20·3 21'3 20'5 26'4 7'7 23·6

Concld. VIII IX In. Transport Storage & Communication In other Service State/Tracts r-- -, -, M F T M F T

1 32 33 34 35 36 37

5 189 1,055 203 1,258 Delhi Total f184 '1.. 4 '7 0·7 4,-1 27·0 29·7 27'4 J .. 37 2 39 Delhi Rural '1.. .. 40·6 9·1 34'0 189 1.018 201 1.219 Delhi Urban . {184 5 4·8 ()·7 4·2 26·7 30·4; 27·3

L'P(D)4DCOI)e~i 9(a) 104

Technique of Pork-Making Thus a person who slaughters 10 pigs earns about Rs. 44 after seIling all the by-products and the pork. For slaughtering the pigs a slaughter house locally known as kamela is run by Delhi Corporation. It is Mutton Making-its Technique situated in Andha Mughal, where it shifted from Motia Khan in the year 1948. It consists of one big In Del~i there is a separate slaughter house for hall and four smaller side rooms. It opens at 5 A.M. slaughtenng the goats, which is in Motia Khan. All and closes at 12 noon. All the animals to be slaughte­ the goats (he goats) to be slaughtered are brought red are brought here early in the morning. The num­ here early in the morning, before slaughtering they ber of pigs killed in the slaughter house varies from are medically examined and only those found medi­ 40 to 300 per day. Very often to avoid the tax and cally fit are slaughtered. the botheration in bringing and taking back the ani­ mals, some people slaughter the animals at home, For slaughtering, one person holds the head of the which is illegal and if somebody is caught doing so goat from its ears and the second one holds the rest he is fined by. the Corporation. of the body of the animal and the third person strikes the neck of the goat with a churri or a sword. All the pigs brought at the slaughter house are first of all medically examined by a Veterinary doctor After this the animal is boiled for about 5-10 of the Corporation for which the Corporation charges minutes and after that the head of the animal is re­ 25 paisa per pig. A pig suffering from an infectious moved. Then the skin from the body of the animal or contagious disease is rejected from admission to is separated with a rambi (a chisel like instrument). slaughtering. The pigs declared medically fit are After that the animal is hung upside down from a taken in for slaughtering. Here each animal is caught hook. by three persons. One person inserts an iron rod into its mouth, the second one holds the body of the Economics of Mutton Supply animal and the third kills it. After that the animal Khatiks of Delhi buy goats from places like is boiled in water for about ten minutes. Sometimes Rohtak, Jhansi and Lucknow and sometime from the instead of boiling, it is roasted by burning hay for nearby villages lijre Alipur, Shingu and Bawana. If about half an hour. After this the head is separated the goats are bought from a far off place then they and the animal is cleaned by removing the viscera, are transported in trucks and if bought from a near­ and other organs in the abdomen. Then the animal by village they are either transported in bullock-carts is hanged upside down from a hook. or are made to walk the distance. Economics of Pork Supplying The economics of mutton supplying may be seen The economics of pork supplying may be seen from the detailed cost and sales proceeds account in­ from the detailed cost and sales proceeds account in­ volved in slaUghtering 10 goats. volved in slaughtering 10 pigs. Cost

Gost Sale8 Proceeds Rs. np Rs. nP.

Rs. nP. Rs. nP. 1. P9i"chase price of 350·00 Selling price of mutton 357·75 10 goats Skin . 50.00 1. Ten pigs of 35 500. 00 l. Pork Sold 8 t 500. 00 2. Transport (from 6·00 LungS} kilos each Rs.2 a kilo. Er ch pig ~ilIage to home) Liver 4·00 weighs 25 kilos. ,3. TranspO'rt from 10·00 Legs home :to slaughter 2. Transportation from 5.00 2. Liver Rs. 1·25 a 10,.00 house "nd slaugh- Head. 4~£75 village to house kilo and] Itilo from each pig. \. tering' charges 4. Maintenance cost 15'00 3. Cost maintenance 40.00 3. Head Ra. 1.25 a 37·50 for 2 days for 10 Kilo and each bead D. Others 15·00 pigs is about 3 kilos in ----- " weight. 39'& . 00 For Ten goata . 457·50 4. Transportation 20.00 4. Legs Rs. 0·75 per 7·50 charges for taking Kilo and legs of each Profit R9. 61· 50 for '10 goa.ts i.e. profit per goat- Rs. 6.15 , 10 pigs to the pig is about 1 kilo. slaughter house As has been mentioned previously some· ~ the 5. Tax Ra. 0·25 per 2·50 Khatiks Wl;)men knit laCes by crochet n~edle; howe~er. pig charged by the this occupation is with them a part bme occttt?ati~ Govt. 5. Intestines at Re 1 40·00 since they knit laces when they get time from' thell' per kilo and each household routines. pig contains about 4 kilos ofintestines The laces they knit are of two tYPes, one is. brj)a~ 6. Blood Re. 1 a kilo 10.00 and the other type is narrow, the breadths bemg 3 and about 1 kilo and 1!-" respectively and the length of each lace whe­ from each pig. ther broad or narrow being 2! yards. They use D·FM. 7. Hair about Rs. 21 6.58 thread for making them. . a kilo and 30 grms from each animal. 12 wads of D.C.M. thread weigh one KIlo. which\ -~------_ Total oost for 10 pigs 667·60 Total costs Rs. 8.00. From one wad of 'thread 4 smaller or 611·li8 2 bigger laces can be ~ade. Each smaller lace can be Knitting laces with crochet needle.

Knitted Idees of different designs. Mata-ka-Sthan. 105

completed in one day and each bigger one in two days. the mother and the other members of her family. In Each smaller lace is sold at the rate of 44 paisa per the case of Khatiks who have migrated from Rajas­ lace. than, they also worship chatti in a way similar to that adopted by Sooar Khatiks. After the chatti worship cost of eaoh smaller lace about 16 paisa daughters of the house make their hand impressions Selling prioe about 44 paisa with henna on the wall on both sides of the main Profit per smalllaoe about 28 paisa entrance of the house. Cost of eaoh bigger lace about 34 paisa The Sooar Khatiks give a feast to the relatives and friends on the 40th day after the birth of a son. Selling prioe 75 pa.isa, profit per Among Sooar Khatiks, the .relatives and other people bigger lace 41 pais 1. of the biradari (brother-hood) are invited for a feast. Thus we find that if a woman knits all the small An orthodox Hindu priest is called in to prepare the laces in a month then on the average she earns about horoscope. After this all the people are served with Rs. 8.50 and if she knits all the bigger ones then she food which consists of liquor, meat, rice and purl etc. earils about Rs .. 6 per month. The cost pf the crochet But no such feast is given on the birth of a daughter. needle is 38 paisa which is replaced after 3-4 months. Regarding food, no special diet is given to expectant its cost thus does not affect the profit, to any consider­ mother before delivery, but after her delivery she is able exten.t. berved with milk. dal (pulses), soup, and Achwani. Achwani is made of gur, ghee, dried ginger and some > • Life Cycle turmeric. Birth Ceremonies The next ceremony among Sooar Khatiks is the The pregnant woman may talk about it to any of her Mundan ceremony or the ceremony of first hair cut of friends or relations. Though the news of pregnancy the child. This ceremony must be performed before brings happiness in the family, it is not marked by any the child reaches the age of 7 years. For this parents ceremony. take the child to Garh Ganga and there in the temple of Lalta Mai child's hair is shaved off leaving one lock .As .the pregnancy advances, generally women consult of hair on the vertex. Then during the days of Nav­ mIdwIfe or lady health visitors (of maternity centres) ratras they go to Mirzapur in U.P. where a fair is held ~nd lady ~octors. of the maternity hospitals. At the during these days. There in the temple of Bindiachal bme of. delivery eIther they go to the maternity hospi­ 'Devi, half of the lock of hair of the child is removed. tals or It takes place at home under the supervision of According to the Sooar Khatiks taking the child to a dai. At home at the' time of delivery a dai and gene­ Mirzapur being an expensive affair, they go only when rally the mother-in-law of the woman are persent this ceremony is to be performed for more than one around the accouchement. The placenta is severed hy child. After coming back from Mirzapur they give a the dai and sex of the child is ascertained. On the feast to their relatives or distribute sweets amongst birth of a son of Sooar Khatiks a horse-shoe is nailed them. on the top of the wooden frame of the main entrance The Mundan Ceremony of girls is comparatively a of the house. simple affair; they are also taken to Garh-Ganga but A small pit is dug in the compound or in front of not to Mirzapur and no feast is given in their case. the house, the placenta is dropped in it and it is then Now some people are reported to have stopped going covered with earth. Just over that place they burn cow to Garh-Ganga and Mirzapur and they perform all the dung cakes fo~ about 2 hours so that the placenta gets ceremonies in Delhi itself. burnt. Accordmg to the Sooar Khatiks women they do Marriage not thr0:W it outside the house because if they do so any .stente woman can catch hold of it and by some Khatik girls are generally married at the age of 12- magiC can harm the child and its mother. According 14 years and the boys between 17-20 years. Accord­ to the Sooa~ Khatiks the birth pollution lasts for I! ing to the Sooar as well as the other section of the months. Dunng the first six days of the birth pollution, Khatiks residing in Delhi, as now they are getting no one can enter the labour-room except the dai and educated the age at marriage for giris as well as for sometimes the mother-in-law of the woman (who takes the boys is also gradually increasing. According to a bath afterwards). On the 6th day after the woman 1961 Census data, 249 persons i.e. 69 males and 180 and her child have been given a bath, others can also females belonging to the age group 0-14 years were enter the labour-room. It may be mentioned here that married and 2 persons were widowed in the same age a m~nstrua~ing woman .is considered to be polluted group. This indicates that child marriage is still pre­ and IS forbtdden to go mto the kitchen for the first valent though not very common. As the number of three days of her menstruation. females as compared to males is higher it also indi­ cates that it is more common amongst the females. , In t!te case

burning dough lamp and incense in front of her. over it the groom's. Then the bride's parents worship Then all the relatives come one by one and place their feet and give some ornaments to the bride. fruits and sweets at her feet and then prostrate. Similarly all the relations of the bride. come, wor­ After the goddess has left they sacrifice a he-goat ship the feet and give either some ornaments or or a pig for her. and then all the relatives go and money to the bride. break their fast. Then the parents of the bride give dowry to her. On the marriage day when the marriage procession which consists of clothes, jewellery and other things is due to start women make a figure called 'Mahir' of household use. Then the 'barat' departs for the on the wall of the main entrance of the house of the bridegroom's house. A song is sung meaning, boy. The figure is made in red colour mixed with "Early in the morning the groom asks some ground rice. It is a rectangular figure with a re­ the bride's side to give them leave presentation of Ram and Sita in its middle. This cus­ But then the Brahmin and the Nai started tom is prevalent only amongst the Sooar Khatiks. Quarrelling over their respective Before the procession starts henna is applied on the hands and feet of the groom. Then he is given a share of the payment. The bride's thorough massage by his sisters. sisters-in-law and father directed the vehicles other women whose husbands are alive. with a pack to be decorated for departure." of turmeric and mustard oil. After this he is given a bath. The bride sat in the vehicle and from there on­ wards come to be called Motibhan. The parents hug­ It is reported from the Allahabasi Khatiks (a sub­ ged her for the last time and reconciled to their lot. caste of Sooar Khatiks) that after the bath. the groom "If you are my real daughter" said the father to takes handful of rice and places it under the 'mahir' the bride "You should serve your second parents but in the case of Ajudhiyabasi Khatiks (another well". sub-caste of Sooar Khatiks) he revolves it round a well seven times and on the seventh revolution he "Serve your husband well and thereby raise th~ takes the hand of his mother and promises loyalty prestige of the family." to her. After some time the bride and the bridegroom again come back to the bride's parent's house. The brief Then the boy dresses himself in a Jama (a frock trip to her in-laws place is called 'Phera'. Then ?n like dress on the upper half) and Pyjamas. Over the the second oay the bride and the bridegroom ag~ Jama he ties a red cloth in such a way that it makes , go back to the groom's parents house, where the bnde a oross on his chest. Then the boy is made to sit stays for five days and again comes back to her on a decorated bullock-cart having wheels similar to parent's house. Here she stays till another ceremony that of a motor. Then the marriage procession (Barat) called 'Gauna' is performed after which she settles led by a band. leaves for the bride's house. permanently with her in-laws. After some time the At the bride's house the barat is given a reception. couple may establish a new household. Then the bride's mother or sister-in-law brings 'Aarti' From Sooar Khatiks one or two cases of polyge­ in a 'ThaI' (big sized brass plate) which contains a no us marriages have also been reported from Delhi. little rice, curd and turmeric. in front of the bride­ Khatik widows generally remarry, the ceremony groom. She moves the plate in a circular fashion in is called 'Chadar Pana' or Dharna. The practice of front of the groom and then applies a 'tilak' on his junior levirate is the most common i.e. a widow mar­ forehead. Then the bridegroom is taken to the place ries the younger brother of her deceased husband. where the bride's sister is standing with a brass pitcher A widow may marry an outsider when her deceased (Balta) full of 'ladoos' on her head and over the pit­ husband had no younger brother. cher is kept a burning earthen lamp. The pitcher and the lamp over it are together called 'Balta'. Then the A few cases of separation between husband and bridegroom and the Balta are both worshipped by wife have been reported. In case a woman is unfaithful the relations of the bride by offering flowers and pros­ or adultress and refuses to mend her ways, her hus­ trating, then the 'Balta' is given to the groom's side. band will leave her with her parents and will not After this all the relations of the groom take food. bring her back. Then some persons from the husband side will come and explain the matter to her parents. Next comes the actual marriage ceremony which Then the matter is discussed between both the sides. takes place either at zero-hour or as suggested by But if she still continues to be unfaithful or adultress, the Pandit. In the compound of the bride's house 'Vedi' then her husband prefers to live separately. Although is erected. The bride and the bridegroom sit adjacent the separation is not made legal bU(t it has social to each other. Then they take seven circumambulations around the sacred fire. Amongst Allahabasis for the sanction. first six rounds the groom is ahead of the bride and Death Rites in the 7th, the other way round, but amongst Ajudhi­ Sooar Khatiks cremate the dead bodies o~ the mar­ yabasis for the first 3-!- circumambulations the groom ried, whereas the dead bodies of t~e unmarr~ed people is ahead of the bride and for the other 3-!- the bride. are either buried or immersed III some n~er. But Thus the marriage ceremony is solemnized. if a married person dies of small. pox,. his or her After this. they perform the ceremony called dead body is not cremated. KhatIks mIgrated from 'Kaware Baitha'. In this a 'thaI' with some 'Ganges' Rajasthan cremate the d~ad bodie~ of all .except tho~e water is taken and on which some grass is put. Then of children which are eIther buned or Immersed ill 9n this

Both the sections of the Khatiks, cover the dead or 99.4 per cent are Hindus. Hindus are both Arya bodies of women in red clothes and those of men in Samajisl and Sanatan Dharmists. white or some colour other than red. The dead bodies of the persons who die at a very old age are covered Most of the Hindu Khatiks have faith in Mata in costly clothes, viz. brocade or some expensive (goddess or Devi) and they leave a corner of the woollen clothes and on the bier is created a 'Be wan . house, w~ere they keep a photograph of the Devi which is a boat shaped wooden frame-work, which is and call It Mata-ka-sthan. The goddess whose photo­ decorated with floral wreaths, baloons and coloured graph they keep can be Lalta Devi, Masoori Devi. papers etc. Delhi-ki-~ai. or V~ndhiachal Devi. These goddesses are worshIpped dunng the 'Navratras' (nine days H the husband of a woman dies her 'Choori' (glass period following the new moon day). Women bangle) is broken and all her cosmetics are kept in desirous of celebrating navratras observe fasts. They the bier and taken to the cremation ground where may however, take some fruits, water and a little they are burnt alongwith her deceased husband. milk. ~hey sit near the deity during the day for as Amongst the Sooar Khatiks all the relations of much tIme as they can spare from their routine. This the dead give a cloth for covering the dead body. goes on for all the nine days.. One male member from each household of the brother­ hood must join the funeral procession but women Sooar Khatiks on a full moon day (puran mashi) do not accompany it. The household of the brother­ or new moon day (Amavas) observe a fast and call hood from which no body joins the funeral procession a Pandit to tell Satya Narayan-ki-Katha. This Katha is fined by the 'Panchayat'. can be told after any interval but it being an expensive On the fourth day of the cremation of the dead. in affair is generally told after 3-5 years depending case of Khatiks (migrated from Rajasthan). some of upon one's desire and means. On this day the house the relations of the deceased go to the cremation is cleaned and decorated for the purpose. The rela­ ground and collect the ashes of the dead. Then one tions and other people of the brotherhood are invited. or two of the very near relatives of the deceased go Members of the family who desire so. observe a fast. and immerse them either in the Ganges or in the No pig is killed and eating of meat on this day is Jamuna. tabooed. Then Pandit performs 'Hnvan' and tells 'Satya According to Khatiks (migrated from Rajasthan) Narayan ki Katha' to all assembled. Afler which all on the 13th day they perform Kirya ceremony of the go and take food which consists of Halwa (a pudding dead, for which all lhe relations assemble at the house of cream of wheat), puri, and dahi (curd) and vege­ of the deceased. Then some body generally the son of tables etc. According to them this being an expensive the deceased sits for mourning and if the deceased affair they camlOt ·afford .to have it every year. Besides was unmarried his or her father or brother sits for the above mentioned fast they observe fast on J anam this purpose. All the relations present, tie a white Ashtami. . turban on his head (on the head of the person who ---- sits for mourning). Then the family of the deceased Magic is practiced by experts who are called OJ has. gives some money to the Brahmin for his services. White magic is practised in cases of diseases like small­ pox and fever etc. If a person is suffering from s~all­ In case of Sooar Kbatiks on the third day of the pox his or her relations will propitiate Sheetla Mata. cremation of the dead, some of the relations of the by Which they believe that the goddess is pleased and deceased go to the house of the deceased. There a leaves the person's body whereby' the person becomes pandit is called who performs 'Havan' with the reci­ healthy again. For other diseases they keep, a few things tation of incantations f'fom the Vedas. Then a person. like turmeric, red thread and a little wheat flour etc. generally the brother of the deceased, sits for mourn­ on a crossing and think that any body who touches ing and all the relations present tie a turban on 'his , tfose things will ge~ the ~isease .and, the ,pets.:on head and after that all the near male relatives of the suffering from the dIsease wIll be alnght. As saId else­ deceased get their heads shaved off. Then all present where in child birth the pillcenta may not harm the take food which is served on 'Pattal' or plates made child and its mother. But no such magic practices have, of leaves, the food consists of halwa, puri· and kheer been reported. from'. Khatiks, who have migrated (a pudding of rice and milk) etc. A few years back from Rajasihan. Sooar Kh~tiks have faith in Blioot~ they used to serve liquor on this day, but now this and Churails. Bhoot is the' spirit of a dead man and practice has been stopped by their 'Panchayat'. Churail the spirit of woman who died in child 'birth. Annually in the month of Sep.-Oct. (Bhadva­ These are malevolent ,spirits and' people (Sooar Asvina) a feast called 'Sharadha' is given to the rela­ Kbatiks) are afraid of them and some time theJ are tions in the memory of the dead. On this day some considered to cause diseases. They ate said to ap,pear' food is taken on a 'Pattal' and on this food they only at night and under the trees. Khatiks (migrated sprinkle some liquor, then they take and keep it from Rajasthan) deny the/ existence of Bhoots and under some tree in a jungle. where they think that Churails. . the deceased will come and eat. After this the food is served to the relations. Then a Brahmin is called Taboos and is given five clothes, five utensils and some According to Sooar Khatiks most of them ab\tain money in charity. from at least one vegetable as this is believed, ~o bless Religion their children. Abstaining from one vegetable lS good especially for those who are sterile. The ve~etable to According to 1961 census out of the total of 14392 be abstained is first suggested by the famtly Guru Khatiks, 86 or 0.6 per cent are Sikhs and the rest 14,306 and then the husband and wife go to the Jamuna 1O!J and leave the vegetable in the flowing water after were not allowed to enter the temples. They used to which they do not eat it. Sanction behind his taboo worship from outside and were permitted entrance is supernatural and any body breaking it is automati­ only on special occasions, such as religious festivals cally punished, the punishment generally being death. etc. The people who worship Bashu Nag or Patal-ka Structure of Social control, prestige and leadership Raja do not wear black clothes. For them the black colour is tabooed. For all the settlements of Sooar Khatiks of Delhi. they have only one Panchayat, the chief of which j~ According to Khatiks they observe all the Hindu called Mukhia. Surpanch or Lath Chaudhari. festivals of which the most important are Holi, Saloonay and Diwali. Besides these others are Teej, Besides Mukhia, the Panchayat has 25-26 chaudheries and each settlement is represented in the Pancha) at Dusshera, J an am Ashtmi and Navrftras etc. by one, two or even more chaudheries. Social Status Office of the Surpanch is always inherited by his The Khatiks occupy a position much higher to the eldest son, who according to his wish can transfer it Chuhras and profess to be superior to Chamars. But to somebody else. Men who have attained prominence according to Ibbetson, "they form a connecting because of their old age, experience and wisdom be­ link between the scavangers and the leather workers, come Chaudheries. Children, youngmen and women though they occupy a social position distinctly in­ are excluded from being Chaudheries. ferior to that of the latter". The Panchayat looks after social life of the Sooar As reported by caste Hindu of their neighbourhood, Khatiks. In case of disputes, breaking of some rule. their touch does not carry pollution. They can draw e.g. endogamy, breaking of betrothal or if a person water from the common municipal hydrant and can has insulted another person the matter is reported to the use it simultaneously with caste Hindus. They have Chaudheri of the Settlement. On a fixed day the Sur­ a free access to the temples. They are free to build panch and all the Chaudheries would collect at one houses in any part of the settlement and can take any place, others who want to attend the meeting of the house on rent. Panchayat are also welcomed. The charges and the They are served by Brahmins, priests, Dhobis and counter charges are listened to. Then there is a general Nais, who serve caste Hindu also. It has been found debate and anybody desirous of speaking on the issue in MaIka Gunj area, that the Khatiks are served by is permitted to do so. After the discussion is over 8-11 a Pandit, who is a Gaur Brahmin by caste. He :-;erves persons including the Surpanch are selected out of the other Scheduled Castes as well as caste Hindu. .\c­ Chaudheries. who are called Munsifs or Salis (media­ cording to him this is his profession and any person tors). The contending parties put their full faith in can be his client irrespective of his caste or social these mediators and promise to abide by their ver­ position. Rose has also reported that "Gaur Brahmin dict. These Munsifs would then leave the gathering officiates at the phera rite". and go to a distance of 20-25 yards away from it. There they would decide the issue. the decisions are Regarding the use of hukka or hubble-bubble either unanimous or majority decisions. The verdict their neighbours are of the opinion that no ('aste of the mediators is binding. Those who refuse to Hindu will use it, but at the same time they say that accept the verdict are ostracised. people who are intimate friends of Khatiks, may use it. If a person who has been abused and insulted in Concerning foods and drinks Brahmins and other public by some other person refuses to report the Caste Hindus do not take any cooked food or water majter to the Panchayat, he is fined and if he refuses at their hands. But according to Sooar Khatiks them­ to pay the fine, he is ostracised. Breaking the betro­ selves, previously Brahmins used to take raw food the! is dealt with a fine of Rs. 105. If the fault is of materials from them but recently they have started the groom, he has also to return the gifts and dowry. taking pacca (fried) food and water. Kshatriyas and Banias can take kaccha and pakka both. But accord­ According to the So oar Khatiks residing in Delhi ing to Rose (1911. Vol. II. pp. 500-501) only Chuh­ all money from fines is spent on liquor. If Chaudhery ras and Chamars will drink water at their hands. or any member of the caste abuses the caste as a Marwari Banias and J ai'1s do not take anything from body. he is put out of it. In former times, the orders them neither fried nor unfried food. of Chaudherie used to be enforced by corpora] chas­ tisement but now this has ceased and a fine is impos­ Caste Hindus as well as Khatiks themselves are ed. of the opinion that their position now is quite diffe­ Each settlement of Khatik (immigrated from rent from what it used to be> in the past and that Rajasthan) has a separate Panchayat. The Surpanch there are differences in rural and urban areas. Pre­ according to them is just a nominal head and his viously they were not allowed to mix-up with caste advice is seldom asked for. All the disputes etc. are Hindus. in 'Keertans'. 'Bhajans' and other gatherings. decided by the elders of the settlement who are known They used to sit a little apart from the gathering and for their wisdom.

References : (1) Crooke. W. "Castes and Tribes ofN.W.P. & Oudh," CaI'utta : 1896, Vol. III, Page-257. (2) Rose, H. A. "A Glossary of Tribes and Castes of Punjab and N.W.F.P.," Vol. II, page-500. 110

THE KOLI

111

A kaccha house.

Reeling of yarn being done using a spinning wheel.

KOLI

Name, Identity, Origin and History explain very well what these cO!llmit!ees are .for and how they function. Whatever httle mformatlon was Koli listed in the Scheduled Castes list of the Union collected from different sources does not explain pro­ Territory of Delhi are one of the three main weaver perly the functions of above mentioned commi.tte~s castes (which are Dhanak, Koli and Balai) collec­ except that like other c.astes ~hey hav~ form~d .It m tively coming under the blanket term of lulahas order to bring reforms m theIr respective SOCIetIes. which includes mohammedan weavers also. But to There is a myth given by Sakwar Kolis that origi­ the Kolis of Delhi the term Julaha denotes only nally the Mahaur and Sakwar were one and the same. mohammedan weavers. whereas the Hindu weavers They got split up later on. It happened once that two are known by the name of Kolis. They believe that Koli sons went out to seek employment. They came the other two i.e. the Dhanak and the Balai, are back after quite a long time. When their mother came only weavers by occupation not by caste. They adopt­ at the door to welcome them. one son recognised ed weaving only a few years back instead of leather her alright but the other one mistook her as his wife. work as originally the latter belonged to Chamar caste. He married her in spite of objections from everybody and was thus excommunicated from the caste. This NOQlenCilature son was given the name Mahaur i.e. 'Ma'-mother The term Koli is believed by almost everybody to and 'haur' means to marry. All social connections be a corruption of the word Kori which according were cut off with that boy and his family. Even now to the Kolis of Delhi is their original nomenclature. Sakwar Kolis do not inter marry with Mahaur Kolis. The Kolis further believe that Kori has been derived There are some Kolis who claim themselves to be from the description of the coarse cloth which is the direct descendants of Kauravas of the time of known as Kora in Hindi and which they produce. Mahabharta and thus got their name Kori. Still others name Kabir as their ancestor. It is stated that one day Crooke (Vol. III, 1896, p. 316) in his book has dis­ Saint Kabir was going for a bath in the Ganges and cussed them under the name Kori and also reported on the way he saw a Brahmin girl saluting him. that the name Koli has been derived from that of Kabir replied, "May God bless you with a son". lChandrawal, Gurmandi and Partap both the sub-castes members agitated strongly and Bagh areas. Zone III (Karol Bagh, Patel Nag~r) con­ raised a big hue and cry against the marriage but tain 7.8% of the total D.M.C. urban populatIon. As as both the parties were quite strong and rich, they is clear from the table, the Koli population in other paid no heed to all this and legalised the marriage regions is rather small. in the law court. The Mahaur and Sakwar Kalis form two inde­ PoPULATION TREND OF THE KOLIS pendent groups in Delhi. They have got separate Year % increase panchayats of their own without having any social PopUlation intercourse with each other. Both these gr~)Ups prac­ tice subcaste endogamy. But gotra exogamy as each 1911 3,496 1921 5,006 +43·2% group has a number of gotras. 1931 6,928 38·4% The Kalis of Delhi reported to have migrated 1941 Figures not available 1951 18,990 (estimated) + 1'74·1% from Jhansi, Itawa in U.P. and Gwalior in M.P. 1961 . 19,199 + 1.1% Clearly speaking it can be said that almost all Sakwar Kolis connect themselves with Jhansi and Sources: District Ceusus Handbook (1961) its nearby places whereas the others i.e. the Mahaurs Above table throws some light on the population claim to have come from Gwalior and Itawa side trend of the Kalis living in Delhi since last fifty as early as a century ago, They came here in search years as enumerated during different censuses which of employment. It was reported that quite a good are conducted after every ten years. Study of the table number of them are living here since last two or shows that Koli population increased by 43.2% three generations and they seem to have 'more or less during first ten years (i.e. from 1911-1921) and by localised. As told by them, some of their relatives 38.4% over the period 1921-1931. Figures for the also live in Kamal and in other places in Punjab. year 1941 are not available and those recorded for the The Binodhiya Kolis reported that their forefathers year 1951 are ionly estimated o.nes,. and one can~ot came here from Ayodhaya in 1857 due to the fear get clear picture of the exact Tlse m. the populatIon of the Britishers. Some settled here under some as­ during this period. In the last decade 1.e. from 1~51- sumed name whereas the other moved towards 1961 the increase is only 1.1 %. In short maXImum Punjab and settled there. rise has been calculated in the time period of 1941 Distribution and Population Trend to 1951. It may be due to the infilteration of dis­ placed persons from Pakistan after the partition of The table gives us some idea about the location the country in 1947. and distribution of Koli population in different trac~s and zones of the Union Territory of Delhi. Family TABLE SHOWING TRACT/ZONE WISE DISTRIBUTION OF KOLIS IN DELHI AS PER 1961 CENS"US Ouring the course of our present--investigation it was found that the majority of Koli families living Popnlatioll in Delhi are. of Nuclear type, i.e. the husbapd and Zone/Tract r-- -~------...-- ....A...... _~ ___ ~ wife living with their unmarried children. Her~, the Persons Males Females hn'sband has all the responsibilities of providing food and clothing for his family. It is his duty to earn Delhi Total 19,199 10,778 8,421 and spend. The wife nOrnially cooks f900, looks after Rural 1,724 1,025 699 the cbildren and does other household work.. She Urban 17,475 9,75:~ . 7.722 D.M.C. (Urban) 16.314 (1,070 ,7,244 is not expected to go out and ear.n even if the .ea!D­ Zone 1- Shahdara 413 220 193, iugs of her husband are not suffiCIent, She may :bnng Zone II- City Sadar.Paharganj 3,917 2,176 1,741 work at home, as was noticed in some cases, and Zone III- Karol Bagh- Patel Nagar 1,280 766 514 finish it in her spare time against cash payment. Zone IV- Civil Lines·Subzi Mandi 3,612 2,068 1,544 In a few cases two or. three married brothers with Zone V - Transfen-ed area 1,574 925 649 their families were noticed living together -under the Zone VI-South Delhi 5,351 2,808 2,543 same roof Mth common kitchep.. If the father is Zone VII-West Delhi 167 107 60 living and staying with them then he becomes the New Delhi 908 540 368 Delhi Cantt. 253 143 110 head of the family otherwise the eldest mak is con~. sidered the authority' in the house. All money; earned Of the total population of 19,199 persons, 1,724 "by the younger members goes to him eyery! ~on~H', or 9.0 per cent. reside in rural Delhi and the remaining out of which he manages the whole .affaIr. It .IS his . 17.475 or 9t.Q per cent. in Urban Delhi where they duty to bring everythi~ required in t~ kitchen. i are found distributed all over the urban territory. The eldest woman· in such hOuses manages the i Out of 17.475 persons residing in Urban Delhi household matters like looking after and controlling' as many as 16.314 or 93.4% have been reported to the· activities of the younger women. It is 4er duty be living in D.M.C. Urban area which has been to give them the training of a perfect housewife. divided into seven zones. In D.M.C. (Urban) area The sons after their marriage remain with \ their their highest concentration is in Zone-VI i.e. (South parents for some time. But then due 10 domestic Delhi) followed by Zone II (i.e. city Sadar Pahar­ quarrels they establish separate households of t~ir ganD and Zone IV (i.e. Subzi Mandi. Civit Lines). own. The descent is always traced from father, I.C., The Zone Vl, Zone IV and Zone II comprise 32.8%. the son will inherit his father'S surname and the Ornaments on the arm.

Ornaments on 1he leg.

115 family will be known by the name of. the e~dest male. silk and are always pf gaudy colours which are Sons inherit their, father's property In which daugh­ selected for the occasions. Otherwise. the everyday ters have no share. dress of a Sakwar Koli female consists of a cotton Dhoti printed or coloured with a blouse, whereas that for a Mahaur Koli female consists of Lehnga usually Dwelling printed or coloured made up of some cheap cloth The housing conditions of the Kalis were found and a Bandi of similar material. In addition they to be rather poor. f\!l o~erwhelming number of them use a long Odhni or head-gear. is reported to be hVIng In one roomed houses. gene­ Young Koli girls upto the age of their ~~rria~e, rally made of mud and reeds and v~ry few persons these days either wear a Salwar and Kaml] WIth pucca ill R~a live in houses. For example. Partap Chunni (21 yards piece of cloth) or a bl_ouse and Bagh the majority of households· are living In kachha petticoat depending upon the group to which theX houses. In Railway Chowki No.3, where as much belong, e.g., a Sakwar girl wears Salwar and Kaml) as 350 Koli households reside. there are only four with Odhni whereas a Mahaur girl wears a blouse pucca houses. In Chowki No. 2 mor~ t.han 100 ho~se­ holds have been reported to be resldmg. In MajDu­ and petticoat. Ka-Tilla more than 80 households are reported to Regarding the dress of children, both the groups be living in mixed type of houses, i.e. the wal1~ are do not seem to be taking much care. Those, below made of burnt bricks and mud but the roof IS of the age of seven years may be covered with anything reeds or thatch. from a vest to a frock or shirt irrespective of their In Subzi Mandi area the Kalis are living in one sex. For example, a boy of five may be dressed in a frock and a girl of similar age in a shirt. roomed houses which are partly pucca and partl~ kachha. All the above mentioned areas of Koh School going boys wear a shirt and half-pant habitat are very congested. The streets are very according to .their school uniform and the girls wear narrow and small. a Salwar and Kamij. Those persons accommodated in Mill's quarters arl.' The traditional dress of a Koli male is a white cotton comparatively better off as their quarters are of pucca Dhoti, a cotton Kurta (loose collarless shirt) along­ material and they have an easy access to water taps with a white pugree or turban. Even at present, this and public latrines. dress is worn by quite a good number of middle From the sanitation point of view also their aged and aged Koli males. Their young men espe­ housing conditions are poor. For example in Chowki cially those working in some offices mostly wear No. 3 where more than 350 families reside. there is western dress constituting a pant with a bush-shirt no proper drain for carrying the sullage water into or shirt. Sometimes, they also wear Pyjamas instead a sewage tank. There are no latrines. dry or flush of pants. No head-gear is used by Koli young men as it is not in vogue these days. Dress of a bride­ private or public. All go out in the fiel~s .arou~d groom has also undergone a change as now-a-days for defecation. In Rana Pratap Bagh, samtatlOn 1S slightly better as their hutments are quite near to !he the grooms prefer to wear pants and shirts instead sewage points in the main colony. For defecatlOn of their age old customary dress of yellow Dhoti they all go to the fields. In Subzi Mandi area, there and Kurta. Some of the Mahaur Kalis are reported are public as well as private latrines, but even then to be using this dress even at the present time but conditions are no good as the area is over crowded. majority of them have changed it. Regarding water supply. the conditions are more As regards foot-wear men and women mostly satisfactory than in other respects, although the taps wear Chappals and Juttis (hand made, unlaced, boat are not fitted inside the houses. Everywhere they shaped shoes) and children wear canvas shoes or use public hydrants fixed in the streets or on road­ remain barefooted. sides. Sometimes in area like Rana Partap Bagh and Food Habits Subzi MandL for water supply they depend upon the mercy of their well-to-do neighbours. Those Kalis having faith in Saint Kabir are found to be vegetarians as Kabir advocated KindnesS) to 1be Koli houses generally do not have electricity animals. Otherwise the majority constitutes of non­ as most of them live in kuchha huts. In Subzi Mandi vegetarians. But even amongst the non-vegetarians area the street light points are many, but only some no one is reported to be taking beef. Some of the Koli houses have electricity. males are also reported to be fond of liquor but thy do not take it openly. Dress Ordinarily their staple food consists of Chapatis, The traditional dress of a Koli female is a Lehnga pulse and rice but sometimes pulse is replaced with ·Oong skirt) a Bandi Ooose blouse) and an Odhni some vegetables or those who can afford it take both (head gear) which is still worn by one of their caste things at a time. groups-the Mahaurs, whilst the other group of the During the present investigation it was found that Sakwar Kolis have replaced it long back with Dhoti almost every married Koli person abstains himself at­ (a 5 to 5! yard long and 11 yards wide piece of least from one vegetable as tbis according to their cloth) and Bandi. Now-a-days even on special occa­ belief is a blessing for their children. If some mother sions like marriages etc. the Sakwar Koli woman or father happens to eat the avoided vegetable, it is wear Dhoti and Bandi. Their brides are also dressed considered that he / she is eating his /her son. Ab­ in similar clothes (at the time of their marriages). staining from a vegetable. is a sort of a pledge taken Of course these are of finer material preferably of before the birth of a child (usually the first one) that 116 after the delivery either both or one of the parents in for a few light ones. A married woman in one of will stop taking one particular vegetable. Then on the the urban areas will be seen wearing one or two day their wish is f~lfilled they buy quite a ~o~d rings either of silver or gold, a chain or necklace in quantity of that partIcular vege1able and throw It 1ll the neck and Pajebs in her feet. Previously they used Jamuna river. to wear big Kares in the arms as well as in their lower legs with Hasli in the neck and so many other It is also noticed that the Kalis are very much fond ornaments. A few women belonging to rural areas of chewing betel-nut and tobacco especially their were noticed wearing one or two pieces of their old womenfolks. Some of them prepare the betel them­ fashioned jewellery but majority of them do not like selves and eat it many times a day. Their teeth have the old heavy ornaments. Men wear no ornaments become all black due to too much betel chewing. with the exception of one or two rings in their Smoking a hubble-bubble is not very common among fingers. them except in the case of some old persons. Other­ wise they confine to bidi and cigarette smoking. Education Women generally do not smoke. The Koli's attitude towards school room type of Personal Decoration education is not favourable. both in case of their A young Koli married woman. besides using ver­ boys and girls. Despite compulsory and free educa­ milion in the parting of her hair, Kajal in her eyes tion, most of them cannot afford to buy books, cloth­ and Mehendi to her hands and feet (all signs of ing etc. needed in the schools. They consider it as married life) further beautifies herself with the use wasle of time. money and energy. According to them of cheap cosmetics like powder, cream. nail 1Jnli~.h it is impracticable and attribute to it the loss of res­ and lipstick etc. Middle aged women or those having pect to the elders and their tradition, the two common more than two children are comparatively more simple factors among their educated young. They quote an as generally they do not use anything else than the example of a married Sakwar Koli educated girl, who signs of married life. sits on the 'charpai' in front of her elders, wears no veil and wears black bangles which are considered As reported by them tattooing has religious signi­ inauspicious for married woman. ficance beside being .a source of one's body decora­ tion. Tattoo marks were noticed on different Darts The boys usuallv study upto school level and of the bodies of Koli males and females as it is afterwards engage themselves in some work to aug­ believed by them that charity from the hands of a ment the income of their parents. person having no tattoo marks will not be recog­ The girls, if sent to school, do not get any chance nised by God. These days instead of having big geo­ to learn the household duties which alone are im­ metrical patterns, figures of gods and godde~ses or portant in their later life. This skeptical attitude is flower patterns, are mostly printed on the back of represented by . the few educated boys and girls of one's palm. Some of the females were also noticed their total population. According to 1961 Census having the following figures known as Sita Ki Rasol 20.3 % of the Kalis are literate. Out of the total males or brother and sister printed on their arms. 31.0% are literate and out of '{Nal females 6.7% This figure is expected to strengthen the love bet­ are literate. There are only 2 female graduates anci ween brothers and sisters. 76 females of junior basic educational level and 3 females Of matriculation or higher secondary level in Ornaments ! the total female population of 8,421. Similarly out of the total male population of 10,778 only 6 are degree According to Kalis, possession of ornaments add holders, 134 are of matriculation or higher secondary to one's status in the society. It was noticed in urban 1~N"el and 644 are of primary or 'junior basic level. Delhi areas that the Kalis have disposed off their However, the present younger generation is taking

age-old (thick and heavy) ornaments and' are ~oing. some interest. in education. < \ TABLE

Delhi Total Delhi Urban Delhi Rural' Industrial C,ttegory ....A.__ --'-_-\',...... ___ ~--_.., ,.--~-_.., Males Females Total' MaIcs Femallls Total Males Females ToW " .

1 2 3 4; 5 6 7 8 9 10

I-As CultiVators ...... , n-Agricultural Labourers . 11 2 13 11 , 2 13 W-Mirting, Quarrying. Livestock, ForeStry etc. 23 1 24 18 1 19 5 5 IV-Household Industry 7I 80 151 60 71 131 11 9 20 V -}{a.llufacturing o.ther thetn Household Industry 2,431 261 1,692 1,901 153 2,054 530 108 638 VI-Construotio~ 1,357 154 1,5H 1,345 153 1,498 12 1 13 Vfi-Trade a.nd Commerce 355 55 410 334 55 389 21 \ .. 21 VIn-Trausport. Storage and Communi. catioIl 216 12 228 ' 211 12 2.23 5 5 IX~Other Services . 1.600 300 1.900 1,509 283 1,792 IH 17 108 Tots.I Workers . 6.06{ 865 6.929 5,378 728 6,106, 686 137 \ 823 NoB· -workers 4.714 7,556 12.270 4,375 6,994, 11,369 339 562 001 The reels fitted in a frame.

The craftsman working on the 100m. Hands arM feet are rhythmically used for weaving.

, . . . Threads {m'the iqom being operated by pedals. 117

Occupation and Econollli<: Life The remaining two categories i.e. Trade and Com­ merce and Transport and Communication absorb 410 Sinc~ ages the Kolis· were the main suppliers of or 5.9% and 228 or 3.3% of the total workers c~oth III the country-side as their traditional occupa­ respectively. hon was weaving of coarse cloth. They seem to be The table shows that 11 persons are working as very proud of their occupation and the fact that even sweepers or scavengers and one in. tanning of hides S~int Kabir handled loom and prepared cloth with ctc. The Kalis of urban areas explained that there ~IS ow~ hands. They say that formerly it was simply are a few Kalis living in some nearby villages who ImpossIble for persons to carry out their deads unless are engaged in such work. According to them, these they ~upply them with a piece of cloth (Kafan) for Kalis ate not true representatives of their caste but covermg the body. !he pr~sent. progress and develop­ are either of Dhanuk or of some other low caste, ment of new machines, bIg mIlls and factories have some of whose ancestors took to weaving and started Pl!shed th~m t? the background. Some compromised calling themselves Kolis. Now they have again taken wIth the sItuatIon by engaging themselves in different up their old occupation. As learnt from the Kolis of tYI?e.s of other works according to their· skill and urban areas, they do not have any contact with them abIhty. ~he table on page 115 gives us some idea of (Kolis engaged in .scavenging etc.). But during the the . Koh-worke~s and non-workers, in the Union course of our present investigation no one calling Terntory accordmg to 1961 census enumeration.· It himself Koli and pursuing scavenging as his occupa­ shows that out of the total of 19,199 persons 6,929 or tion was found in rural as well as in urban areas of 36.1 % are worke~s whereas the rest 12,270 or 63.9% are non-workers.lll WhICh greater part is played by the Union Territory. the females (7,556 non-workers). The female workers Technique of Weaving are only 12.5% of the total working population. This, however, does not accurately reflect the extent to The art of their craft consists in turning coarse yam which their womenfolk work of all those engaged in into bed-sheets. It is as follows: ' Household Industry help their menfolks in their work A bundle of ready-made coarSe yam is purchased though not declared as workers. from the market. It is available in the cloth market As reported by Sakwar Kolis, formerly their i.e. Fatehpuri, Sadar Bazar and Chandni Chowk etc. women-folk were considered to be the best nurses. One bundle weighs about 10 lbs. and has 20 Attees They used to leave their own children for nursing the (Wads of yarn). ?hi!dren of rich people. They also reported a few First the coarse yam is bleached and dyed. In a mCIdents where women of their caste went out of tub containing 10 to 15 kilogrammes of water, some pelhi to nurse some important personalities. But now popular brand of soap or detergent, weighing lth of It seems that to raise themselves in social status a kilogramme, is thoroughly mixed. All the wads of among the Scheduled Castes the KoIi females have yarn are dropped into it one by one and kept there stopp~d working in the above occupation. Though at for an hour, after which they are taken out and one tlm~ they were r~po~ted to be cultivators yet now squeezed and kept in the sun, where they remain till not a smgle person IS lIsted under this head in the they dry up. ~ab.le .. The number of agricultural labourers is very InSIgnIficant (13 persons only). The yam is now ready for dyeing. Again 10 to 15 Kilograms of water is boiled and in the boiling water Maximum number of workers (38.9%) were found are dropped 6 tolas of dye and 15 tolas of caustic , to be engaged in Manufacturing other than House­ soda or sodium hydro-oxide. All the wads of yarn ~old Industry. Almost all workers engaged in this are put into it and are allowed to remain in it for mdustry are weavers who prepare a variety of bed· half an hour, after which they are taken out and sheets and coarse cloth. They purchase hand"spun gently squeezed and kept in the sun to dry up. .. yarn from the market and prepare cloth on their own Now comes the reeling of the yam. The wads of . handlooms. In this, they are aided by their women­ yam are put rOQPd a revolving wheel cal1ed 'Adda'. folk who help them· in various stages of manufacture The reeling is done with the aid of a spinning of cloth. wheel and its spindle. It may be added that the spin­ Next c!ltegory which accounts for 27.4% of ning wheel is invariably operated by the women folk workers IS that, of Other Services. Under this head in the house. The price of an 'Adda' is Rs. 3.00 and that of a spinning wheel Rs. 8.00. come th~ weavJO~ ~asters and other workers con­ nected wlth weavmg 1D Delhi Cloth & General Mills These reels are now fitted into a frame which may Swatantra Bharat Mills, Birla Mills and Ganesh Mills: be called Frame No 1. The wooden frame called Some of them reported tKhadi Bhawans or other government agencies at prices hi~er Now the craftsman puts a shuttle containing than they would get in open market. The cooperative thread into the Kanghi beside the Gutka. He pulls societies are also granted loans and these loans the Gutka-rope and the Gutka hits the shuttle and are sometimes as much as 4 times the total invest­ the shuttle moves in the opposite direction. The ment of the co-openitive. Sometimes, the govern­ woven thread is combed by an instrument called mental agencies place orders with the!U directly ~or Hatta. The lowered Rachh is now raised and another certain type of cloth and even--pt:Qvide them WIth Rachh is lowered. Now the shuttle commutes in the raw materials. It. however, appears that despite the r~verse direction. Again. the thread is combed, the substantial advantages in the co-operative type of lowered Rachh is raised and the other Rachh is· business unit, they have not become popular. For lowered. That is how this process goes on and. oh. example, in the Railway Chowki No. 3 (near' Rana The woven cloth gets rolled round the roller near P:1rtap Bagh), a colony where about 300 households the craftsman. are engaged in weaving, there are only 4 co"opera­ tives; in Majnu-ka-Tilla (behind K~yber Pass),.a. Economics of Weaving: colony.' where about 80 households are engaged In weaving, there is only one co-operative; in Rl:l:ilway The economics of weaving may be seen from. the ChQwki No. 2 (near Shakti Nagar) ;where about 40 detailed cost and sale proceeds account of the manu-' \. households are weaving. there is no co-operative facture of a dozen bed-sheets from a bundle of yarn sQciety. In Rana Pratap Bagh, where about lQO weighing 10 lbs. households are engaged in weaving, there are 8 cO­ operatives and this' number is found to be the maxi" Oost SI,ze proceerls mum orall/the areas. Rs. P. Rs. P HandiCraft· Congress: A bundle of yarn 24·00 A

1956 would give us an idea as to what the congress Rs. 5/- for her services. She may get even more stand for: it recommended; money alongwith some clothes depending upon the economic position of the family. The Tantuwar Kolis (i) That the weaving craft be organised on co-opera­ generally engage a sweeperess instead of a dai for the tive lines and Rs. 130 crores should be ear-marked purpose as said before and pay her Rs. 1.50. for this. Immediately after the birth. fire is burnt in an iron (ii) That the All India Handicrafts Board should vessel outside the delivery room in which masala be turned into an autonomous organisation and it consisting of some fumigating materials, is put. It is should be given sufficient funds for the development believed to keep away bad air from the mother and of handicrafts. the child. Quite near to this a Charua an earthen pot (iii) That a ceiling be placed O'n the production of full of water is placed on a stove. When the water cloth by the textile mills at 5000 million yards. The starts boiling another Masala cO'nsisting of Turmeric 25 lakh craftsmen would be able to produce 4000 to Kamrcus, Ajwain and lira worth 62 paise or 125 5000 million yards. of cloth annually and this would paise is put in it by parts. This water is given to the meet all the demand for cloth in India. woman on the bed for bathing and drinking. It is be­ lieved that water with masala gives relief to the woman (iv) That no fresh licences be issued to the mills from her pains and also removes the strain from her for installing automatic looms for the manufacture of nerves. cotton. silk. nylon and rayon fabrics. To prevent the mother and the child from bad air (v) That the line of production for the handicrafts effect of Bhuts and Churels (ghosts), an iron piece and the textile mills should be demarcated. The dhotis generally a knife or an iron vessel (Karahi) is kept and sarees and all cloth of breadth greater than 32" upside down near the bed of the woman towards her should be reserved for the handicrafts only. head side. Brahmin is consulted to know the effect of the child Life Cycle Rituals on the family and position of the stars at the time of Birth Ceremonies child birth. The priest is also to prepare a horoscope of the child. The mother who has given birth to a A Koli pregnant woman continues to attend to her child is given milk & lhalebi (a sweet-meat prepared domestic chores till the eleventh hour. She may get out of fine flour and sugar) to eat on the first day as help from one of her female relatives provided that it is taken to be a good omen. On the second day the latter is willing to join her. Otherwise the critical she is given ladoos (rounded balls) prepared out of hour passes with the help of some elderly wOmen of dried fruits and masala containing gur and ghee. This the neighbourhood. is expected to recoup the lost energy of the woman. A few years past it was quite customary for de­ Third day after the birth of the child which is known livery cases to take place at ones own house but these as Lal Nahan day i·e. only a forelock of the mother's days it is found more convenient to go to the nearby hair is washed by the sister of her husband. She also health centres or hospitals. When at home, the ex­ washes the breast of the mother and then for the pectant mother is confined to a separate room if first time the new born baby is put to its mother's there are more than one room in the house. If there breast. This practice is performed by both the groups is only one room she is confined in one corner of the of the Kalis. room. Three days after the Lat Nahan i.e. on the 6th At the time of birth. usually four or five women of day, household members sweep and clean the labour whom one is a dai (mid-wife) are present around the room. If the fioor is a kaccha one then it is purified accouchement. Dai may belong to any caste. As the by giving it a coating of cowdung. The mother and the baby is. born. placenta is severed by the dai and sex child are bathed. Their clothes alongwith bedding of the baby is ascertained. The placenta is collected are also changed. in an earthen pitcher which is buried somewhere out­ side the habitation .either by the dai or by the Green vegetables and sweet rice are cooked at sweeperess of that locality. Sweeping and scavenging home. Little bit of Masala (which is put in boiling of the labour room for the first five days is done by the water) is also put in all these preparations. A figure of Bid-Mata, (the deity) is made on the floor or O'n sweeper woman for the Tantuwar or Mahaur Kalis, one of the wall of the labour room towards the head­ while the same work is done by the Dai for the Shak­ side of the bed. They believe that the Bid-mata yawar or Sakwar Kalis as they do not allow a sweeper herself comes to the children and on sixth day woman to enter the delivery room. visits the particular house to write the fortune of the The birth of a son is announced by beating a bronze child. So. Bid-Mata is specially venerated or worship­ plate known as bela while that of a daughter is ed on thIS day. A fire of cowdung cakes is also light­ generally not announced at all. Sometimes the Tan­ ed in which some ghee is poured. All family members tuwars or Mahaur Kolis beat a baking plate on the gather in the room and prostrate before the sketch. birth of a girl. The Mahaurs reported that they weigh Food is, _ ut in the fire after the name of family the baby against grains immediately after its birth ancestors. " . enfolk sing devotional songs and and those grains are given to the sweeperess. The som~ pr~. al singers like Bhats etc. are invited ShakY3:wa~ or the. Sakwar Kalis do this only when to smg blP'th songs. This programme continues for the chtld IS born m Mools. a particular constellation full one day. of the stars which is considered inauspicious for the The second bath or Nahan takes place either ali fami1y. The dai or the midwife who attends the the 9th or on the 10th day after the birth as direct­ mother and the chi1d for first five days. receives ed by the family pandit. It is also known as Barbi by 120 the Mahaur Kolis. On this day again the house is Usually the Kalis practice Kua Poojan on the birth swept clean and the mother with the child is given a of first son on any day in between the period of 9 to thorough bath to purify tht!mselves. 40 days. Relatives and women-folk from the neigh- , bourhood are invited, The mother and the child are If the child has taken birth in Mools, in inauspi­ dressed in their best clothes. A figure of Swastik or cious constellation of the stars. the Kolis generally Satiya is made on the outer walls of the main en­ adopt the following remedy (0 ward off the evil effects trance of the house with cowdung by the father's on the family. sister of the child. It is believed that Satiya will bless the child. After giving food to the invitees, in the The general remedy is that neither the mother nor the child is shown to any outsider for 40 days. When evening, the mother of the child goes to a nearby the position of the stars become favourable, a day is well or to a tap carrying Jaiyer or two brass pots selected by the Brahmin to perform certain Pooja full of water on her head. She is accompanied by (worship) and rituals. Water from 21 different wells, some women relations who sing songs throughout leaves of 21 trees and 21 types of grains are collect­ the way. ed alongwith a piece of turmeric, one iron nail and On the outer wall. of the well a figure of Swastik complete dress of the mother and the child. If pos­ is made with turmeric by the. mother of the child. sible one gold piece is also included. All these things Some grains, sugar alongwith a coin is left on the are tied in a cloth and kept near the bed of the spot and water of the Jaiyer is thrown near the well. mother. Early in the morning both the mother and the On their return Satiyas made on the outer walls of child are given bath with the water of 21 wells col­ the main entrance of the house, are worshipped by lected on the previous. day, and the rest of the things applying a red mark on them. Remaining water is are given to a Bhatri (a professional receiver of these thrown a little on either sides of the entrance of the things) or to a sweeper. house and then the party of women-folk enter the house. This completes the birth rituals of the Kolis. Total period of pollution is 40 days as reported by both the groups, but normally the mother resumes Adoption her duties after ten days. The ceremony or practice of giving bath to the woman on 10th day is expected Adoption is npt common amongst the Kalis. If to mark the end of the period of pollution bv touch anybody wants to adopt a child, he or she can do so inside the house. Although where mother-in htws and with the consent of Panchayat heads only. other women are present in the house, she is not allowed to work in the' kitchen for full 40 days but Marriage Customs and Rituals where the woman is all alone and there is nobody to The Kolis prefer adult marriage to child marriage as help her, she resumes her work as soon as she musters reported by them. This is su~ported by the 1961 some energy. Census data which shows that the percentage of those married in the/'age-group (0-14) years with respect The naming or the Namkaran Sanskar ceremony of to total married population is L2--only: the child is generally performed on the first day of chil,d birth among the Shakwar kolis. The Brahmin is These days a KoH girl is normally married when consulted who tells them the first two alphabets of the she is of 14 to 16 years of age whilst a boy is married name. On the birth of the first child in the family, at the age of 18 to 20 years and sometimes. even feast may be given to the brotherhood depending upon mOJ'e. the financial conditions of the family. The Kolis perfer adult marriage to child marriage as The Tantuwar and the Mahaur Kolis observe this each marrying within one's own sub-ca~te group. The ceremony in a somewhat elaborate manner. On the r;otras (lct as marriage regulating units in a way .that seventh or tenth day as directed by the Pandit, ,the in their matrimonial alliances, they avoid atIeast, two family priest is invited to perform Havana and to ,gotras. that is. of the father and the ,mother. 'Some- tell the name of the child. The child may be·· given \ times the gotra of one's Dqdi (father's mother) is also an amulet to wear by the same priest which is ex­ avoided. Two persons having a common gotra are, pected to save the child from diseases and epidemics considered to be brothers' and sisters. Formerly. the in future. ' Kolis. USed to obserVe quite rigid rules and.. customs regarding tbe~r marriiiges: but this rigidity has n~w The next ceremony is that of Mundan or the first hair been weaken With time. Now one or two cases of cutting ceremony of the child. It usually takes place intercast~ marriage were reported, where a Mahaur after f?rty .days or someti:r:es after. full one year of Koli married a Binodiya Koli ih one case and ~i{h a ' the, chIld bIrth. as the famlly finds It convenient. The Sakwar Kbli in another case. Both the marriagets were , Nal or the pr?fessiona! barber is called to give a hair accepted after some agitation raised by their: caste cut ~o the Ch!ld ~ho IS made to lie down in his / her members. ' aunt s (father s SIster) Jap. The cut hair wrapped in a paste of doughed flour are thrown in some flowing Manf?ni or Sagai w~ter. ,Sometimes these .hair :'lre offered to some god- , ~ess (eIther Nagarkot Kl DeV1 or Gurgaon Wali Mata) The marriage is fixed by negotiation, conducted by 1ll ful,filment, of a vow. The barber is paid Rs. 1.25 an intermediary known as Agua or Bichola ~ho is for hIS serVIces. Sweets are distributed in the neigh­ known to both families. Once the proposal is acCepted bourhood. by both the sides, betrothal or Mangni takes place. Four to five persons led by the' /girl's brother go to The Kalis of Delhi are 'lwt partic1.dar about the the boy's house. The boy is giv~n' by them a minimum ceremony of Kua Pooian, It is not a rigid custom of Re. 1 alongwith a set of clothes. one coconut, that everybody should perform it on the birtb of a son. and one towel. He is .. garlanded by these persons and Barmania being carried by the brother-in-law of the bride-groom.

The couple worshios S(lhni Ghori before entering the house.

121

Paan (betel) is offered to everybody. All members One day before the wedding, four bamboo poles are of boy's household. ar~ given one rupee. each but in vertically erected in the courtyard of the house of case the girl's faIDlly IS poor. It may glVe only one the girl in a square fashion. These are covered with rupee to the eldest male member of the boy's family. dried grass. The Kalis call it Manda or Mandva. The maternal grand-parents are expected to bring Lagan Pat: bhaat or gifts of clothes and ornaments etc. for their Either side may begin correspondence about the respective grand children to be married. marriage date. Horoscopes of the boy and the girl are consulted by the family priest who tells an auspicious On the wedding day, sometime before the marriage date for marriage. Once it is settled, the girl's father procession is to start, a hair cut is given to the groom gets prepared a Lagan Pat or Peeli Chithi from his by a professional barber for which he receives family priest. In this letter actual time and date of Rs. 1.25. It is so arranged that the last tel of the boy the marriage, number of baan (oilbath) days and the also falls on the same day. After the hair cut. oil is time of Pheras etc. are written so that the other party applied in the usual way and then he is allowed to gets acquainted with the whole programme of the (ake his usual bath. The dress of the groom at that marriage. This letter is sent either through Barhi, a time consists of a yellow shirt. a yellow Dhoti and a professional messenger of their caste or by the sister's yellow turban alongwith a piece of cloth tied round husband of the prospective girl. If the boy's people his waist. These days the grooms generally prefer to agree with the dates etc. fixed by the girl's side, they wear pants and shirts instead. He is also made to wear give their consent otherwise they send a new marriage the Janco or sacred thIead underneath his clothes. programme settled by their family priest which is At the door of his house he meets his sisters who convenient to them. try to stop hi.m. He in tum gives them some money On acceptance of the Lagan Pat. Lagan is sent to to let him proceed. Before the barat or the marriage the boy's family 9, 10 or 15 days before the actual procession actually starts, the groom has to perform marriage date. It consists of some sweets, a coconut, a ceremony called Kua Bhanwaria. The mother of the complete outfit for the boy, about 1/3 kilogrammes of groom sits on the mound of a well with her legs rice, a little turmeric, pieces of areca nut, 0nf: J(/l1eO hanging into the well. The groom comes and takes or sacred thread alongwith some grass-lea v ~s and seve'll turns around the well and lifts his mother. utensils. A letter containing the marriage programme touches one of her breasts with his mouth and says specifying the number of oil baths for the boy and "Mother, I shall bring Bahu (daughter-in-law) for the girl is also sent alongwith Lagan. The number you. Now please let me go". The mother spreads a of oil baths are always fixed in odd numbers and are piece of cloth on the ground and places a Sarba~a usually two less for the girl than the boy. small earthenpot containing some flour. a few batasey (sugar candy), yellow thread and a clod of yellow The boy's father keeps half of those turmeric clay. The groom places his right foot on the Sarba coloured rice grains with him alongwith all other and its remains are given to a sweeper woman. The things and sends back the other half to the girl's groom sits on a mare's back and the marriage proces­ father. He also sends similar things (some clothes and sion starts. ornaments) for the girl. On receiving back Lagan. the Pandit of girl's family puts all these things in the Among the Tantuwar Kalis the Jija or sister's prospective bride's lap and also ties a Kangna (a husband of the bridegroom carries a Barmania yellow thread containing one iron ring. a clove and throughout the journey. The Barmania is a small one cowrie) on her wrist. This is done in order to earthen pot containing some rice grains and a coin of identify the girl to be married from the other ones. two paisa. A cord is tied to its neck and the person (\. similar ceremony of tying Kangna on boy's wrist holds the cord to carry it. Bannmzia is the sole pero­ l~ also performed. at the boy's residence. The yellow gative of boy's sister's husband for which he is paid nee gralQS are gIVen to each of the relatives and Rs. 1.25. other households as a token of invitation to the mar­ riage. Those relatives who do not receive these feel As the marriage procession approaches the bride's insulted and uninvited to the marriage. ' house it may be taken either straight away to the Janwasa (resting place) or asked to stay at distance .At night ?n the sa~e day (the day Lagan is re­ from the Janwasa and bride's house. Here some light ?elVed) relat~ves a~d. frIends are invited to take part refreshment is served to the marriage party and bride's m whole mght smgmg programme at bridegroom's father meets the father of the groom. The former place. also offers to the later Re. 1 or more as a sign of welcome. This haltiTIg in the way is known as Klzet Tel Ki Dawat or feast in the field. The barat is then sent to Janwasa for rest. Tel Chadna or the application of oil starts next day; at the time fixed by the priest. In the courtyard Afterwards the bridegroom is invited to the bride's of t~e hou~e. ~ Palta or wooden plank is placed upon h?use. He, accompanied by two or three baratis (not a. sa or grmdmg stone. On this Palla the boyar the hIS father) comes to the bride's house and sits on a gtrl to be married is made to sit. In a new brass plate Chowki (I.ow stool) besides the Pandit. He is given Ubtan, a p~~t~ of roasted barley. turmeric powder and five utensIls,. five clothes. a finger ring and some mustard 011 IS made which is applied everyday on money. rangmg from Rs. 1 to 21 by his would-be the ~od.y of the prospective bridegroom. After the father-Ill-law. The groom is then allowed to gO back appllcahon of Ubtan with some grass leaves (which to the Janwasa. Previously it was a COmmon =practice come with Lagan), oil is applied on the forehead, to thr0:-V bal~s of used Ubtan at the boy and his party chest, knees and feet of the boy / girl seven times. 011 theIr arnval at the bride's door but now it has 122 been abandoned. Instead some flowers are thrown by trance of her parents' house and throws. some rice­ the women relations of the bride. grains towards the inner apartments wtth murmer of blessings that her father and brother ~hould prosp~r Soon after, the boy's sister's hus~and is called al0.n~­ in future. Groom's father also worshIps the mam with the Barmaniya. He hands 1t over to the gut s brother's wife. The women folk play pranks and crack entrance of the house and places Rs. 1.25 there. jokes with him. The man is then given some swee!s Bride's mother sprinkles some red colour on the clolhes of groom's father. The barat departs along and money and he comes back to Janwasa. Food IS then served to the whole of marriage party. with the bride. On their way back home the Bar­ maniya is hung on to a tree and in no case brought Pheras (circumambulations) form the most impor­ home. tant rite of marriage. Pheras take place at the fixed The bride is received by the womenfoik of groom's time as written in the Peeli Chithi. The Ml1ndap or household. Before entering the house the couple is Mandva is further decorated with green leaves and made to worship Sohni Ghori, a figure made on the balloons etc. In the centre of the square a sacred fire outer wall of the main entrance, with rice flour, gliee is lighted by the priest. The bride and the groom are and sugar. It is believed that the couple will be bless­ made to sit close to each other facing the fire and the ed by the figure. The ceremony is observed only by Pandits from both the sides sit opposite to the couple. the Mahaur Kalis. First of all Havana is performed with the recitation of Vedic Mantras. Both the Pandits read similar The bride is brought back to her parents' home marriage S,hlokas (verses). The mother and father of after two or three days of her stay at her in-law's place. the bride take seven rounds of the sacred fire and Then she stays with her parents till the ceremony of spread barley, dried coriander and cumin seeas all Gauna is performed. along in their way and then sprinkle water on th~se. This is done with the belief that the newly maffled Gauna couple will face a well prepared easy path for t~eir The time period between the marriage and Gauna future life. The ceremony of Jau Bona or the sowmg varies from month a year or even more depend­ of barley, as it is called, is only practised by the a :0 Sakwar Kalis. ing upon the age of the bride. If she is "?ature then immediately after the marriage, Gauna WIll be per­ Next comes the ceremony of Paopooji or feet wor­ formed otllerwise the parents have to wait till she ship or Kanyadan. The feet of the bride are placed attains maturity. in a vessel containing milk and water. First of all her On a fixed day. as suggested by the Brahmin the parents wash the feet of their daughter with milk and groom is invited to his in-law's place to take back water and offer her some gifts in the form of clothes, his wife. The bride. is dressed in fine clothes and utensils or money. Afterwards all n;::ar relatives per­ ornaments and is sent with the groom. She may be form the same practice and give her gifts according given gifts of' clothes etc. this tilU~ __also if her parents to their means and wish. It was reported that all can afford it. -_ those who take part in Kanyadan or Paopooji will kel!P fast till the completion of Vida ceremony. The Widow Marriage or Karao or Bailhna parents of the bride go and sit in a dark corner usually near Jharoothi (a type of earthen hearth is made and The I~Glis of Delhi do not attach any social 'stigma worshipped from time to time) and wili not see the to/widow marriage and it is found to be quite com­ ph eras which commence immediately after Kanya­ mon amongSt them. If the husband of a young woman dan. dies and she wants to remarry, it will be considered good ~nd is also socially expected that she should One end of bride's headgear is tied with one end choose the younger brother of her deceased ~uspand. of groom's waist cloth and they take seven ro'unds, l'here is a case reported by the Sakwar Kohs where of the Mandap walking over the path prepared by' the· younger brother had to marry the widow of her the parents of the bride. According to the Mah~lUrs, elder brother irrespective! of her old age. He him­ the groom leads the bride in all the seven pheras self reported tb:lt the difference between the ages of whilst the Sakwars reported that the boy is ahead the two is of nearly fifteen years. ' only in the last two pheras. After the pheras, the newly wedded couple is made to sit near the J I/a­ In case the widow wants to marry a man other than roothi where the ceremony of Godh Bharai or filling her brother-.in-law, her new husband is bound to pay up of the lap is performed. Groom's father puts some a fixed sum of mo'ney, known as J hagra, as a (:onipen-, sweets, a coconut alongwith some money which is sation .to the par.ents- of her deceas.ed husban~. In no:, tither sent to some temple or distributed among the case WIdow marnage takes place WIthout the -payment, children. of Jhagra. '

Just before the departure of the bride, the Barmaniya The widow marriage ceremony, is very simpie.• is handed back to the boy's sister's husband by the Here the man willing to marry a widow goes to her. bride's relations. Rice is taken out of it and instead. place alongwith some of his relatives and friends and it is filled with barley. The bride is now dressed in . pr~~ents her a set of new clothes, .glass bang~s. ver- i Shadi Ka Jora, a fine and beautiful silken set of clothes brought by groom's party. She is also made to wear mlhon and lamp black soot or kaJal etc. She dresses one or two pieces of jewellery if the boy's party has up in all these things like a bride and accompanies the presented that to her alongwith Shadi Ka Jora. man to his house. The groom's party mayor may not be served with food. It depends upon the financial Before the ceremony of Vida the newly married conditions of bride's parents. Many a time even thi& woman gives a thin coating of cowdung on the en- ceremony does not ~ake place. Simply the .widow goes and start living with the man of her chOice. 123

Widow marriage ceremony was reported to be sligl:t­ the deceased person. These four are termed Kandhiyas Iy different amongst the Tantuwar or M~haur ~ohs. (those who give shoulder to the bier) and perform Here the man covers the head of the wIdow wIth a rest of the rituals during thirteen day period of new headgear or odhni in the pres~n~e .of ten to mourning. While taking the dead body out of the twenty persons of his brotherhood slgmfymg that .he house, the head of the dead body points inwards i.e. takes the responsibility of providing food and clothmg towards the house, and the feet outwards. It is al­ for the woman in future. ways kept in mind at the time of cremation, that its feet should always point towards the Ganges. Regarding the children from her previous marriage, a Sakwar Koli widow is not allowed to take them In the case of an old man, the funeral procession to her new home without the consent of her former starts with the blow of conches and ringing of bells. in-laws. But amongst the Tantuwar Kalis she can take Almost all articles belonging to the deceased person them if her new husband is willing to accep~ the~. are placed besides the body which are burnt along­ It is understood that the son of a Mahaur wldow IS with him with the belief that things of exclusive inte­ entitled to inherit the property of her real father along­ rest of the deceased should go alongwith him. with a share in his step-father's property. WheiJ. half of the distance is covered, the bier is Divorce lowered down and placed on the road-side. Every­ body sit down to take rest. Kandhiyas change their In case a woman is infidel and refuses to mend position. Those carrying the bier in front will come her ways, the man will leave her at her parent's house at the rear. On the resumption of the journey the and will not bring her back. Some persons from the two pinds are left on the spot. This act is known husband's side will come to the woman's place and ex­ as Milti Dena (to give earth to the dead). plain the reason for not taking her back. The matter may be discussed in a gathering of 30--40 persons On reaching the cremation ground, a pyre is made from both the sides. Attempts may be ma~e at r~­ in which 7t mau'1ds of wood is used and the body conciliation. But if both sides agree for dlvorce, It is laid on it. The Brahmin recites some Mantras and is recorded on a non-judicial stamp paper and the puts some Ghee and Samigri in the pyre. After taking respective parties affix their signatures on it. Similarly 3! rounds of the pyre, the eldest son of the deceased if the man does not provide food and clothing to ber or the Brahmin sets fire to the pyre. All the sons or wife or maltreats her, divorce proceedings can also atleast the eldest one gets his head clean shaven begin from her side. in the cremation ground. He is also expected to per­ form the act of Kriya Karma i.e. breaking the bead A divorced woman can also remarry if she wishes, of the burning body with the help of a bamboo stick but in this case her new husband has to pay 'lhagra to her former husband. taken out of the bier. He also throws some water from the earthen pot lying near the pyre with the Polygamy: touch of his foot. The practice of a widow marrying the younger When the body gets fully burnt, everybody takes brother of her deceased husband many a time leads bath in Jamuna river and return to their respective to polygamy. A few such cases have been reported by homes. Women never accompany funeral procession. the Sakwar Kolis where some men are keeping two wives. In one case both the wives are living under On the third day, which is also known as Teeja or the same roof while in another case they live in two Chota Karna. foo.1 is cooked in the house of the separate houses. deceased in the morning. Care is taken to cook the things most liked by the dead person. The Kandhiyas Death Rites put some of the food in four new Kulias (earthen bowls) and take it to the cremation ground. One Kulia The Kalis normally cremate their dead except in with a snout is filled with water. There, after separat­ the case of children below five years of age who are ing and collecting the bones and ashes in different generally thrown in flowing waters. Some of the per­ contain.ers, those .Kulias are placed at that particular sons who wish to be buried after death, are buried in spot With the belief that the fOod will reach the dead a graveyard near Panchkuin Road where their S(/I11(/­ person. The ashes are thrown in the Jamuna while dhis are also erected sometimes. the bones are stored in a room in the cremation ground meant for the purpose. These are never taken The female dead bodies are wrapped in red outcr to house. A chit with name and address is pasted on covering while those of the males in white cloth. The the container for the sake of identification in future. bodies of persons who die at a very old age are al­ Whe'llev~r the family manages to go to Ganges, tliese ways covered with red cloth irrespective of their sex. bones .wIll be taken by th~m for immersion. Only on Their bier is decorated with leaves, garlands of flowers returnmg home the Kandhlyas take their food. If the and coloured powder. The dead body after being dead person is a male and leaves behind llis wife wa'Shed is wrapped in a white cloth bought from the then on the third day the widow is taken either to a market and afterwards covered with an outer cover­ well or to a tap. by her relations. She will be given a ing of white or red colour as the case may be. It is bath and a whIte cotton Dhoti alongwith a blouse tied on a bier of bamboo sticks with ropes. Two and few glass bangles will be presented to her by roU'llded balls of dough flour known as Pinds arc placed, one near the head and other near the feet of her 1;>rot~er. In case there is J10 brother then this dead body, on the bier. practIce IS performed by the relatives signifying that the future restriction regarding the use of glass bangles First of all, the bier is carried by four near maJe by the ~idow has been lifted up. She can wear glass bangl~s 10 fl!ture but not of her own expense till she relatives, preferably the sons and the grandsons of marnes agam. 124

Those persons who die in pafnchko (a particular of them belong to the Mahaur Ko!i group who deal in condition of the stars on the sky) are considered to weaving only. bring misfortune to the family in a way that five more members of the same household will die. To According to them, previously they used to be very avoid this, certain precautionary steps are taken in religious minded. Twice or thrice in a month there performing some extra rituals. This is known as used to be religious gatherings in every Koli MohalIa Totka. After cremation, food is given to five Brahmins (locality) in which devotional songs etc. were sung to and some pooja is also conducted in the house by the accompaniment of musical instruments like the family Brahmin. dholak etc. Professional si'nging parties or kirtan mand­ lees were invited on such occasions. But now due to On the thirteenth, 'Tehrami' or Bada Kaaj day, again their fast city life lhey do not get enough spare time food is cooked and distributed among the beggars. for arranging such gatherings. Now such cO'llgrcgations This marks the end of the period of mourning which take place only once in a while and not so frequently is thirleen days in all the cases. The Kandhiyas re­ as before. sume their normal way of life after Tehrami as dur­ ing this period they are expected to live a very simple As stated already the Kalis of Delhi have faith in and pious life. They take simple food once in day all Hindu gods and goddesses but special devotion time, sleep on Hoar and if possible remain disengaged is paid to Gurgaon Ki Mata, Nagarkot Ki Mata, Pat­ from their work. If not all, atleast the chief mourner wari and Be-Mata. From time to time they visit their or the eldest son is expected to observe all these temples and offer sweets etc. things. Patwari is a deity that is believed by them to be Shradas are observed during the first fortnight in having power of killing a cow or a buffalo at the time the month of BhadonJ Asvina (September-October) in of calving, so its propitiation at that time is consi­ the memory of their dead ancestors. On the particular dered essential and auspicious for protecting the cattle day of the fortnight on which death of some ancestor as well as its offsprings. When a cow or a buffalo has occurred, food consisting of pooris, vegetables and calves, her first milk is put in a pot and is offered khir etc. is given to a Brahmin. Married daughters in the name of Patwari. If there is some temple near­ if living nearby are also invited on the occasion. by then the mille is kept there otherwise generally it is placed i'll a chauraha-a crossing of four roads. Certain well-to-do families practice Gangoj (going Sometimes in the villages they make a temple of Pat­ to Ganges) in honour of their ancestors. They go to wari under some tree by placing some pink stones near Ganges, distribute food and clothes etc· among the its trunk. beggars and on their return throw a feast to the whole Besides, almost all Kalis, irrespective of their sex, of their Biradari. Before serving the food to the have one or the other saint as, their religious teacher guests, a little of sacred Ganges water is given to known as Guru. These Gurus are generally made in everybody. childhood. Parents invite their own Gurus at their place and request them to give sermQns to their child­ Relation and Beliefs ren. This ceremofiy is known as KaafCPhoonkna, as the first sermori is delivered by Whispering it in the Religion ear _of the child. After this the Guru is offered pre­ Almost all Kolis in Delhi are Hindus with the sents of clothes, sweets and other thi-ngs alongwith exception of five who are Sikhs as reported in the some money. From that day onwards the disciple Census 1961 data. obeys his Guru in every respect. For example, if· the Guru orders them to abstain from doing something TABLE they wil\ obey until and unless the Guru tells them 'again 1,0 do the same. It is not necessary that the POPULATION OF KOLIS BY RELIGION Guru of the husband and wife should be same,~be­ 'cause if the wife had her Kaan Phoonkna -in -the Hindu Sikh. childhood, she- must be tM disciple of her parent's Delhi/Rural/Urbr.n ,--_____A._---..-- -... , ___ -"--____ -, Males Females Males Females Gun;! whereas under similar: circumstances the husband/ will be' the disciple o( some other Guru. In such caseS' both the (iUqls are equatty respected in that 'Rouse. 2 Delhi Total 10,775 8,419 3 On special occasions like l)1arriage~ etc. if one wishes, Rural 1,025 699 and can afford to meet the expenditure, he may invite Urban 9,750 7,720 3 2 his Guru to his place. Otherwise, it.is quite necessary to visit Guru's place atleast once in a year. F)lrther it' was also reported by some of the informant!> that ' It was gathered from the informants that the Sikh in the event of the death of the Guru this hbnour Kolis llave adopted Sikhism of their own. and will goes to his son. also propitiate Hindu deities. Some of them, have grown long hair on their heads and beards on their The Kalis of Delhi have got on1y one temple of faces simply in fulfilment of some of their vows to their own situated at Tulsi Nagar about whi<;h very some god or godess. Inspite of this, the Hindu Kolis few persons know, as it is quite at a distance. This can have and are havrng- matrimonial alliances with is mainly a Shiv temple. There is one Shivlin~· sur­ the Sikh Kolis. rounded by a Nandi (the favourite ride of Lord Shiva), an image of Parvati (wife of Lord· Shiva). There .are quite a good number of the Kalis who Kartik (the five children of Lord Shiva) and Ganesh, call themselves as Kabir Panthis. i.e. the disciple of (SO'll of Shiv and Parvati) from the· four sides. Accord­ saint Kabir. They believe in Kabii's sayings and ob­ ing to the priest,· people of all castes living here visit ' serve Akhtas (no workiD8 days), Incidentally. majority that temple. There is not much income from the temple The Patwari deity protects the cattle.

Devotiofll11 songs being sung to the a~ompaniment of musical instruments.

125 and he depends on his tobacco ~etel shop which he i& some non-working days known as Akhtas supposed to running there. There are boo~s. lIke Ram~yal1a, Bhag­ be prescribed by Kabir. A brief description of some wat Gita and Gurmukhi transcrIpt of Kablr's verses. of the festivals as celebrated by them is given below:- Superstitions and Beliefs Holi 0, When a pox disease breaks out in the family, the It falls on the 15th day the month of Phagun Kolis take special care not to offend the god~ess of Shitla in any way. For this, the parents of the pattent (Feb/March) and the Kolis celebrate it with great enthusiasm. Although the way of their celebrating it, have to undergo certain ~trict rules. They are expect.ed is quite similar to the other castes but they also ~or­ not to take bath during the period when the c~dd is suffering from the disease. Very simple vegetanan ship Gurgaon Wali Mata. Some sweet-dish is evoked food consisting of pulses (excluding black and red and offered to the Mata at her temple. Womenfolks pulses) and vegetables cooked without the use of tur­ keep fast on this day. meric is taken by all the members of the household. Haraya/i Teej Nan-vegetarian food cannot even be brought inside the house as its smell is likely to arouse the anger This festival comes fifteen days before Saloonay as of goddess Shitla which may prove harmful to the reported by the Mahaur Kolis. The day is observed patient. as a half holiday i.e. men do not work in the after­ noon. In the morning some sweet food is cooked and When the effect of the pox disease appears t(l be lessening, one day in the morn.ing a practice know?­ distributed among the family members. No particular god or goddess is worshipped. Womenfolk go to some as Mata Thandi Kama or coolIng of the goddess, IS gardens to swing. performed at Chauraha or crossing of the four roads. A small branch of Neem tree (Ficus Religiosa), some Saloonay turmeric, gram pulse and red colour is taken to the Chauraha alongwith a pot full of water by the mother It falls on the full moon day of the month of Sawan of the patient. All these things are placed at the (August / Sept). On this day the women go to their crossing and water is sprinkled over them. After brothers to tic Rakhi (a decorative wrist trip). In returning home some water out of the pot (that was the morning they worship Sarwan with the belief that taken to Chauraha) is sprinkled over the patient. It all sons should become obedient like him. is oelieved that if somebody happens to touch the Teej thiongs kept at Chauraha, he or she will immediately get the disease and the patient will get rid of it very soon. This commences on the third day of the month of Sawan (August/Sept.). Women dressed in their best An incident was narrated by a Sakwar Ko]i female clothes and alangwith their children go and worship that once, when her son had pox disease, she took Chauraha (the crossing of four roads) and then in the bath because of excessive heat. Her son's condition evening go and see the fair or Mela. Whole day they worsened the moment she entered the room. Then swing and sing songs of joy. The song most usually some Bhagat or witch doctor was called. The witch sung is as follows:- doctor did some lhar-Phoonkna (exorcism) and the boy felt much better. The Bhagat told that the mother A woman says to her companion. should not have taken bath. The mother then prayed o sisLer, the widower weeps the goddess to be calm and kind to her. The son re­ covered from the pox disease after sometime. to see a woman even in his dreams. Nobody grinds his It was reported that the Kalis of Delhi have faith corns, no one enquires about in evil spirits also i.e. Bhoots and Churails. There are some persons amongst them who have mastered one his well being even in his or the other deity like Hanumana or Mahadev. Many dreams, nobody cooks for him a time such people cure the patient who somehow or nor anyone boils his rice, other fall under the spell of these evil spirits. They sister, the widower weeps. are also supposed to be well versed with these spirits o and understand their languages. No one talks lovingly to him and no one enquires about his It was reported by some Sakwar Kalis that once a welfare, 0 sister, Sayana (Person who had mastery over the spirits) sent something to another Sayana through a messen­ The widower weeps 10 see a woman ger. Both these Sayanas were not on good terms with even in his dreams. His nephew each other. When the messenger told the Sayan a that and brothers have turned his he had got something for him from the particular man, 'the man asked him to place it on the big stone enemies alld his neighbours have also outside the house, as he had suspected something started betraying him. 0 sister, fishy. At once the stone. broke into pieces. Had he The widower weeps. handled it himself he would have harmed himself. With tears in his eyes the Fairs and Festivals widower says, sister, I IYhall The Kolis celebrate the usual Hindu fairs and festi­ kill myself by striking my vals like Holi, Salconay, Teej, Janam Ashtami, head against stone, 0 sister, Dussehra and Diwali. In addition they also observe the widower weeps . l:2G

lion that the Sakwar and the Mahaur groups are the Janam Ashtami mam representatives of the Koli casle. However, other Celebrated in the mual Hindu way by worshipping groups deny this. A group has been fonned by a hand­ Lord Krishna. Some even keep fast on tim day tIll tul of economically well-oft' people who h.ave started 12 p.m. calling themsdvcs as Vaishya Kalis. ~ccordlllg to. them as they arc doing the work of weuvlUg and sellmg of Dussehra doth 10r generatIons they are in no way less than the C I b ted in the usual Hindu way. But the Kolis Vaishyas. also e :o~:hjP Jhanji Mai, an effigy of some. goddcs~ The so called Vais;lya group of the Kalis are try­ pasted on the wall during the ten day. penod. It 1 i:Jg to preach other casLe members that, they should thrown in Jumna river on Dussehra d

Mandir Fund which they have been collecting for the Secondly, they say that their Panchayat has 'never last many years. helped any poor or needy person.

1. Crooke, W. 'C.1stes and Tribes of N.W.P. an 1 Oudh', Calcutt'l 1896, Vol. III, p. 316. 2. Rose, B.A. (cCJmpilea by) 'A glossary of the Tribes and Castes of the Punjab&N.W.F.P'., Vthore : 1911 Vol. II, pp. 533 557. 3. Ibbetson, D.C. 'Report on the Census of the Punjab' 1881, C.1lcutta pp. 323, 339·340. THE MEGHWAL

129

MEGHWAL Name, Identity, Origin and History but distinct commumtles as against the statement given by the Meghwals of Rangpuri, Chandrawal Megbwal is notified as a Scheduled C~ste in Delhi, Pahari and Manju Ka Tila who call them~elves as Rai~lsthan, Punjab, Madhya Pradesh, ,Himachal Pra­ Balai. They reported that Balai is th.eir terri tonal name, desh Mysore, Jammu and Kashmir and Ma~a­ Originally they all belonged to Rajasthan. Those who rashtra with a slight varia lion in names. In ,Pun]a? havc come from Ajmer and Jodhpur are kn,?wn as and Himachal Pradesh they are referred to as M~g~ 'Meghwal' and 'Balai' and those who h~ve mIgrated in Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh as 'Meghwal, ~n from laisalmer are referred to as Bhambl. But Megh­ Maharashtra as 'Meghval' and 'Menghvar' and 10 waJs belonging toJaipur, Jo.dhpur an~ Ajme~ deny any Jammu and Kashmir they have been listed as 'Me~h' inter-dining and inter-marnage relatIOns wIth Bham­ and 'Kabirpanthi Julaha'. Their main conce.ntratJOn bis. is, however, in Rajasthan where they constltl~te a total number of about 3.14,426 persons accordmg to However, it appears that all of them have migrated 1961 Census. from Rajasthan, the terms Balai ~~y be a. constel­ lation of different groups in RaJasthan terrItory or Meghwals of Delhi are mostly migran.t~ fro.m otherwise, but as they have migrated to different parts Rajasthan and are settled in different 1.ocahtles ~lZ. of the country and hav<" settled here and there, they Regharpura, Chandrawal Pahari, .Ma]nu Ka. Tlla, have not been distinguished so sharply as they have Kala Pahar, Dhaula Kuan, PaharganJ, Rangpun, Lal been in Rajasthan. Kuan and Badarpur etc. But th~y are settled 01~ a temporary basis in most of these areas such as Maln~ Sherring (Vol. III, 1872, p. 63) mentioned that Ka Tila, Badarpur, Rangpuri and Chandrawal Pahan Meghwals perform the general work of a village in as their occupation being quarrying, they keep on looking after travellers and were divided in 3 clans shifting from one area to another. in Mallani Rajputana viz. Bhambis, JaHas and Ban­ garas. The Meghwals of Union Territory (in the area Meghwals residi'ng in Regh.arpura area stated that of Chandrawal Pahari) admit cynly two of them i.e. originally they belonged to Blkaner (then Jangaldes}l) Bhambi and Bangara. The Bhambis are leather wor­ the capital of which was Beedagar, so they were called kers in Delhi as well as in Rajasthan. Bangara is as 'Beedavat' after the name of the capital. In d_ue a functional name in Rajasthan, because the Megh­ course of time Rathaurs invaded them and these lU­ wals of Rajasthan manufacture blankets of sheep's habitants of 'Beedagar' namely 'Beedavat' were . de­ wool and weave cloth, but in the Union Territory they feated. Due to their defeat they took up lower Jobs are not recognised by the term 'Bangara'. and became the slaves of Rathaurs. In order to save their lives they started doing leather wor~ as well Meghwals of Rangpuri stated that they are divid­ as carried dead cattle under the fear of theIr masters. ed in various sections territorially. One section of At the same time because term Beedavat was regard­ MeghwaIs is said to have come from Narnol side, ed as a caste name of a higher social status, so in second one is from Flora and Nagore. They also order to maintain the prestige of the name, they differ as far as their occupation is concerned. People changed it and started calling themselves as 'Megh­ belonging to Namol. Flora and Nagore were tradi­ wal' meaning one who does lower jobs. tionally engaged in leather work. Some other functional appellations for the caste Population and its Distribution: were reported by the Mehgwals of _D~lhj: :~~ong In the Union Territory of Delhi the total numeri­ them, mention may be made of 'Balra; BeJa lS a cal strength of the Meghwal is 387 including 274 special type of blanket. The ca<;temen ~se? t~ prepa~e males and 113 females. It constitutes 0.02% of the it in Rajasthan, so they are called as BCJara III theIr total Scheduled Castes population of Delhi. native place. Even in Delhi Meghwals of Rangpuri The fonowing table shows the distribution of report~d themselves as 'Bejara'. Sometimes the Megh­ Meghwals in different tracts and zones of Delhi ac­ wals of Chandrawal Pahari used the term 'Kabir­ cording to the 1961 Census. pant hi Julah,a' as a synonym of Meghwal on the ground of their occupation, because they are also re­ DI'l'I'RTBUTION OF MEGHWAL'l IN DIFFERENT TRACTS ported to be the weavers and thus they might have AND ZONRS OF DELHI adopted Kabirpanthi sect, so they added the term State/Tract/ZOne Total Male Female Percentage 'Kabirpanthi' and 'Ju1aha' in order to indicate the of the nature of occupation. Meghwals of the Union Ter­ total ritory accepted that their traditional occupation was Delhi 387 274 113 100·0 weaving though they are also said to be leather workers Delhi Rural 327 238 89 84'50 in the past. They often did knit for their Jajmans Delhi Urban 60 36 24 15'50 D.M.C. Urban 51 27 24 13·18 and carried dead cattle. As in the matter of their Zone III Karol Bagh, occupation they are often referred to as Chamars. Patel Nagar . 27 16 11 6·98 They, however, refused any inter-dining and inter­ Zone IV Civil Lines Sal'zi Mandi. 9 6 3 2·33 marriage relations with Chamar Caste. Meghwals, who Zone are settled in Delhi for quite sometime as in the area V Transferred areS. 5 5 .. 1·29 of Regharpura, are of the view that Meghwals and Zone VI South Delhi 10 10 2·58 Balais (who are also 'notified as a Scheduled Caste NeW Delhi 1 1 '26 in Delhi and some other states) are akin to each other Delhi Gantt 8 8 2'07 13 132

The table shows that out of the total population Dwellings, Dress and OrnamentS'· 84.50% are living in rural Delhi and the rest 15.50% are living in Urban Delhi. Delhi Urban is divided Meghwals of the Union Territory are mostly resid­ into 3 parts viz., D.M.C. Urban, New Delhi and Delhi ing in kuccha houses. Except the people residing in Cantt. In D.M.C. Urban, the main concentration is Regharpura area all other, Meghwals are having in zone III-Karol Bagh, Patel Nagar area that con­ kuccha houses. As a matter of fac~, they do not have stitutes 6.98% of the total population. In the area of any permanent settlement of their own, their houses New Delhi only one person is residing. In Delhi Can­ are scattered all over the Union' Territory. They just tonment they constitute 2.07% of the total popula­ keep on shifting from one place to another and make tion. their temporary settlements, because a considerable number of. them are engaged in quarrying work. Thus, Family, Clan and Analogous Divisions of the for convemence sake they generally make their huts on Community the hills, from where they can easily adjust them­ The patterns of family prevalent amongst the Megh­ selves to quarry work. wals of Union Territory are both elementary and In the areas of Chandrawal Pahari, Majnu Ka Tila joint. In a joint family the married brothers and and Rangpuri the housing condition is very poor. sons alongwith their wives and children, unmarried They are living in small Jhup,gis (huts) which are not brothers and sisters and old parents live together i'n at all durab;e. During rainy season the rain water one house. An elementary fami1y comprises of a married comes inside the house. No drainage system was couple, their unmarried sons and daughters, very found in the above mentioned localities. often also the eldest married son alongwith his wife and children in case other brothers are not married. Generally their houses consist of only one room, If other brothers are also married then all of them which serves a11 the purposes of a kitchen, a bed will live separately. room and a store etc. In Rangpuri village, in some of the households, an extension in front of single-room­ The families are patrilineal and patrilocal in ed huts was noticed. This extension is not found in character. It is the wife who comes and stays with other localities. her husband. Descent is also traced through the father's side, the gotra of the children will be deter­ The reasons behind this poor housing conditiO'n mined after the father's gotra. are tWo-fold. Firstly their financial position is very bad and secondly, their occupation does not al­ Father is the head and authority in the family. He low them to make a good house after spending re­ . is the main consultation figure regarding every, fami­ quired amount of money, as they shift from one place ly matter. He has got hold over the property, he can to another in search of quarry work. They cannot divide the same as he likes, keeping in view the expect to stay at one place for a long period. customary norms. On the contrary' M~ghwals, settled in the Reghar­ It is the duty of the head to earn money for the pura area are quite., well-to-do. They--fur~ in pukka household and to protect it from all sorts of distur­ houses with good &anitary fitting and electric facilities. bances •. The wife is confined to the house for do­ They are settled' here for quite sometime, and general­ mestic duties, child bearing etC. The head of the house­ ly are engaged in. business and miscellaneous servic~s. hold and his wife not only manage the household but it is through them that other members of the The rwalls of the J huggis (huts) are made of stones, family mix socially with others. and the roof is made of straw, reed and bamboo. Division of labour is based on age and sex group­ The roof is always very low. As the house consis-ts ings, though it is common among them that both of only one, door, without any Ventilation, the interior males and females, provided they are not very old" is' usually .dark. " , remain engaged in quarry works and the money ob-' " rhe pukka houses in Regharpura are double- tained by them is always spent on the household storeyed. The material used fpr construction consists maintenance in one way or the other. Young gii-Is of bUI,!1t bricks- and cement eic. help their mothers while young boys share labour with their parents. Dress, Persongl Decoratib,n and Ornaments In the areas of Chandrawal Pahari, Majnu Ka Tila and Rangpuri. Meghwals possess kaccha houses, Meghwals of the, Union Territory .still follow their' locally called Jhuggis. They repair these Ihuggis them­ own traditional way of dressing, though they have selves. It is the duty of the men-folk to collect the migrated to Delhi long back. They are often seen in different dre1\ses with different combinations. By flnd material such as wood, reed and mud etc. whereas large they follow the pattern as in the Rural area$ of the womenfolk arrange the ,whole material. eastern Rajasthan. . . ; Meghwal itself is an endogamous Unit but it con­ sists of certain exogamous Units i.e. the gotras, amOJ.)g The way of dressing charlges according to the age, which mention may be made of MaIda, Surti, Narvo­ sex and economic condition. Womenfolk of the Megh- ra, Rolan, Kataria. Hadia, Kahanumia, Charotaria. ,wals l'!re never seen dressed iIi white, (except widows) Gurjar, Gorjia, Aotania, Meru, Marvadi etc. as it is . considered inauspicious for a married woman' Meghwals practice gotra exogamy e.g. they marry and a young girl to put on white clothes. M6stly outside their own gotra. They are also forbidden to they wear green, red, yellow, black and dark blue marry in mother's gotra. The father's mothers gotni coloured clothes_ and one's mother's mother's gotra are avoided as the The traditional dress of women mainly consists of members of above mentioned gotras are regarded as a lehanga or ghagro (huge skirt), a Kurt; (blouse) and brothers and sisters, - a chundri or lugro (a piece of cloth for covering Ornaments used by a Meghwal woman.

A one-roomed kaccha house.

133 the head). The ghagra (skirt) is generally green or (b) Ihumka or Balia (ear-ring}-made of silver or black in colour. The Kurti (blouse) is smaller in size, gold. sometimes it is sleeveless and very often it is short­ (c) Ihala (hugc ear-rillg)-made of gold, sometimes sleeved chundd or orhni (piece of cloth for cov~ring it is made of silver also. the head) is 2-!- or 3 yards long in size. It is also very bright in colour. Married women prefer spotted chun­ (d) Hansuli and Hamel-(necklace)-Hal1suli is dries whereas unmarried girls, elderly women and made of silver. It is very heavy and has its cne end widows use plain chundries. Under-garment locally open for inserting the same in fhe neck Hamel is called angia (bodice) is also worn by some of the made of coins it is very long in size and is used ns women. Clothes are always stitched by the tailor. necklace. The dress of a bride consists of a ghagra, kurti, (e) Karei, Taria (armlet)-made of silver. lugro and angia, of bright and gaudy colours. (f) Tagri (waist chain}-made of silver. Me'll wear dhoti which is five yards long and white (g) Ihani, Chhail Kare-made of silver and worn on in colour. The shirt is smaller in size, white in colour the ankles. and mostly it is without collar. These days some are (h) Bichhue-made of silver, worn on the toes bv deviating from their traditional dresses. They have married women. - adopted Pyjama as also Kameez (shirt) of modern Men also use some ornaments viz. Bahari (small ('::If­ style. Turban is also in common use as a headgear. rings) and Kare (armlet) but it is very rare. Dress of a bridegroom consists of the same tradi­ tional dhoti, kameez (shirt), pagri (turban) and in Artificial jewellery of brass and copper is also com­ addition dhatai (waist coat). monly used by the Meghwals of the union territory. Most of the Meghwals are seen walking about without footwear. Only some men who can afford, Language put- on juti (indigenous shoe) of the traditional type. The ancestral language of Meghwals is Raiasthani. The women give particular attention to their per­ Variations occur with reference to the particular place sonal decoration. They make different hair style~ and they belong to. for example those who have come use different coloured pins in the hair. But the most from Jodhpur speak Jodhpuri dialect; people belong­ common hair style is by parting the hair in the mid­ ing to Marwar. speak Marwari and those who have dle and combing them backwards. Married women migrated from Bikaner, speak Bikaneri etc. apply vermilion in their parting of hair while un­ As a result of contact with the local people of married girls and widows do not apply it. Delhi, their language is found to be influenced by the Tattooing is not very common amongst the Megh­ words of Urdu, Punjabi and Hindi, wals of the Union Territory. Those who have recently migrated from Rajasthan are seen to have tattoo Education marks on their arms and palms a'nd occasionallv on In all the areas, whether rural or urban. where foreh.ead. In case of women, tattooing is done . after the Meghwals are residing, educational facilities are mamage, but some of the unmflrried girls are also seen f?lly available. But there is a very low percentage of to be tattooed. lIterate persons in the community. The reasons are Ornaments two-fold primarily their economic condition does not . (a) Orn!1ment: I!arla and Tika made of gold or allow them to get their children educated, secondly they are neither aware, nor realise the importance of Stiver .. It IS round m shape and slightly projecting in education. !he mIddle an~ is f!.xed on the vertex between the part­ ll:l.g of the balT. Tlka is also round, but flat made of The table below shows the educational 'It'lndarrl stIver or gotd~ and hangs on the forehead. It is used of Meghwa1s in rural and urban areHS of Delhi, ac­ only by married wome'fi. cording to the Census taken in 1961. EDUCATIONAL STANDARD OF MEGHWALS ------Rural Urban Totnl Edll_Uonal level ---"-----, ,------'------, ,------"------M F T M F T M F T

I 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

.I\)W ~pula.tion 238 89 327 36 24 60 274 113 387 'fQW Blherate 238 89 327 28 14 42 266 103 36fl ~ literat6 and educated 8 10 18 8 10 18 witJt.oQt eduoational level ~ 5 5 5 5 Basio . ~ ~ Juni~r 3 2 5 3 2 5 .'tt.,.. ~~erSecon- / ,. . . 8 8 8 8 t4P(l))mCODelhi-ll 134

The above table indicates that only 4.7% of the the blanket they prepared. total population is literate and educated. Meghwals of the rural areas are totally illiterate while 18 out Meghwa1s were also traditional agriculturists and of 60 persons living in Delhi urban are literate and agricultural labourers. Very often they served thll educated with different educational slandards. It is in­ landlords of the Villages. teresting to note that all the matricubtes are females. Leather work as their traditional occupation was not ndmittcd by the Meghwals of [he Union Terri­ Meghwals of the Union Territory as it is stated by tory. According to their statement they rarely did them. were traditionally engaged in weaving, agric­ leath:::r work or carried dead cattle and that to under ulture, agricultural labour, private service, leather the duress of who compelled them to do so. work and rarely received skin of unclaimed dead animals. According to 1961 census, there are 270 workers among Meghwals of Delhi which constitute 69.8% Weaving is reported to be the main occupation of of its population. There are 49.9%and 19.9% male Meghwals in Rajasthan. They used to weave a special ard fem:lle workers respectively. The following table type of blanket which was called bejar, therdore gives the Industrial classification of workers and non- they became to be known as bejara after th::: name or workers by sex among Meghwals. TABLE SHoWING INDUSTHIAL cLASSIFICA'flON OF MEGHWALS AC(_,ORDING TO 11]01 CENSl:S FNWN 'fERRTTOR '{ OF DELHI Tckd Iturai Urban ~ __ _A.. ___---. , __ . ___.A.______~ ,.._~ _ _A_ __---. p Category of work ~1 F P M F P M F 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10: In Min,ing, quarrying etc. . 232 155 77 226 149 77 6 6 Manufaoturing other than Honse. hold In.dustry 27 27 27 27 In oongtruction 11 11 .. .. 11 11 Total Workers 270 193 77 253 , 176 77 17 17 .. Non-workers 117 81 36 74 62 12 43 19 24 Total 387 274 113 327 238 89 60 36 24 It is seen from the above table that all the 77 old woman relatives of nearby area and the dai are female workers are from rural area of Delhi and all supposed to be present in the room of the expectant of them are engaged in mining, quarrying etc. i.e. mother. The room is always in one of the corners of in Industrial category III. There are 15.5% and the house. If the .quarter is single roomed (as it is 84.5% of Meghwals living in urban ar:d rural areas common fOF an of them) then the corner of the room of Delhi respectively. 28.3% of urban population are will be selected to serve the purpose. The placenta workers and 71.7% are non-workers. There are no of the child is cut by the dafantkis buried in the . female workers in urban Delhi. The male workers courtyard. are engaged in only two industries i.e. mining, quar­ The. dai or midwife is paid in cash or kind. She rying etc. and construction. is given Rs: 10 for a male child and Rs. 5 for a female In the rural area 77.4% of the rural population are I child or grains of an equivalent amount. workers and 22.6% are non-workers. Among the rural The birth of a male child is a matter· of great males, 73.9% are workers, 62.6% are engaged in min­ delight in the family. When a son i,s born pincers are ing and quarrying and 11.3 % in manufacturing other ,truck against the iron plate (tawa) whereas jn case than household industry. of a female child. nothing is done. It shows. the im­ All the quarry workers are working on daily wages.\ portance of a male child in the family. There are some labourers who work on contract' . On the first and sepond day, the child i~ served basis. They get Rs. 23/- for making a truck load of with Bal Jeevan Ghutti (a sort of· mixture for; the pebble pieces which they do within two days in which inf~nts). The ~other is given milk, jaggery, and about five or six persons join the laBour. ajwayan, for a few days after the child-bir(h. People engaged in construction work are also on On the third day qreast fe~ding is done. On this . daily wages. If the person is a skilled labourer, he is day of breast-feeding, husband's unmarried and' entitled to get Rs. 3.50 paisa to Rs. 4-/. If he is un­ married sisters (if present). are given neg (remunera- . skilled. he gets Rs. 2/- or Rs. 2.50 only, tion) in the form ·of money, The amount ~epends' on the means of the family concerned. -; .' Life Cycle On the first Sunday, after child-birth there is' a The birtli of a ~hild generally takes place in hus­ ceremony called 'Kutm Pujan'. Till the ceremony: is band's house speCIally in case of first child, it is performed the mother does not come out of her ho$e. necessary for a woman to be at her husband's house. In this ceremony i,e.; worshipping the well, both the mother and the child are given bath. In the water they In some cases if the maternity centres are not very put neem or margosa leaves, dry ginger en:. Mother far off. the woman shall go there but mostly the and the child both put on new clothes, if 'they can birth of a child takes place at home.' A dai (midwife) afford. The mother takes a brass pitcher, so called generally of low caste such as Chuhra or Dhanak is called to attend to the delivery, if a trained midwife Kalash on her head, which :is covered by the potra is available in a nearby area then she is preferred. At (napkin) of the child, within the pitcher are kept ~ar7 the time of delivery. only mother-in-law. one of the gosa leaves. Then the mother alangwith other family members proceeds towards the well, they sing songs throughout the way. At the well, the wo~an keeps t.he Age at Marriage ".. pitcher and washes a comer of the napkin of the chIld Child marriage was not uncommafl in the paskBPt and keeps supari or a betel-nut (areca-nut), some wheat now-a-days child marriage is not practiced. The 19.41 grains and some cash on the well and then comes back census data also does not. show any case of child mar- to her home. riage. The ceremony called Mandla takes place on the In the past sonie money was taken as bride ~rfe'& sixth day after child birth. On this day also, the child But now this practice is abandoned. and the mother are given a bath, whereas other women of the family and the neighbourhood sin~ Marriage Ceremonies , songs, they call it Mangaigan in their own dialect. Marriage is settled by negotiations carried out lu After the performance is over. sugar candies are dis­ a bichola (mediator). He talks to the boy',? paJ1Y ~ tributed as prasad among all those present. well as to the girl's party. When. both the pa¢es are satisfied ceremony of Sagai (betrothal) is per­ On the same day Satiya is made by the mother-in­ formed. law on the main entrance of the house. Satiya is a 'Swastika' mark which is marked with cow-dung at Betrothal the main door of the house. This is called Satiya A Pandit (Brahmin by caste) is always consulted dharai, for this particular observance, mother-in-law to fix the date. oI betrothal. In betrotJ1~1 gi~I's 4ltn~ and sister-in-law both get remuneration in cash or or brother along with other rehit~'?,ns I¥> ~o. oO¥~~ kind. Sometimes they are not paid due to their eco­ place. Girl's father gives some nio:h~~ (It sn; ,tl\e, hiff (Brahmin} is consulted. He suggests two to four names, are always less than. the boy. If the boy taltes nm then it depends on the parents and other elderly persons baths then the girl will take seveI}; to select one of them. Three .days before. marri&ge-~and.it. wn¢ fa ~a¥~ First to'nsure ~Jarula' is another significant cere­ a Brah~m by .cast~. 1S called to tIe; dQfl!: (tliie~d). 19 mony. For the first hair cut, generally, they visit some the WrIsts of the gul apd. boy both, thIS ceremony IS temple viz Kalka Devi Ka Mandir. or there is a sepa­ called 'Tel Ka Doril Badhnd. rate temple for the Meghwals in Regharpura which is c~lled Shri Ram Devi Ji Ka Mandir. First of all they On the marriage day, the groom is dressed In tfl\di­ ht a fire and then throw some sweets on it. this is call­ tiO'nat clothes. A seh"ra is tied to his h~a,d by)ils;.~js~~ ed bhog lagana and the remaining sweets. regarded as who gets ~neg' money on this. occ~sion. rtI<:;· ~ prasa.j. are distributed among those present on the th~n rides on .a mare ari~ the barat. c~lis,lstip~;p~ ~~ occaSIOn. latIves and frIends leaves for. t~(!~~nde.,s le,S!.4en$t Mother of the &!~m also. accqmPilPJ~~i tee .barl\t ,,~ij9 The hair of the child after the first cut are care­ at the fi~st c'rossmg_ she offers lier l>re~.t W t~ grq~Ji1l f,!-l~y kept and whenever any member of the family ceremomally, and then she returns Wltli all ottier VISItS any of the sacred places or river he, disperses ladies. Only male members accompany the bamt: them there. ,The .banit .is ~~!come4;. ati4~ R~l,~e.~ glace.. ,,~oga M,arriage and dn~ks a~ served. tHe most .Jp.l~oflant.,c~remeRl at mamage IS phera (clrcumamhiiTlifice). Tlie p1rera . Meghwals. of the union territory have both exoga­ ceremony is officiated by a Brahmin priest: mous and. eIidoga~ous rules to limit the selection of a ~atr Meghwal Itself i.s an endogamous group but .After pner:aS, plfJii (p~Rattur:e) of. ~e ;fl9ipties~?t; sot,nettm~s. they accept mter-marriage relations with WIth the bnde takes place. The bncfe goes to her m­ otH~r alh~ caste groups of Rajasthan, viz. Balai, as laws alongwith the dowry given by her par~t~.-! ,(be Sottie of die Meghwals claim themselves as Balais. dowry depends upon the economic conditions of the family concerned. ~eghw~ls practice gotra exogamy. One must marry GaUna outsId~ hIS or her gotra, his mother's mother's gotra and hIS father's mother's gotra. Two or three days !lfter marriage, me,wl:>era. of tb~ bride'~ side ~o tq ihe ~oOm's place ~d. brins tho bride back to her parents house. She stays with her the caste members is a followers of any other religion. parents in consideration of her age. If she is too young then she will stay with her parents till ,;he at:ains They have belief in all the Gods and Goddesses of pUberty. It is called gauna jana. The gauna period Hindus viz. Rama. Krishna, Vishnu, Ga'llesh, Shan­ varies from. three to seven years when child marri­ kar, Hanuma11. Shiv, Lakshmi. Durga, Parvati and age was in vogue. But now since the marriage takes Kali etc. Despite these, they have special regard and place only after the girl attains puberty, gauna period is devotion for Ramdev, who was a Rajput and was In months. born in Rajasthan about 400 years ago. There is a temple of Lord Ramdev in Karol Bagh. which was Widow remarriage is permissible amongst the cor:structd by lulaha Meghwal Panchayat in the Meghwals. A woman can marry her deceased hus­ year 1920. As " symbol of devotion to Lord Ram­ band's brother, who will put bangles on the hands of dev in some of the Meghwal families, there is a flag the brother's widow and after that they will be hus­ of saffron colour fixed in the centre of the court­ band and wife. Similarly a man can marry his de­ yard. ceased wife's sister. The Meghwals have special regard for Ganesh and Vishnu. Whenever there is anything Ceremonial or Death Rites before starting a new work they seek the blessings of The dead bodies are cremated. But dead bodies of Lord Ganesh and Vishnu. children under 3 years and those who have died of Goddess Lakshmi is worshipped on Deepavali. small pox !lre buried. Lakshmi is a sign of Dhan (money) so she is worship­ If a. married man dies all the cosmetics and bangles ped with great reverence. They keep a small quantity of the widow will be put under the head of the de­ of milk in a pot and then add some water to it, it ceased and cremated along with the dead body. is ~alled kacchi Tassi and on the ground they make some religious marks of red colour and then wor­ . The corpse of males is shrouded in white cloth ship the same. After the puja is over prasad is dis­ Whereas the corpse of . females and children are tributed among ~hose present. Shrouded in red cloth. If Durga is worshipped on Navratri which falls in ~ The dead body is given a bath. the dead one the mouth of March-April. There is a Bhairon tem­ male then the men of the famity will give him is -a ple in Rajasthan. AU the migrants in Delhi fully be­ l:j. bath. In case of female, bath will be given by the worrieri. lieve in Bhairon Ji and worship him on the occasion of Holi when they sacrifice a ram, provided their _. . The dead body is placed on a wooden plate form, economic condition allows them to do so. called takhts; the dead body is carried by four per­ son who lits the pyre, gets his head shaved and he is Meghwals believe in Sheetla Mata. She is wor­ raken to the cremation ground for KRIYA KIPAL. shipped to cure small pox. Wh~never there is any­ economic condition allows them to do so. body suffering from small pox, these-pwple go to the •. Pyre is lit by the son or grandson and failing that temple 0: Sheetla Mata and seek het blessings . bY. on,e of the close relatives of the deceased. The per­ They believe in many superstitions, such as, if a &on who lits the pyre, gets his head shaved and he it cat crosses the way, it is considred to be inauspicious, iiot allowed to sleep on a cot (charpaz) for 13 days. to Isee an empty vessel early in the morning or to see On the third day of death all the relatives go to a dead body arc not good omens. the cremation ground. and coHect the ashes for im­ mersion in some holy river. Rice is boiled there and Fairs. a,nd Festivals then all the relatives take it after offering it cen!mouial- Some of tbe important festivals observed by~ the ly to the deceased. . Meghwals are Nag Panchmi, Gangar or Guriva, lanama On the 13th day after death, lerahmi is performed. Ashtami, Dussehra, Deeparwali, Holi, Sankrant and On this particular day .Pandit is called, who sits in Korva Chauth etc. They celebrate these festivals in the the centre and some religious drawings a~e mane on same \xay as by oth<;r Hindu Communities do. the ground, the man (who had lit the pyre) sits in I n ter-:::oinm:u~ity Reb tionsh~p the middle for mourning. Pandit performs havan. After havan a feast is give'll to all the friends and rela­ According to the statements given by the members tives of the deceased. The feast is called nukta. of different higher castes, other than Bal~is' and Meghwals, that in Rajasthan Meghwal was r~garded After six ·months and one year they celebrate chhe­ as an impure caste They were considered untouch­ mali. ani! bursoc! r~spectively when they pr'cpare halwa ables. They were not allowed to draw water from !he and· pUrl and dlstnbute the same among the small village wells, they used/leather bags for drawmg children or to a cow· . water on their allotted wells. They were, however, . From the . secoild year onwards· they celebrate allowed to· take tea from the village dhaba with the shradb every year which falls in the month of Bhadon condition that they wiII wash their utensils· them­ an(f Asarh (Aug-Sept. and Sept-Oct.). selves. They were allowed to participate in \fJhajan Mandli or Satsang. They were never allowed to\enter ~eligitm the temples and sacred places of the viHage. they could worship from outside. They Were allowed to. MeghwaJs of the Union Territory of Delhi are the live in a separate settlement, in that area, only mem­ followers of Hindu religion. As it is evident from the bers of the same caste could build their houses. They 1961 Censu~ which shows the religious classification were not served by the Pandit (Brahmin Priest) or of -,the caste ~ ~if[erep.t zones of DQlhi that none of Nai (barber), but they were served by the village washerman who renders services to other caste Brahmin Priest who serves other caste Hindus. It is Hindus also. No other caste Hindu used to sit and (he Brahmin priest who officiates at the ceremonies of move with them. Ci1illam (the part of a hubble-bub­ birth, marriage, and death. In the schools segr~ga­ ble which contains fire and tobacco) prepared by lions is not observed in the seating arrangement of them was not accepted by other caste Hindus. children belonging to different communities. In Delhi Meghwals do not hold such a debased Dhobis, Khatiks, Jatavs, Jatia and Chamar accept position as in Rajasthan. Other caste Hindus do not food and drinks from their hands whereas Bauria, feel polluted by their touch, they use public taps Kshalriya, and Brahmin accept only uncooked food freely, they can go to any of the hotels and the but do not accept the drinks from their hands. In the sacred places. They can enter the houses of Brah­ marriage t hey take seedha (grain, or uncooked food) mins but not upto the kitchen. They are served by and cash.

Rrjerence8

1. Sherring ':H. A. Hindu Tribes and Castes as r"pre~unt~-d in Benaras--Vol. Itl, Ca.lcutta 1872, p 63.

138

THE PASI

139

PASI N arne, Origin, Identity and History his consent but with the condition that she was not to accept anything from them (the hosts) as a gift. If The Pasi is treated as a Scheduled Caste in the at all same was forced on her she was to accept a gift Union Territory of Delhi, Punjab and Uttar Pradesh. just equal to the weight of a sacred Basil leaf ~ T ulsi But in Delhi, there is another community of same name [((/ Patta). So Renuka left her house with this advice which is of higher social status and the present study from her husband in her mind. She was received very does not cover it and confines itself to Scheduled Caste warmly by both, her sister and brother-in-law the Pasi. Though Crooke and others regard Pasi as a sub· king. At the time of her departure both the hosts pres­ caste of Khatik, the Pasi of Delhi deny it. However. sed her very much to accept some gift. First of all some of the Khatiks claim to be Pasis to enhance their she refused but later on she agreed to a gift equal to status to a certain extent. the weight of one leaf of a sacred basil plant. Miracu­ lously the entire treasure of king Sahaslrajoon could Most of the Pasis of Delhi are reported to be living not equal the weight of a single leaf. Rctluka returned here for the last two or three generati(1ns and some even back without the obligation of any gift. Her sister and before that. It is not possible to quote their place of brother-in-law thus felt very much insulted. After a origin because they migrated here in different groups, few days they sent a message to Renuka that they from different directions and at different times. For wanted t(1 pay a return visit to them. At this news example, one group of the Pasis reported to have come Renuka was very much upset because she had no from Pakistan at the time of partition of the country. means to we1come the royal guests. living as she was Another group came to Delhi during first world war in a smal hut (Kutiya) in the forest. Her hubs and as grooms of the cavalry and settled here. Still another consoled her by saying that God would help them group has come from Uttar Pradesh. with these words he sat in his Samadhi (meditation) There are in~i1umerable, often conflicting versions of and in a trance talked about his woe to the God. God myths and legends regarding the origin of the Pasis. gave him a cow 'Hamed 'Kamdhenu' who helped them But all these state that the first Pasi male originated in their moment of distress. out of the sweat (Pasina or Parsina) of Parsuram, after On the arrival of the Royal guests they were receiv­ which they got the name of Pasi. - ed very warmly. They were served with many varieti~s The mos~ common and widely accepted legened of delicious meals. The guests were very much pleased takes them back to about 5.000 years. the time of and were surpri.sed a~; to how so many varieties of Rama. The incident took place in the marriage cere­ food could be arranged in the forest. They enquired mony of Lord Rama and Sita, daughter of King about it from the Saint Jamdagni, who, being a simple Janaka of Mithla. When Rama broke the big bow man told them everything about the cow which was of Shvia, in fulfilment of the conditio'll of Swamvara, a boon to them from God. Sahastrajoon expressed his Parsuram appeared on the scene and had heated argu­ earnest desire to have that cow, but Jamdagni refused ments with Laxmana, the younger brother of Rama bccmse it was not his cow. Sahastrajoon felt insulted a!. to why his brother had broken the sacred how of and forcibly took the cow after cutting the head of his his Lord (Shiva). During the arguments, Parsuram host Jamdagni who stood in the way to save the cow, sweat and out of his sweat two males appeared who Unfortunately at that time his (Jamdagni) son were given the name Pasis i.e., made up of Sweat or Parsuram was away in the forest so he was sent for by Pasina. Renuka. Parsuram came back in great rage and There is another legened given in this connection pledged that unless he killed Sahatrajoon he would not which is quite contradictory to the one narrated perform Krivakaram of his father and after that be above. According to this legend the Pasis were already pledged to destroy all Kshtriya kings living on earth. in existence at the time of Lord Rama's marriage. It With the feeli'Hg of vengeance in his heart he left connects the origin of Pasis with the incident that his mother for Sahastrajoon's kingdom. There, Sahas­ forced Parsuram to take a vow to destroy all Kshtriya trajoon was well prepared for the fight. Looking at kings. It is mentioned i,l Ramayana also, that saint the preparations Parsuram made five men out of Parsuram was already under a vow to destroy all Kush (grass) alld put life into them by letting the Kshatriya kings to avenge the death of his father, drops of his perspiration fall on them. These men which incidentally took place at the hands of a Kshtriya helped him in killing the king Shastrajoon and thus king as follows:- rescuing the cow. Hence orginated the name Pasi According to Kaithwasi Pasis of Kalu Sarai there once from the Hindi word 'Pasina' i.e. sweat. This legend lived a king named Gaan. He had twelve daughters. of origin is also narrated by some other Scheduled Eleven were married to the kings but the 12th -the Castes of the area such as Balais. youngest named Renuka was married to a Brahmin sage Jamdagni. On one occasion Renuka received an A third well known legend narrated by Kaithwasi amongst the Pasis of Delhi now throws some light invitation from one of her sisters who was married 1 to. a. Kshtriya king Sahastrajoon. She asked the per­ upon the nomenc1a ure of the Pasis. It is said once mISSIon of her husband to go. To this Jamdagni gave Parsuram heard the cries of some cows in a forest while he was doing penance. At once he rushed to the 1.41 142

scene and found that some men were about to kill place near a well to take rest. On the resumption of cows. Thinking that the was all alone hurriedly he their journey, unknowingly the two palanquins, in made five men out of Kusha grass and let the drops of which the brides to be married were sitting got his perspiratIon fall on them thus transforming them ch,mged. This was discovered later after the marriage into five full grown stout males. These men helped ceremonies at both the houses were performed and him in saving the cows and were given the name of when the parents of the girls came to take back their Yasis. daughters. Now nothing could be done and so both the parties accepted the unions of Kayath girl with How the Pasis become untouchables is explained by another legend told by Gujar Pasis. After creating Pasi boy and vice-versa which gave rise to a new Pasis, Parsuram bade thcm to live in the forest and name, termed Kaithwasi or Kayathwasi. to spend the rest of their lives there. Incidentally the According to another legend also the Kaithwasis first wild animal they killed for their food was a pig are the descendants of a Pasi male and a Kayasth which they relished very much and from that day on­ female. The story goes that once some Pasi males wards they started eating pigs, and on this account were passing through a street. They saw a Kayasth they were taken as unclean and untouchables. In their girl sweeping the outer platform of a house. They own words "Brahmin bante bante achhut ban gaye" forcibly took her away and matried her. The children i.e. on the verge of becoming Brahmins they became thus produced were called Kaithwasis. untouchable by eating pigs. 3. Banarsi Pasis According to the legend narrated by Pasis from the forest, five original Pasi males in due course of time, The Banrasis are found to be quite similar to the some how or other, migrated to different places in diffe­ Kaithwasis, but socially they seem to hold a higher rent directions. They got married and produced seven position among Pasis. They are found in quite a small number in the Union Territory of Delhi. Those children in all who gave risc to seven different sub­ who were interviewed could not give any story re­ castes of the Pasi cas~e which are still well known in garding their origin. Delhi, Uttar Pradesh and Punjab and are as listed below:- 4. Ellar Pasis (1) Gujar Pas! (2) Kaithwasi Pasi (3) Banas! Pasi They are not found in the Union Territory of Delhi (4) Bhar Pasi (5) Dhol Pasi (6) Raj Pasi and at present. According to the Gujar Pasis and Kaith­ wasis. Bhar Pasis could be found in Uttar Pradesh (7) Pasmangiya. only. 1. Gujar Pasis 5. Dhol Dua Pasis According to Gujar Pasi they might have got the The Dho1 Dua .Pasis are con~idered to be much prefix 'Gujar' from the work of rearing cattle and sel­ lower in the Pasi society as reported by the other ling milk etc· which they formerly used to do at their Pasis, because of .. their work of fetehin_g water from native places. During the present investigation not a the well etc. for other communities (Dho! means a single Gujar Pasi family could be located who may bucket and 'Dua' means a fetcher). be engaged in such work. It was reported that majority 6. Raj Pasis of them have migrated from Rawal Pindi and Nau­ shera, now in Pakistan at the time of partition of the A~ reported by Crooke, the Raj Pasis were king's country. messengers in ancient times, and that is how they got the prefix Raj i.e. king before their name., At one place 2. Kaithwas Pasis jt is written that they are descendants of a king but here nothing can be said about them as they live· in The Kaithwas Pasis have been reported to be f~r­ JJttar Pradesh. _- mers, field labourers and 'Zamindars' in Uttar Pra­ \ desh where they are found in greater number.' Al­ 7. Pasmangiya though their exact population is not known for the ~ . These are Pasi-beggars. They too are the inhabitants \ Union Territory of Delhi yet their Dumber is compara­ of Uttar' Pradesh and could not be located. here. tively less. Those few, living here such as at Kala T:1eir charact

A nuclear Pasi family.

are made of stones and whereas the roofs are the elder four started calling him manRta i·e. b:!ggar brick~, because he begged for his share from the others. Ob­ of tin. Here also. they use public taps and latrines. The inhabitants of this locality are waiting for their viously the Pasmangiyas hold the lowest position turn to get quarters to be allotted to them from the among Pasis. Govt. All the above mentioned sub-castes of Pasis form According to 1961 Census, there are 1985 Pasis separate endogamous units. (1488 males and 497 females) living in the Un~on Terri­ In Delhi there are only three sub-castes of the Pasis tory of Delhi. 88.2% of the total Pasi population used viz., the Gujar Pasi from whom most of the informa­ ':0 live in urban areas of Delhi, and the rest 11.8 per tion is collected. the Kaithwasis and the Banrasis. cent in rural Delhi, but during the present investiga­ ~ion not a single Pasi family was reported to be living It is an interesting point to note here that the Pasis m rural areas except those few found in Kalu Sarai. belong to a unigotra caste i.e. unlike other castes they It may be due to the fact that they might have migrat­ do not have many go\ras. ed to urban areas in search of employment. Regarding their distribution in different tracts and Distribution and Populalion Trend: zones of Delhi, maximum number of them is found in Pasis in Delhi are mostly concentrated in Urban zone IV (Civil Lines, Subzimandi) as is shown in the areas viz., Tokriwalan near Mithai.ka-Pul (about 2 table (30.9% of the total population). Next comes New Km. from Delhi Rilway Station), Karam Pura (8.6 Delhi area with 14.0 per cent of the total Pasi popula­ Km. from Delhi Railway Station) a'nd Kalu Sarai. A tion living here. few scattered houses are found in Moti Bagh, Shanti Zone III (Karol Bagh and Patel Nagar) contains Nagar (near Najafgarh Nullah) and Rajpur Road 13.2% of the total Pasi population. But during the in­ also. Tokriwalan cons;itutes the single biggest loca­ v,;?stigation only few scattered Pasi houses could be lity where about 60 Pasi families have formed a clus­ located in these areas. ter of houses which belong to their own caste-group. DISTRIBUTION OF PASIS IN DIFFERENT TRACTS/ZONES Next comes Kamm Pura, a new governmental hous­ OFDELIU ing colony in New Delhi, where nearly 30 Pasi fami­ lies were reported to be living. In both these places, Tnct/Zone Total Male Female Sex- and also in Delhi as a whole the Gujar Pasis outnum­ ratio ber the Kaithwasi Pasis. The later were found to be 1 2 3 4 5 living in a cluster at Kalu Sarai near Yusuf Sarai and a few families were also living in the servants' Delhi Total . 1,985 1,488 497 334 quarters at Rajpur Road. Incidentally all these ten or (100·0) twelve families reported to have migrated from Bareil­ Delh Rural 234 200 34 170 ly side in Uttar Pradesh, 5 to 10 years ago and their (11'8) 1,751 1,288 463 359. male members are working in Essex Farms situated (88,2) on Mehrauli Road. Most of them are living in kuccha New Delhi. 278 218 60 275 huts and draw water from a nearby well as there are (14'0) no water taps and latrines in that area. Deibi Cantt. 5 4 250 In Tokriwalau the houses although of pucca and (0'2) D.:~LC. (Urban) 1,468 1,066 402 377 mixed type are very small and congested. Practically (74'0) one family lives in one room. Mostly the inhabitants Zone I (Shahdara) 54 46 8 174 of this area use public latrines and public water taps (2'7) tUed in the lane or the street. A few Pasi houses be­ Zone II (City Sad.,tr Palur longing to some well-to-do families were found t~ be Gmj) 236 171 65 380 equipped with water taps, latrines, and electricity. (U·8) The Pasi residents of Tokriwalan term themselves as Zoao III (Karol Rt~h and the l?<:al residen.ts of Delhi. According to them they pttel Naglr) . 262 208 54 259 (13'2) ,are hVlDg here SlDce last two or more generations. Zone IV (Civil Lines Subzi Mapy of them even own the houses in which they are M"mli) 614 409 205 501 liviq.g. (30·9) ZOlle V (Transforred nrea) 160 115 45 391 . .Karam Pura is better locality than the above men­ (8'0) boned two colonies of Pasi habitant. Here, Pasis, dis­ Zono VI (South Delhi) 68 66 2 30 placed ftom West Pakistan who first settled in Gur­ (3'4) mandi ~ear Ganda Nullah have been provided Zone VII (West Delhi) 74 51 23 451 tenworanly government accommodation. Each family (3,7) h~~ been allotted one quarter consisting of a room With a .~itch~n fitted with water tap. One bathroom and latrme IS shared by two families. Government Numerically, the total strength of Pasis constitutes an charges Rs. 17/- per month from each family. After insignificant proportion of the total Scheduled Caste a few y~rs when pucca quarters are available to popu1ation in the Union Territory of Delhi. Comprising ~andl. they will be shifted to their former site. of 1488 males and 497 females, taken together they ac­ count for 0:58 per cent. of the total population in Delhi. . Beside~ these, a few Gujar Pasi families are living Whatever little proportIon they form, it is significant to I'D. Shantl. Nagar near Najafgarh Nullah. Their houses :.lote that all their numerical strength in the Capital has arcr of mIxed ~. The fioor and walls of the houses been accomplished only in the past SO years or so. 144

~ing 'upi>n the Census figures of Pas~s as enumera­ T hough the parents dominate the scene in their tJCd during the di.fferent Census, COUlltS Slilce 1911, one youth and middle ages but with the approach of old gathers that dunng the last five decades there has age they gradually recede to the background. Nomi­ been sLady but sharp increase in the populatio;} of nally, they remain the head of the family as noticed Pas!s. S'aning from 8 in 1911, the populalion of Pasis in a few cases, but they have left their sons free to con­ rose to i21 in 1921 and 1985 in 1961. Table below duel tile management of the family. If the parents still Si'iCS 11lG population trend of Pasis since 1911: interfere in the family management which their sons do not like, slowly dIsintegration of the famIly takes place where the sons separate out leaving behind the old fellows to themselves. These segments of a family D.No. Ye.,r Puulation aaving common ancestry, meet occasionally, such as at some birth or marriage ceremony or death of a near relative in the ancestral house. 1911 8 In the city the Pasi families (having husband, wife 2 1~2l 121 and their l,!nmarried children) were by and large found :3 H):31 N.A. to be patrilocal, patrilineal, patrollymic and patripo­ testal, i.e. the son after his marriage, stays with his H)51 432 (estimateu) 4 parents in their house, inherits property after the 5 19tH 1985 death of the father and gets his father's surname. Besides the father is considered to be the authority. ln the absence of father, the eldest male member of Figures for the year 1931 are not available. Even J1C household acts as the head. Younger members the J 951 figures arc j',ot based on Census data but show respect to him and his wishes are fulfilled. have been calculated from the percentage increase in pop~;]ation over the previous years. (Reference: "Esti­ A. serious socio-religious offence committed by one maied Population by Castes, 1951, 24, Delhi", issued member of the family would result in the excom­ trom the office of the Registrar General, India, in munication or social boycott of the whole family and 1954). the head is answerable to the caste for the acts of omis" sion and commissiod of all the househ01d members. The estimated figure for 1951 seems to be quite This naturally entitles him to maintai'n a controlling low. Had it been based on Census data, it would hand in domestic affairs. Apart from being a controlling have been ql:lte different one, because a good number hand, the head of the family was usually found to be of Pasis spec idly the Gujar Pasis, who at the pre HIe main source of income. Sometimes the younger sent ;iiIK c:ltnumber the other two sub-castes of members also earn and help him by contributing their's in Delhi, migrated in 1947 after the partition money out of their earnings, for the household expen­ of til:; country and sc:.lleJ here for betl>;;r vucatio.:lal diture. prospects. The other ~wo sub-castes of the Pasis i.e., the Kaitl.wasis and :.:unarasis by and large have mig­ The eldest female, generally the mother~ controls rated from Uttar Pradesh due to the abolition of the iniemal matters such as looking after the children, Zamincbri sys:cm, [8 s~ck cc,plcjrnc:nt 2.no ~hus set­ l:ookmg food and doing other allied things for them. tled here. Hence it ca,l be said that a greater propor­ Daugh,ers help their mothers in this type of work. tion or the Pasi population in Delhi constitutes the Where t,he man's income is insufficient· to make their imrnigraLts, and not local residents. both ends meet. women start wor:king in their spare time. The_y_ bring work at home, like making toys or Sex ratio amongst the Pasis works out to be 334 stitching bu..ttons etc. from the shops or small factories females per 1000 males. This surprisingly low sex and do it against cash payment. Women doing work ratio io a certain extent is explained by the recent oU'sirk their houses are slightly looked down UPOlt inmigration of male Pasis from Uttar llradesh and I and it is considered a sign of poverty by their caste-. Punjab who came in the capital with the expectation men.· '. " of better employment opportunitits. During field checks lhc Pasis denied that females were few arId As is clear from the above,· a Pasi wife does not there was no evidenc~ to confirm the low sex ratio. dominate, the domestic s€ene normally, but in a few Gujar Pasi families it was'noticed otherwise, speCIally Family in those cases where. the el\:les~ male is not an earning member. At two or three instances, investigation from For the purpose of analytical study, [he type of male Gujar Pasi could not be completed as. the w.o­ families found among the 'Pasis' in De;hi, can be men in the house warned'the respondent not to fqr­ divided il1 tW:1 broad categories. One, where a marri· nish Informations concerning their caste and waY-Df ed couple lives with their unmarried children and the living to the investigators, the apprehenSion being that second whe~e he parents of the husband and h;s mar­ the facts may be exploited against their community, ried brothers with their children also live with the former group under the same roof and taking fcod Adoption from the same kitchen. Though later type of families are considered the ideal and traditional type, yet these The Pasis of Delhi do not profess to have a~y are not very common these days amongst th"m. The elaborate rules of adoption because it is not a very reasons given for the disintegration of joint families, common practice among them. If a person has no are lack of space, differences in the opinion of the male child he often adopts one. Apparently he can family members and petty quarrels among the women­ adopt a child of any body from his caste but generally folks. Moreover, growing individuality, rapid economic one prefers to adopt a child of one's near relatives like and social changes are also leading towards it. hrother, sister or daughter: There is a case reported. 145

a wrmer Chaudhary of the Pasis has adopted his grand­ of them their tradi:ional dress of a Ghagra, (a huge son i.e. the son of his daughter some fifteen yeas ago skirt made of 20-40 yards of cloth), with Kamij since he had only daughters and no sons. After two or (similar to the male's shirt but smaller in lengthi three years of adoption his wife gave birth to a sm1· and UJh-ni or Chaddar (used as head gear) is not in Inspite of the birth of a son of their own, the couple vogue ,hese days. They have dispensed with it since brought up their adopted son as their own and LOW last five or six years. As reported by some Kaithwasi in the near future are thinking of getting him J11arried. females, they have got this dress of Ghagra and Chad­ dar at their native pbcc i,1. D.P. and me it only when Adoption is done before the council of Ca8te Pan­ they go there. chayat or a few well known elderly persons of the caste. The matter is recorded on a stamped paper and The most common dress us,cd by married femaJes both the parties concerned put their signatures on il at the. present time i~ a Dh?~i or Sari of five to ~ix There are no ritual ('r religious elements attached to yards I'll length, a pettIcoat Witn (l. blouse. The matenal this transaction. But if the adopter wishes, he may ~sed, varies according to the financial position of the give a feast to the caste brotherhood. family.

Dress and Personal Decorations Unmarried girls either wear the set of dress, describ­ ed above while the mo_[ried females wear Salwar :'Jnd The apparels of the Pasi~ in t.he Union !erritory show a vivid impact of theIr native places I.e., the Kamij with Dnp:,tla or Chunni. places from where they have migrated. For example the "oung females of the Gujar Pasis, who have come As far as m;dGlc :::ged and ol'~ wnmen are conc;>rn~d, they use only a thick Dhoti (psual1y a cotton one ano from' Punjab side (West when 'Yea ring Pakista~~ t~e of coarse material) with a loose blouse. Formerly the combination of Salwar and Kaml] can easIly be mI."­ Dhoti used 10 be of ten yards length but now it i, taken by anyone for Punjabi ladies, and it a~ds of five yards. Some of th~m wear petticoaL under i.t more to the confusion when one hears them speakmg while the others do not. Punjabi language. Those who can afford, wear new garments now and On the other hand one finds another group of the then, but poor people prefer to wear them on auspi­ Pasis, i.e. the Kaithwasi Pasis and Banrasi Pasis, who cious occasions, such as on festivals, goin~ to S0me came from Uttar Pradsh side to earn their livelihood, fair or to a sac·cd p12ce e.g. tcmp1e of some god or show some reminiscence of their traditional dress in goddess or while going out in rishtedari (to see close U. P. in their clothes. relations). The traditional dress of the Pasi male as a whole The ceremonial dress cf a P,1si bride consists (If is comprised of a white cotton Dhoti usually of ~ve either a silken Ghagra with Kamij and Chaddar which yards, a white cotton Kurta (a loose collarless shIrt) is usually silver braided ar:d made of fine material and a white Pugree (turban). This dress, at the pre­ or a silken Sari, petticoat and blouse, depending upo'l1 sent time is worn by some old males who have cros­ one's choice and' means. The later set of dress i.e. sed the age of fifty on special occasions like marri~ge Sari and blouse for the bride j:as now been adopted Or on gathering of the brotherhood on some specIa~ by quite a number of Pasi families, whereas ~he former occasions of social importance. A few young Pas! set of clothes is only men by K3itlr,vasi Pasi brides. males from Uttar Pradesh were also noticed wearin!! a Dhoti and Kurta but not the turban. Otherwise the The dress of a groom ge'nerally consists of a white younger generation amongst them apparently have cotton Dboti, a coloured Kamij or Kurta (usually gone far in the matter of their dresses and are keep­ of yellow ~colour, dyed in turmeric solutio:'1) and a ing up with the fashion of the day. white Pugree (turban). This dress is mostly used by No special care is taken about the dresses of the grooms of some orthodox fan;Ees including the infants. They are seen wearing either a frock or a Kaithwasi and Banrasi Pasi. But a groom from =='. Kamij without any underwear in mo~t of t~e cases. Re­ Gujar Pasi family prefers to we'1r a P'lT!t, bushirt or garding the dresses of the school gomg chIldren, usual­ shirt, alongwith a turban on his head. ly the boys wear either a half-pant or pyjamas It will not be out of n!ace to me-ntion here that 'on the lower parts of their bodies and a shIpt or bushirt change of season from ~ummer to winter doe~ not • on their upper parts. But school going girls wear bring much change i.n the e~othings of jhe P~sis, The either a frock or Sa1war-Kamij with Chunni (known as poor people wrap themselves with a Chaddar made. of Dupatta) a thin piece of cloth. me~nt for head C0W'[" thick yam to protect themselves from the cold wmd ing. while those belnngin!! to well~to-do families use wool­ Most of the Pasi boy students of higher classes and len shawls, sweaters 'imd woonen coats over their also the office goers, wear pant with bushirt or shirt. dresses. In the houses they wear Pyjamas and Kurta or shirt. Many young boys have been noticed wearing tight Foo~wear ,pants and bushir~s according to the fashion of the d[lY· The aged Pasi males use a Deshi Juti. an unlaced shoe ma~c of llnproeeNPd leather, as it is cheap and Comparatively speaking Pasi fema]P,:, ha,:e shown quite durable. The vonn" !!enerat;on use ]:1(",.ed sho~s much change in their dresses because not a smgle wo­ !'!nd chapals. The Pasi both young and old, were man vms noticed wearing or (""ven having a set of found to be using chapva1s-simple and fancy, de­ tmditional dress in h~l' nm:session. According to some pending on their means and choice. 146

Ornaments contd. Pasi women used to decorate various parts of their Feet (md lower J. K".re All these are bangle like orna­ le[!8 2 .Thanjhan ments made of silver and are body with bulky and quite a large number of orna­ 3. Clndo wOrn in the lower legs. The ments. Some of the Kaithwasi Pasi and Banrasi Pasi '1. L'lchche K:cthw",si awl Banrasi ladies females still have them in their possession and feel 5. Clli1makchuri wore noticed using some of 6. P"tte these ornaments in their lower proud while using them on special occasions, 0:1 7. Pajaeb legs while the Gujar Pasi different pants of their body. ladies were having only Pajaeb. on. In some of the rich families women have been notic­ FOJt finger Bichwe (ring Rin.g made of silver, afe worn ed wearing not a single silver ornament except the of tho foot tee) only by the married ladies on Pajebs or Jhanjhan on their lower legs. They however, the second toe of their feet. were seen with one or two gold ornamen~s on their body. In spite of their disinterest i'n old ornaments, some of- the aged Gujar Pasi we're able to recollect The liking for the ornaments has been decreasing the names of their tradi'ional ornaments which they among the young male Pasis: But one can find old and their mothers used to pOSSeSS years back. The nde Pasis wearing ornaments of gold or silver on following are the names of some sllch ornnments used 1heir parts of body particularly in ears, neck and by them in old times:- hand, Some of the most common ornaments worn by 1he male members in Pasi community are listed be­ Ornaments tor Females low:-

Pa.rtof body Orn~ments Description Ornaments for Males

Ear Ta.rki ThAse ornament!;" '1.r6 made of Rllian silver Or gold .. 'I. ne .. ,,}ian ann P .... rt of Borly Orn·'1ments Remuks K~ranj)hul TopS Me still in use and "'1'e Topis mostly made of gold where'1.s the Titrki and Karanphnl (Lye heavier O'1es ~,nd worn by village Murki or B.di In the p:tSt P:tsi malp,s used to hollies. Mostly theso are made (E:\r-Ring) we·u ring like om~.ments in of silver. their ('l,f lobes. It waS of gold or silver depen(ling upon oneS Nose Lalmg At present, the P"si bdies have fin:lnciil,l status. (~ose 8tu(!) started wearin~ f), L'mng in their nose Wings bnt formerly Neck T tbij (A/unlet) Tabij (Amulet) of golcl or silver its use was strictly prohibited ron'fld the neck is wOrll with the itS it w:ts believed that only help of bhck thre:ld. Even nOw Moh"mmedans we"r it. A Pat'li sume of the old people wore hdy, who dared to get her noLioou., -'v.:~=::ing it. daughter's nose wing punc­ tured, her whole family used FJrmJs MUll(iri Or A fbger ring ~f gold or silVer. to be ex·communicitted. But 01l',lIe (Ring) now there in no such beliof and Buttons and Sometimes gold buttons on their Laun~ is used as a matter of fl~n/ls KUl't::s Or sleeves of tho shirt fashion. were also used by those.. few who claimed themselves to be Either of gold or silver. RHyor Ner.k HasIi rich. (Semi-oircular one is mostlv WOrn bv the Ring) poor group,' awl is stjII in use. Chanrlanha:tr Mostly of silver and i;l worn by One interesting point regarding· the ornaments' of (Necklace) the village women. / females is that recently the use of glas,s bangles bas Pakhial'i '£his neck1'\ce is made of silver '~)eCOlpe quite common especially amongst the Gujar beads. Pasi as these are not very costly and also can be re­ Havel A neckl.9,ce of silver rupees. It is not in use tbese days placed every now and then. Form~rly the use of glass except only in few old fashioned bangles ..by these people was tabooed and considered' families. as a crime against the society, because these' were H.ar A long glrIand made of several believed to be made only !by the mohammedans and silver ch:tins. Its use noW has been minimised to a great thus treated as polluted item. An incident relating extent. to the circuinstances that led free use of glass b~ngles Finger Ohh",Ue Finger rings, may be of silver among the'. families is give'll .below. _i\ (Finger Rings) or gold, worn two or three together in one fin.ger and are Once, on some auspicious occasion a: Gujal'; Pasi still used by almost all P"si offered a feast to the Pasi /brotherhood, One of the ladies who can afford it. female relatives of the host came from a distant vil­ Wri8t aM Arm 1. B",ju Generally m",de of silver but 2. B,l11eor sometimes One or two may be lage in u.P. Hurriedly she entered the Kitchen to Tariya of gold also. a·tiare, Paunchi help those who were already working there. U~fortu­ 3. Pacheli and Churi of gold arc Worn only nately she had glass bangles on her wrists but torgot 4. Palari or by few ladies of well-to-no· Chain f:1miIies. to take them off. She s:arted cooking and serving food 5. Pariband etc. Somebody noticed it and gave out the news out­ 6. KaTe or side. where the whole of the Pasi brotherhood was Gajare sitting. At once every body became angry. They got 7. Paunchi 8. Churi up and refused to accept any food from the house 9. Suha~a Ch1l.ri thinking that the woman had deliberately done it ancl . 147 polluted the food. The woman and her husband fried Food Habits their level best to appease them and also apologised B.roadly speaking, most of them specialy the Gujar for their so called misdemeanour, still nobody cared Pam are nO!l,vegelarian. Generally, they take meat of 10 listen them. At last some respectable persons plg anci sheep but very rarely that of hen and fish. who were then heads of the Pasi brotherhood explain­ They deny that they take beef as well. ed to the rest that it was none of the faults or 1he woman or their host. They further told the other The us~al items of staple diet of the Pasis are members that in U.P. a woman without having gla"s not, very dl~eren~ fwm that of the other castes of the bang-les on her wrists was taken to be a widow. As ~e?lOn. TheIr dally meals consist of pulse, curry and that woman hailed from Uttar Pradesh she was not I.oues., Some .a.dd one or two vegetables 10 it, if, their aware of the tabooes connected with the use of glass jJ~~DclaJ pOSition permits. Halwa (swe~t dish), (Juri bangles in other areas. Hence 1here was no rea50n dned pan ca~es), gu{~u{e (sweet fried pan cakes) cmd to express resentment on a woman having glass bang­ khlT ~sweet dl~h of mtlk and rice) etc. are prepared occasJOnally,. eIther on the visi.t of some guest to their les on. This explanation was considered quite ~a\is­ 11ou,e or a( [he time of some important festival. Those factory and the feast went on as usual. From that day :VhCl are llOil-vegetarian take meat three or four times onwards the Pasi women started using glass bangles. m a monrh or cook it when they have to serve an But even now, at the time of their marriages, instead Jmportant guest. of glass oongles they put on the bride's wrists the bangles made of shellac. Thus glass bangles have be­ Form~rly in }_Jig feasts, like those given at the time come another addition to their Jist of orm.ments. Df marnages. nee and pork used to be served but now halwa-puri along with curd and vegetables are Another aspect of female'S pers(lnal decoration served. calls for special emphasis is the practice of tattooing .f: i~ also reported b~ a few elderly Gujar Pasi (gndwana), Tattooing in olden days, beside forming maLs that formerly theIr male popUlation was very a part of one's personal bealJty, was a must for every much fond of taking liquor which they used to take body. Servera1 re1igious beliefs and superstitions were ope!lly It wa; .one of the chief items tbat was eagerly associated with tattooing. These m!'lrh lJSOO to be sought .for dunng the social gatherings and also was permanent and served as identification marks, Some sen'ed In t~e m~rrjage .feasts. But now they have old. orthodox Pasis interrogated still believe that 3 it pUbhcly. Those who want to take, person [s identified in the heaven by 'his tattoo marks, rls Further classification of the literate Pasis into differ­ of their bodies with these marks, Tt is no surprise to seC' ent educational standards achieved by them s.hows tllrm featuring tattoo ffiilrks on their h~lll1s. 'l!111'. f\)r~­ th~t 70.3 per cent. of the total literates are without quali head. ch<"eb ani! 1eQ'~. Thev feel nle:tsure in s';(lwinrr fymg ~ny educahonal standard which means that they 1he~e marks to olh~rs. Bealltiful delicate motifs w,~,·~ have never been to any educational institution and have stripned Gut in the skin bv tlrickill~ in colon ring mat­ learnt to read and write at their respective places. ter (most common col()1lr being hhlC). ROl1l1ded ~iY\t. C?nly 29.7 per. cent of the total literate Pasi popula­ either .~ingle ar marking some' geometrical nattern" tion have attamed some educational standard. Out of 011 fon~he~d. "O~" winq". chip or np n ... d( t'.'''r~ m"'t these, majority of them, i.e. 23.2 per cent of the favourite ones. Personal names. figures of deities 'otal literates, come under the category of those who like Rama, Hanumana, Sbiva. Dur,ga etc .. on the arms 112ve studied upto primary or junjor~basic standard and linn the naitem of Om on the back ()f T')a!ms wt"re v~r\' ?l per cent upto m~tric or hi~cr secondary. There commol1. The ~iil:n nf <;:'ICfe-O wrml Om h)l,~ adt1 .. 11 1~ (l~lY C'le m~n, bavmg a ,miversity degree. The imoortaoce a~ it would distinguish them from Moham· Pasls are ShOWlOl! a g-ood deaJ of interest in tbe educa­ medans nnn tfm<; would avoid pos~ib{e mi>tak~s of tion <:f the~r c~ildr~n irres~tive ?f their sex. During being called Mohammedan. field mve~tlgatlon It was notIced !U many Gujar Pasi

FemBtl)~ Total M"l~A ______, Ate& .-----_----..A-__. _~ I'_---.---.~_ Literate Illiterate Total Literate Illiterate Total Literate Illiterate Tot.al

2 ~ 4- 5 ~ '1 S 9 10

Delhi Urban SOli 982 1,288 68 ~9,'5 463 37'" l,377 1,151 (23.8\ (711.2) (100·0) r14 ·1I) j8l)·3) (100·0) (!}-.i,) {'lB· 1'1) (100,0) Delhi Rural 2t 179 ZOI) ~-i l14 21 :218 234 (10'5) (R!Hi) (100·0) (-) rIOO'O) (lOO'O) (8'9) (91'0) (100'0) Delhi Tob,,1 ~27 1.Un lA88 68 4.2[) 497 1195 1,5911 1,98.~ (22'0) (78,0) (l()O'O) (13,7) (86,3) (100·0) (19·9) ISH) (lO~H))

F:i$U.as in. th~ hrl!.Oiets Iilhow perOBlltages 148

~ that even the girls ofl 9uite grown up ages as it is today. Once Parsuram--their creator picked ...-ere going to the schools and qUlte a number of them some quarrel with some god. The god in order to have reached up!o the standard of 10th and 111h class insult him, threw a challenge (0 break a particular which is a good sign of their progress. From the ccm­ casUe. UnfortuEately, the castle was made up of night paraiive study of educational standard of dJlcrent soil, wh;ch Parsuram also knew. He at once transform­ Schedule Castes ii' Delhi it can be said that the Pasis ed himself into a pig and wi h the long snout broke of Delhi comparatively have gone quite ahead in the castle. It is believed by the J'asis that from then th::o field of education. They reported the names of onwards, the pig started poking his nose in dirt and some highly educated ,,",rsons of their Glste who are filth and thus became dirty. The conculsion is that holding ,,',me respon<;ih'c iohs in Government as well because the pig saved their lord Parsuram and their as in 'othe,r offic('\. . womenfolks from outrage, they started rearing it. According to some of the Gujar Pasis, they used to Occupation h::;ve pig shops in their native places. The traditional occupation of the Pasi., was rum and Now-a-days a social s'igma has been attached to pIg rearing which at the present time is known to very the work of pig rearing. In order :0 raise their caste few of them. It is reported by them that because of sta'LIS cll1d position in the eyes of the higher castes, their work of pig rearing they were many tim"" in most of I he Pasis have left pig rearing. In Delhi very the past m;stake'1 for Mollcmmed<.l!ls 3n~ '1·ere also few Pasis were found to be engaged in such work. considered as untouchables. Many myths and :e~e;1ds There is. a group of Kaithwasi Pasis from u.P., who :-cgarding their tnditioml work of pig rearing were is still doing this job. According to them if their bira· given by them out of wh'ch some important ones "Ie as dan people at their native place in u.P., would come ['allows: ~ :'(~ know about this, they will be excommunicated. According to Gujar Pasis once it so happened that all Pasi males went in the jungle leaving behind their Regarding the work of groom which they formerly females at home. Unfortunately for the ladies, some used to handle, it is said that due to their bad reputa­ Mohammedans robbers, who were passing through tion, specially in u.P. (also reported by Crooke) they that village noticed it and decided to loot the Pas! were not allowed to be r~cruited in the army and were houses. They encircled the piace and slcwly advanced given the work of grooms in Cavalry forces. During towards the hQbitation. As soon as they reached near the first world war in 1914. many of the Pasis migrated their target, a pig was seen by lhem stal:diIlg in the here with the cavalary forces. Some settled here for centre of the houses. At once they s'opped with the good and started doing some other works. thought that it might be a Mohammedan locality Workers and Non-workers which they were going to loot. So they retreated their steps and went back their own way. The Pasi ladies, The 1961 Census data sho'Ys that 59.0 per cent of who were watching the scene, thanked the pig who Ihe total Pasi population comes under the category of workers and rest 41'.0 pet cent are all·1l01k_workers. saved them from the misfor'ullc. From that d'ay on­ It also shows that the percentage of workers---more wards Pasis of that locality star:ed rearing pigs which in Rural Delhi as compared to those in Urban Delhi. gradually took the shape of lheir traditional o'~cupa­ The respective percentages being 76.9 p?r cent and tion. <;0.6 per cent. Another important point is that among According to another version told by the Kaithwasi the Pasi workers only 0.35 per cent were females, all that in the beginning the pig was not a dkty animal these heing from the Urban areas.

Delhi Total Delhi Vrban Delhi Rural I In

~\-~-.-_"_------. 1 2 3 4 ~ 6 7 8 9 10 .

I-As Cultivators 1 1 1 1 II-Agricultural L'1bourcrs 8 9 '1 -8 1 In ·-Mining, QU3.rrying, Live. stock, Forestry etc. 48 48 45 45 ? 3 IV-Household Industry 14 2 16 14 2 . .J6 .1 V-·M'l.uuflcturing other tlnn Household Industry 422 423 324 1. 325 98 98 VI-Construction . 84 84 69 69 15 15 VII-Tmde and Commerce 77 78 73 74 4 4 VIII-Transport, Storage & Co­ -~ mmunications 70 70 70 70 , IX-Other ServiceS «0 2 442 381 2 383 59 59 Total Workers 1,164 7 1,171 984 7 991 180 .. ' ISO .------__ ------~------__ ~------Non· 'Workers 324 490 814 .304 456 760 20 34 54 The Pasis are engaged in all types of works ranging 1961 census data on the industrial classification also \ from daily labourer to that of an officer depending highlights that as much as 37·6 per cent of the total upon their abilities. Quite a good number of them Pasi workers have been listed under the category of in Delhi are in government services which are looked o'her services. ' UDon as important and most desirable because it en­ The present investigation also revealed that quite sures a fixed and steady income: Moreover, it permits a good number of them are either working in some the possibility of close contacts with the higher castes. factories or are doing some technical work. A table 149

based on the 1961 Census data shows a similar trend surroundings by hanging some curtains. Nobody is al­ i.e. 36.0 per cent of the total Pasi workers were en­ lowed to enter the delivery room with the exception of gaged in category I-manufacturing other than house­ the dai and one or two elderly females. hold industry. 7.2 per cent, 6.6 per cent and 6.0 per Outside the room a fire of cowdung cakes is lighted cent of the total Pasi workers are found in category in an iron vessel in which from time to time Masala­ No. VI (cO'nstruction), VII (trade and commerce) and a mixture of ajwain (carum capicum), mustard seeds. VIII (Transport and storage) respectively. Only one some sulphur is put. All those who enter the delivery Pasi male has been reported as a cultivator out of the room must put some Masala in the fire before stepping total number of 1,171 workers. in. This will give out some smoke alongwith pungent odour which they believe will keep away bad spirits. Life Cycle Rituals This smouldering fire will continue burning atleast Birth Ceremonies for twelve days, but sometimes it is kept burning up to the 40th day. A childless family or a family where children do A knife or an iron piece is always kept near the not survive, among the Pasis, is considered either ~ bed of the woman so that she and the baby remains victim of fate or being under the spell of some evll spirit. To win over such evil spirits an ojlta' (wizard) gum-ded against evil spirits. Next precautiona~ step who removes the evil spirits by witchcraft, is consulted taken is to hang a bird's nest. Baya-Ka-Jhon ill the to find out the ways and means to appease these doorway of thel delivery room. Sometimes a fish net spirits thus making them to withdraw their bad influ­ is hung in the door like a curtain. so that Jhamoksha ence from the family under the curse. (a butterfly like thing believed to be very harmful for the new born babies) may not enter the room and cast At such times, they start worshipping many gods it's fatal shadow on the child. and goddesses, the chief goddesses for the Pasis being The birth of a male child is rejoiced over and in Phulmali. Kalka and Gurgaon Ki D<:vi. It is believed the case of a female 'child the people generally do not that. by praying to these goddesses they will be blessed feel very happy. To announce the birth of a male child with a child. Sometimes they take vows to be fulfilled a brass or bronze plate is beaten outside the room. only after the birth of a child. J he females start singing. A Bandanwar (leaves, tied In the past, sacrifice of a ram (a male sheep) or horizontally with a string) is suspended in the doorway of the main entrance of the house to indicate that a goat along with a bottle o~ wine was a common practice with the Pasis. This was done to please the there is another addition of a male member to the family. goddesses. But now this practice has declined and in its place gifts in the shape of clothes. sweets and As a rule. after two or three hours of the child some cash are offered. birth it is given Janam Ghutti which is given to new born infants, dissolved either in water or goat's milk. An expectant mother is usually sent to her parent's This continues for the first two or three day and after­ house during the first delivery case but the subsequent wards the baby is fed with mother's milk. A Brahmin deliveries generally take place at her own house i.e. at is consulted by the father of the child who will tell the her husband's house. In cases where the parent's house first alphabet of the name to be given to the child. He is too fae or there are some other problems to leave will also tell the auspicious days on which the two the house, then the first delivery also takes place at ceremonial baths viz. Chltota Nahan and Bada Nahan one's husband's house. should be performed. He is generally paid Rs. 2.50 to Almost all pregnant women consult a 'dai' or mid­ Rs. 5 for his services. wife, a lady health visitor or a lady doctor whosoever The mother is given nothing to eat or drink on the is within their reach, who advise them to take better first day of the child birth. On the. second day she _is food along with some medicines and to do lighter given milk mixed with harem, a mIxture of turmenc. work. But in an average 'Pasi' family conception does dried ginger, gum, butter and jaggery. If the family not bring any difference in the routine of a woman's can afford. almonds etc. are also given which will work. She continues working till she is able to do it. give her strength and energy. After three or four days , ,Mostly the delivery cases take place at home but porridge is also given but rice, chappatis e~c. are giveR ,sometimes when there is no elderly female to attend lo her only on the Chhota Nahan day Whl~h can be the woman or the case is suspected to be a complicat­ 011 the fifth, sixth or seventh day as deCIded by the Brahmin. ed or unusual one. the woman is taken to hospital. The Pasis do not perform Chatti Pooja or Kuan At home. the expectant mother is attended by the Poojan ceremonies on the 6th and 10th day of the 'dai' or midwife of that area. who cuts the umbilical child birth but they have chhota Nahan and Bada cord ,with the help of a sharp instrument and the same Nahan instead. is . buried outside the house in some safe place as eating of it by birds or animals is regarded a bad omen. On the Chhota Nahan day, the room, where delivery For her s~rvices, the dai is given Rs. 5 in case of a has taken is swept and cleaned. The bedding is changed female chIld and Rs. lO in case of birth of a male and the mother and the child are given a bath. ~e child. It may be more if the child is the first born. child is dressed in stitched clothes brought by his 'The expectant mother is confined in a separate room father's sister. Afterwards, near the bed on the fioor. a m the house. In case of a single roomed house, one square pattern is tormed with wheat flour and colo?re~ comer of the room is choosen for the bed of the expec­ powders which is known as Cbawk Poorna. A fire IS ht tant mother and it is separated from tbe rest of the there and an earthen lamp is placed in the ~~Dtre of L/P(D)4DCO-12 148

families that even the girls oB quite grown up ages as it is today. Once Parsuram-their creator picked were going to the schools and quite a number of them some quarrel with some god. The god in order to have reached upto the standard of 10th and 11th class insult him, threw a challenge (0 break a particular which is a good sign of their progress. From the com­ castle. Unfortunately, the castle was made up of night parative study of educational standard of dlfferent soil. which Parsuram also knew. He at once transform­ Schedule Castes in Delhi it can be said that the Pasis ,00 himself into a pig and wi h the long snout broke of Delhi comparatively have gone quite ahead in the castle. It is believed by the fasis that from then th~ field of education. They reported the names of onwards, the pig started poking his nose in dirt and some highly educated persons of their caste who are filth and thus became dirty. The conculsion is that holding some responsib'e jobs iIi Government as well because the pig saved their lord Parsuram and their as in other offices. womenfolks from outrage, they started rearing it. According to some of the Gujar Pasis, they used to OCCGpation have pig shops in their native places. The traditional occupation of the Pasi., was ram and Now-a-days a social s'igma has been attached to pig rearing which at the present time is known to very the work of pig rearing. In order to raise their caste few of them. It is reported by them that because of their work of pig rearing they were many times in sta~us and position in the eyes of the higher castes, the past mistaken for Mohammedans and were also most of I he Pasis have left pig rearing. In Delhi very considered as untouchables. Many myths and :e.;ends few Pasis were found to be engaged in such work. regarding their traditional work of pig rearing were There is a group of Kaithwasi Pasis from U.P., who given by them out of Which some important ones <1fe as is still doing this job. According to them if their bim­ follows :- dan people at their native place in u.P., would come ~'O know about this, they- will be excommunicated. According to Gujar Pasis once it so happened that all Pasi males went in the jungle leaving behind lheiI Regarding the work of groom which they formerly females at home. Unfortunately for the ladies, some used to handle, it is said that due to their bad reputa­ Mohammedans robbers, who were passing through tion, specially in u.P. (also reported by Crooke) they thal village noticed it and decided to loot the Pas! were not allowed 'to be recruited in the army and were houses. They encircled the place and slcwly advanced given the work of grooms in Cavalry forces. During towards the habitation. As soon as they reached near the first world wal'in 1914, many of the Pasis migrated their target, a pig was seen by them standing in the here with the cavalary forces. Some settled here for good and started doing some other works. centre of the houses. At once they stopped with the , - thought that it might be a Mohammedan locality Workers and Non-workers \ which they were going to loot. So they retreated their steps and went back their own way. The Pasi ladies, The 1961' CenSllS dita shows\ that 59.0 per cent of' who were watching the scene, thanked the pig who (lIe total' Pas~ 1)opulation comes under the category saved them from the misfop~urre. From that day on­ of workers and n;st 41.0 per centare--a1L non-workerS. wards Pasis of that locality started rearing pigs which It also shows !hat the percentage, of workers more in Rural Delhi as compared to those in Urban Delhi. gradually took the shape of their tr~ditjonal o-::cupa- --The -r~~pective, percentages being 76.9 p~r cent and tion. ' ,56.6 per cent. Another important point is that among According to another version told by the Kaithwasi 'the/Pasi workers only 0.35 per cent were females, all that in the beginning the pig was not a di,rty animal these ,being from the Urban areas.

Delhi Total I Delhi Urban Delhi Rural :rudustri.al Qate];ory ,c.---~- -_:__j'-----~ t='_----r------___A_----" ----" r.--'------'::--.--~ Males Fem~les Totar Males Females Total Male!> l!emales 'l'.cita \ ,I" ' ,,' 1 2 ,3 4 ,,/ 5 .\ ____ 6 7 8 9 10 "- I I-As Cultivators 1 1- ~ 1- , 1 : , /- I1-Agrioultural L'1bourers 8 I 9- ,-":; 1 l 8, 1 I' III -Mining, Qua.rrying, Live· I 45 -::"", stock, Forestry etc. 48 48 ( 3 / \ 451 P IV-Household Industry 14 2 16 14 '2 J 16. -.' V~M"'nuflcturing other th'1n \ >- Household Industry 422 \ 1 423 324\: 1 3~5 98 " 98 VI-Construction 84 84 \ 69 '> -69 15 15 VII-Trade and Commerce 77 1 78 -l, 73 'I 74 " 4 4 VIII-Transport, Storage & Co· '- mmunications 70 70 70 70 \ IX-Other Services 440 2 442 381 " 2 38'1 5~ 59 / Total Workers 1,164, 7 1,171 984 7 ,991 180 ' 180 Non·'Vorkers 324 490 '8_!4 -304 456 760 20 34 5.4 The Pasis are engaged 'in all types of works ranging 1961 census data on the industrial classificatio\' also from daily labourer to that of an officer depending highlights that as much as, 37·6 per cent of, the 'to~al upon their abilities. Quite a good number of them Pasi workers have been listed Ul}der the ~tegocy of in Delhi are in government services which are looked a'her services. \ upon as important and most desirable because it en­ The present investigation also revealea that quite sures a fixed and steady income. Moreoyer, it permits a good number of tl\em are either working' in some the possibility of close contacts 'with the higher castes. factories or are doing some technical work. A table 149 based on the 1961 Census data shows a similar trend sunroundings by hanging some curtains. Nobody is al­ i.e. 36.0 per cent of the total Pasi workers were en­ lowed to enter the delivery room with the exception of gaged in category I-manufacturing other than house­ the dai and one or two elderly females. hold industry. 7.2 per cent, 6.6 per cent and 6.0 per Outside the room a fire of cowdung cakes is lighted cent of the total Pasi workers are found in category in an iron vessel in which from time to time Masala­ No. VI (cO'llstruction), VII (trade and commerce) and a mixture of ajwain (carum capicum), mustard seeds, VIII (Transport and storage) respectively. Only on<:: some sulphur is put. All those who enter the delivery Pasi male has been reported as a cultivator out of the room must put some Masala in the fire before stepping total number of 1,171 workers. in. This will give out some smoke alongwith pungent odour which they believe will keep away bad spirits. Life Cycle Rituals This smouldering fire wiII continue burning atleast Birth Ceremonies for twelve days, but sometimes it is kept burning up to the 40th day. . A childless family or a family where children do not survive, amo'llg the Pasis, is considered either as A knife or an iron piece is always kept near the victim of fate or being under the spell of some evil bed of the woman so that she and the baby remains spirit. To win over such evil spirits an ojha (wizard) guarded against evil spirits. Next precautionary step who removes the evil spirits by witchcraft, is consulted taken is to hang a bird's nest, Baya-Ka-Jhon in the to [md out the ways and means to appease these doorway of thel delivery room. Sometimes a fish net spirits thus making them to withdraw their bad infiu is hung in the door like a curtain, so that Jbamoksha ence from the family under the curse. (a butterfly like thing believed to be very harmful for the new born babies) may not enter the room and cast At such times, they start worshipping many, gods it's fatal shadow on the child. and goddesses, the chief goddesses for lhe Pasis being The birth of a male child is rejoiced over and in Phulmali, Kalka and Gurgaon Ki Devi. It is believed the case of a female child the people generally do not that, by praying to these goddesses they will be blessed feel very happy. To. announce the birth of a male child with a child. Sometimes they take vows to be fulfilled a brass or bronze plate is beaten outside the room. only after the birth of a child. 1 he females start singing. A Bandanwar (leaves, tied In the past, sacrifice of a ram (a male sheep) or horizontally with a string) is suspended in the doorway a goat along with a bottle oil wine was a common of the main entrance of the house to indicate that practice with the Pasis. This was done to please the there is another addition of a male member t6 the goddesses. But now this practice has declined and in family. its place gifts in the shape of clothes, sweets and As a rule, after two or three hours of the child some cash are offered. birth it is given Janam Ghutti which is given to new born infants, dissolved either in water or goat's milk. An expectant mother is usually sent to her parent's This continues for the first two or three day and after­ house during the first delivery case but the subsequent wards the baby is fed with mother's milk. A Brahmin deliveries generally take place at her own house i.e. at is consulted by the father of the child who will tell the her husband's house. In cases where the parent's house first alphabet of the name to be given to the child. He is too far or there are some other problems to. leave will also tell the auspicious' days on which the two the house, then the first delivery also takes place at ceremonial baths viz. Chhota Nahan and Bada Nahan one's husband's house. should' be performed. He is generally paid Rs. 2.50 to Almost all pregnant women consult a 'dar or mid­ Rs. 5 for his services. wife, a lady health visitor or a lady doctor whosoever The mother is given nothing to eat or drink on the is within their reach, who advise them to take better first day of the child birth. On the second day she _is food along with some medicines and to do lighter given milk mixed with harera, a mixture of turmerIC. work. But in an average 'Pasi' family conception does dried ginger, gum, butter and jaggery. If the family not bring any difference in the routine of a woman's can aifoa:-d, almonds etc. are also given which will work. She continues working till she is able to do it. give her strength, and energy. After three or four days Mostly the delivery cases take place at home but porridge is also given but rice, chappatis etc. are gives sometimes when there is no elderly female to attend to her only on the Chhota Nahan day whi?h can be the woman or the case is suspected to be a complicat­ all the fifth, sixth or seventh day as deCIded by the ed or unusual one, the woman is taken to hospital. Brahmin. The Pasis do not perform Chatti Pooja or Kuan At home, the expectant mother is attended by the Poojan ceremonies on the 6th and 10th day of the 'dai' or midwife of that area, who cuts the umbilical child birth but they have chhota Nahan and Bada cord with the help of a sharp instrument and the same N allan instead. is buried outside the house in some safe place as eating of it by birds or animals is regarded a bad omen. On the Chhota Nahan day, the room, where delivery For her services, the dai i,s given Rs. 5 in case of a has taken is swept and cleaned. The bedding is changed female child a'lld Rs. 10 in case of birth of a male and the mother and the child are given a bath. ~e child. It may be more if the child is the first born. child is dressed in stitched clothes brought by his The expectant mother is confined in a separate room father's sister. Afterwards, near the bed on the floor. a in the house. In case of a single roomed house, one square pattern is tormed with wheat flour and colo~.Jfe.d corner of the room is choosen for the bed of the expec­ powders which is known as Chawk Poorna. A fire IS Ilt tant mother and it is separated from the rest of the there and an earthen lamp is placed in t~ Qentre of L/P{D)4DCO-12 150

' k Some un boiled milk is sprinkled on the in childhood, it is performed at the time of ot1e§~ the Chaw. d' b' "t' h floor to purify the surroun mg 0 Jects .•'"1. ter t e wor- marriage. ' ship of the Kuldevtas, (househo!d dieties) some cooked food is put in the fire in the name of their ancestors Marriage Rules and Practices and Kuldevtas. The food generally consists of Gulgule Pasis of the Union Territory as a whole practice a preparation of wheat flour and jaggery, some pooris subcaste endogamy, so that when a man wishes to and halwa. It is then distributed to other household get his son or daughter married, he must look out for members but not to the outsiders or ether relatives. the match inside his own subcaste but outside his Chhota Nahan Implies that the mother and child are near relatives. But during the present investigation a partially purified now and their touch will not bring few cases were also reported where people have ig­ any pollutIOn as it did before. But even then she cannot nored the a?ove rule of subcaste endogamy, comple~ yet enter the kitchen and touch any household utensils. tely. Accordmg to them, such an incident had occur­ Another auspicious day is selected for Bada Nahan red some ten or fiftee? years back, both the parties would have been pUl1lshed by ex-communication or also known as Barhi ceremony which usually falls on social boyc?tt. At, the presen~ time, it was reported the twelfth day. It is considered the day of cere­ that the Gu]ar PasIs, KaIthwasls and the Banrasis have monial purification. The house is cleaned and washed started inter marrying and they have also made a com­ and realtives are invited. A barber is called in the bined committee of the three with its head office at morning who will cut the nails of the mothe!! of the Ambala. child along with the seven other married women term­ ed· Suhagans. The barber is paid Rs. 1.25 for his ser­ As Pasis are found to be a unigotra caste, certainly vice. Then the mother and the child are bathed and gotra cannot be a marriage ,regulating unit. Here dressed in new clothes. Old glass bangles of the 'Kuldevtas' or the family gods and goddesses have mother are replaced by new ones and some of the taken the place of a gotra. Before starting any negotia­ invited ladies apply red colour or Mahawar on her tions for a marriage the gods and goddesses worship­ feet making her look like a bride. ped by the two families concerned are compared and if found to be similar, the negotiation is proceeded Fully dressed, the mother with the child comes out further. of the delivery room assisted by the ladies who sing Second point kept in mind is that manriage cere­ songs. She offers wate!! to the sun god. This they .t;l1011ies do not take place during 'devthan' the period believe will break the prohibition of her coming out from the 'Nawami' (ninth of the second fortnight) of of the house. 'Asarh' (July-Aug) to the Gayaras (eleventh day) of the second fortnight of Kartik (Oct-Nov.). This is be­ Next ceremony performed on the Barhi day is that cause the Pasis' think that after the Nawami of the the lady with the child, enters the kitchen and touch later fortnight. of Asarh, Devtas (gods) go to sleep some utensils thus removing the restrictions laid on and .remain asleep tj11 D'l,shnn (tenth day) of the second her entrance to the kitchen. Some sweet dish is pre­ fortnight~ of J>.artik' iOctober~NoYJ: Hence if marriage pared in th~ kitchen on that day and it is distributed ceremoruesr 'are I performed durin~ this period tihese among the household members and to the invitees. will-Qe devoid' ~f the blessings offlte.-nevtas (gods). The ceremonial priod of pollution is' 40 days and About 20/ to 25 years back: ~ometimes marriage~ will end on the 40th day by ~weeping and washing_. - used to _be arranged even before the birth of the child­ the house and its articles. ' ren but infant marriage was the general rule: The re­ quired age used to be between 5 to 8 years for both Mundan (Tonsure) the sexes. Many Pasis from u.P. such as the Keshwal still practice infant marriage but the Gujar Pasis an~ The first hair cutting called Mundan (tonsure) cere­ not iIJ its favour. ,Accordiflg to them their child.r:en aJ,"e mony usually takes place of both the sexes within tqe marfled between the ageS· oB 16 to 20 years. usually first yean- of the child birth. It may take plhce i.p ,the, girl should be between 15 to 18 years-apd the the third or fifth year and sometimes it may not be b.o/y 16-29 years of ag . According to. 19'61 Census, performed. As reported by the Gujar Pasis,' it gene­ ·out .of 1985 males and r10488 females there were 7 rally takes place after 40 days of the child birth. For males and 4 -females married)n the age group 0~14 this, an auspicious day is selected and the child is and "91.3 males ,antl. 230 females married~in the age taken to Mata-ka-Mandilr at Gurgaon or at Kali group -f5~4. This \als4 indicates tbat childmarfiage, Mandir Kalkaji, in Delhi. The persons who are eco­ is not. cQmmon/Howev~r, in two or three Kaithwasi no~ically not well off perform this ceremony at their famiIi~s ,girls of 1 to 10 'years of age wer~ 10und al­ homes. The cut hair are thrown in a river. The father ready'tvarried. In s~n 'cases 'the qauna or the nuptit1 of the child ciistributes alms to the poor and on the ,ceremony used to take place four or five ,y_i!ars aft&' return from Mata-Ka-Mandir, ~ Gurgaon QIf from the marriage -and the girl stayed with. her pa\rents till Kalkaji temple, they can either throw a f~ast to their the age of 'puberty. T!Iese girls lived like the other/ relatives or distribute sweets. unmarried girls but w6uld use sindoor (vermilion) in / the parting of hair'as a sign of married life. They In the olden days Kanchedan, i.e. ear bOTing cerec will wear ornaments worn by married ladies pnly mony for the male children used to take p]ac:;e but", -after their nuptial ceremony, .' '\ ,- \ now it has become out of practice in most of the cases, For instance, the Gujar Pasis have stopped it Marriage is usually fixed by negotiation \, }?y. 'a completely but the Kaithwasis are stil p.(acticing it matchmaker known as oichola imiddle-man) dr 'agua to a certain extent. Among the Kaithwasi, if the ear~ (the initiator of marriage talks) who may be a rela­ boring ceremony for the males does not take place tive, a friend or any outsider knowing,both the part-

\ ies. Sometimes the negotiation goes up to the year momers of the would-be bride and groom will go to until the parties concerned are fully satisfied about their respective parents' houses in order to invite their each other. near relations to the wedding. Mother of the boy, along with some laddoos (sweet balls made of fried gram The usual way of fixing marriage among the Pasis tlour) for her nieces and nephews. will also take ~h3:t is by contract i.e. Sagai. Accordingly, the .marria~e Sari tor her mother which came with lagan kt chItin. is fixed only after the approval of the respectlVe famI­ Bhat Bharna is now known to the Kaithwasis and is lies of both the sides who after comparing the horo­ only reported by the Gujar Pasis. Amongst the Gujar scopes of the boy and the girl, and studying the stars Pasis. on the acceptance of the invitation, the matemal declare whether the union is auspicious or inauspi­ grand parents or the uncles of the would-be bride/ cious. They also tell the days for other ceremonies to groom would come on (or few days before) the mar­ be performed by both the sides in future. riage date and offer gifts of clothes, sweets and money Sagai, Tika, or Baricha (Betrothal) etc. to the would-be groom/bride and to their family After the choice of the match, the betrothal cere­ members. This ceremonial offeriIig of gifts by the mony takes place. Sagai marks the commitment whic? maternal relations is known as Bhat Lena (accepting is seldom repudiated. It is performed to fix the mam­ the gifts). When the maternal uncles of the bride and age ceremony and moreover to make it publically groom bring Bhat a song most usually sung by ladies known in their society. On a fixed date father of the \s as follows:- girl accompanied by a few near male relatives goes to boy's place. There a simple cere~ony is. performe.d The mother of the would-be bride or groom says in the presence of the boy and hIS relatlVes. He IS to her brother '0 brother Raghuvir, listen you please, made to sit on a plank of wood (patta). The father bring "Bhat" to my house. In that you please of the girl applies tilak (a mark of vermilion) on the bring tikka-a pendulum type ().rnament worn on the forehead of the boy and gives him some mon~y, rang~ fo£ehead. studded with precious stones, for me, along ing fi"om Re. 1 to Rs. 101 depending on his economic with a jizanjir, a long chain. for my neck: She tells condition and social status. Along with money a dried him (brother) to bring Bhat in the morning. coconut is also given to the body as a mark l'f sagun or sagan. Afterwards, the other relatives accompany­ Tel Chadana or Baths-(Ceremonial Oil Baths) ing the girl's father are also expected to give some­ For a few days before marriage, the boy and the thing either in the form of cash or gifts to the boy. gi.rl in their respective houses take ceremonial ,olI. Sometimes the girl's father gives a rupee each to the baths. The number of oil baths to be taken is deter­ nearest male relatives of the prospective groom. It is mined by the priest of the boy's family. NOrnlally the quite interesting to note that under normal conditions. number is fixed in odd numerals. Number of oil baths no near relative of the girl eats or drinks from the are always less for the girL For example if theTe are house of the boy. nine oil baths for the boy then there will be seven Sometime after the SagaL preparations for the mar­ for the girl. The batJ?s are so arranged that in case of riage start. The family priests of both the sides are the boy they end on the night before the wedding pro­ again consulted to find out the marriage date. and cession is to leave and in the case of the girl. the also the time at which the wedding party should reach night before the wedding. at the girl's place. the time of Pheras and number of oil baths to be taken by the boy and the gIrl. On the first day of oil bath, a square piece of floor Lagan (notification of marriage) is selected in the courtyard of the house on which some drawing is made with the help of wheat flour The term lagan literally refers to the letter calfea and some coloured powders. This is known as Chawk lagan k~ chUM prepared by the family priest of the Poorna. The groom is mad~ to sit in front of the boy's side. The lagan is sent to the girl's place through Chawk facing east. After worshipping the family gods, the bichola (middle-man). In this letter the time and oil is offered to them. Seven unmarried young girls programme of the marriage is written. "Along with apply oil (mustard oil) on the forehead, arms, knees this letter three Saris are sent-one for bride's mate'!­ aud feet of the groom in sequence. Then seven married nal grand mother. another for her mother and the women repeat the same and finally father's sister of third one for the bride. The two Saris for mother the groom applies Ubtan (a paste of roasted barley and grandmother would be of finer quality and Qf ten flour. turmeric powder with some herb and oil) on his yards length, whereas that for the bride will be of body. This is also known as sarson malna. Tpe women some coarse cloth and 5 yards in length. On receiving sing songs duringJ the ceremony. Similar ceremony ·-is lagan ki chithi the girl's parents in turn will send performed in the bride's house. She is made to wear some sweets, a dried coconut, clothes for the boy, his the Lagan Ki Sari (Sari present along with the letter father and mother either through the same man or of notification) on this day. She will wear the same somebody else. After sending these presents both sari on marriage day. On the same day a Kangna, the parties inform their relatives and send them invi­ ceremonial tying of a clove, an iron ring, arid 'one tations for the marriage. It is quite customary that cowry with a red thread, is tied on the right wrist if lagan is sent in the first paksh (first fort-night of of the groom and bride by their respective Pandits. the Hindu month). then the marriage will take place Fomerly they used to start applIcation or Ubtan even in the second paksh (second fort-night of the month). months before the marriage The application of Ubtan Bhat Bharna is believed to enhance the beauty of the bride and Invitation to maternal grand parents (uncles). groom to be married. During all these days of oil The next step taken at both the houses is that the baths, saltish items and items prepared ill mustard 152 oil are not given to them (the groom and bride). More­ On the gwom's side, the mother of the groom over. they are made to sleep on floor. With the tied grinds some Urad pulse and makes seven Badas Kangan the bride and groom are not allowed to go (rounded balls) out of it, which will be thrown along out of their respective houses. with seven bamboo sticks in the well by the groom during the ceremony of Kua Poojan (worshippmg of Malanumgra or Dahnchhua Manchhua (ceremonial well) .. worshipping of goddess earth). Bawl Two or three days before the wedding a day is selected for Matamangra ceremony, which is perform On or before the wedding day, either in the morn­ ed by women only on both the sides. In the courtyard ing. or evening according to the auspicious time fixed of the house, a Chawk with flour is made, and some by the Pandit, the groom is brought under the Man­ rice, vermilion, gur ami oil etc. are placed near it. dap (wedding platform). After ceremony of last Tel, An earthen lamp is also lighted. The mother of the Ubtan (flour paste) is applied on his body by the bride or the groom is made to sit near the Chawk ladies. Then a ceremonial bath is given to him witli and Tilak is applied on her forehead by some elderly water of the Kalsa (copper or earthen. vessel) which was kept one day before in the Mandap. This bath women. (If the mother is a widow then some other ceremony is usually performed ,by sister's husband of near feplale relative whose husband is living will per­ form this ceremony). After the Tilak, all the women the groom for which he is paid in cash Re. 1.25 to go out in a procession carrying some gur, gram Rs.5. pulse, rice and 5 or 7 pieces of clay in a basket along With chanting of Mantras (sacred verses) the groom with a smouldering cowdung cake i.e. Ka'lldi-Ki-Aag. is made to dress in new clothes, under the Mandap. in order to worship goddess earth. At some distance, The same sister's husband helps him in dressing also. they will sit down and worship earth by putting red These clothes are sometimes brought by his sister. marks on those clay pieces. Everything else will be Over the clothes which consists of either a pant, shirt left there and after returning home, this clay is used or Dhoti, kurta with yellow turban, an orange or in repairing Chulha (hearth). On this very Chulha food yellow coloured loose coat known as lama (marriage is cooked later on and served to everybody. The gown) is worn. According to the Gujar Pasis, this Matamangra ceremony is performed to get blessings practice of wearing lama is now vanishing. of the goddess earth so that the marriage ceremony finishes peacefully and perfectly. When the gro(lm is dressed properly, his sister's husband applies Kajal (lamp black-soot) in his eyes One day before the wedding the ceremony of Manda and also ties a Moh~r (crown) or Sehra made of Garna or Manda i.e. fixing marriage pole is performed flowers and silvery, tussels etc., on his forehead. Among ed in the morning. Four bamboo poles are erected the 'Kaithwasis Pasis?, the MoUat (crown) is prepared vertically covering a square piece of ground in the and tied b.y a gardner./ Women \keep on singing songs' centre of the courtyard of the house. In the centre of during aH.:.tne tiJDe. /, \ this square, a piece of wood generally a plough shire The groom/is then brought near-a--well where he which is known as Manda is fixed. Upon this seven finds hk mother 'sitting on the wall.- H-; fakes seven han_d prints or Thapas of rice flour, red powder and rounds of the well and after finishing each round" turmeric are imprinted by the Nain (female from Nai --threws-·one· broom' stick containing a Bada (fried ball caste), or sister still or father's sister of the bride-or of pulse) in the- well. After the seven pheras (rouilds) the groom as the case may be. This ceremony ,,_of bf tile well. the groom as a mark of respect, clings to Mandua is performed on both the sides. The same sis- his mother, who i'll turn blesses him. She poses ·as if ter or aU'nt fills up a new earthen pot Kalsa (pitcher) giving her breast to her son and he too aFts as if suck- with water and places it near the Manda. A lighted "ing it. T,liis is done to remind the ~on, the debt of the ~O_ugh. lamp with.a cotton wick j,s also. kept on,the __ : life ~e lowes :!o~his, mother .. Then, he. i~ given a gla~s mouth of that earth.en pot. Both, the Manda and the.\ of ,mtlk to dnnk. 1he marrIage processIOn statts-from.. pot are decorated w1th mango and bamboo leave,S. there! and the women com~ back home. Now-adays . .. . the, grqom tides, on a mare, back but formerly it ,was Food; cons1stmg of nce, gulgule, pun and ve~e- .a. must: to sit, on.. the shoulder otJIis Phupha (father's I tables, 1S cooked and offered to the Kuldevtas (famIly -sister'~ husban9) who would take him to bride's place.' - gods and goddesses) and then served among the family Th- tice' t'll l' t 'h K -'11 . members. In the ~vening a feast known as Main Ki IS prac 1 fS ~ I; P eya ent am~ng t e alt wast,s.. Roti is given to the gues!s and relatives. The parents A song usqally' sung 'by adies at the time of ,depar- of the bride observe fast from this day till the depar- lure of the 'Barat from the groom's r~sidence is as fol-

tu:: ~~~!:'S house on the. day when the marriage. lb~~rd ~ma (hero th:Y· addr~ t)1~ ~r~om a.1 ~ord processlOn IS to start, the ladies make an auspicious Rama) is going, to get married with Lakhman as his figure known as· Mahir on the outer wall of the main Sahbala (playmate and best companion).. His maternal I entrance of the house of the groom. The figure tepre- grand father's palanquit{ is in front 'and his maternal sents Ram and Sita and is made in red colour with a. grand mother's palanquin is at the rear. In between paste of ground rice and red ochre. "-. the tWo is the horse of the prince (the groom.). otir , groom with a garland of beads ha'nging from hiS-.Jore­ The maternal grand parents of both, the bride and ,head. looks very handsome; \ .. groom, are expected to bring Bhaat, i.e. the gifts of The Barat (wedding party) is usually aceompanie4, clothes and money etc. for their respective grand by a band, drummers and gas lamps etc." the strength children to be married. depending upon Jhe means of the family concerned. 153

Some 30 to 40 years ago, according t? the Pasis: of social status, but now drinking in the marriage parties DeIhi, there used to be no Barat, weddmg processiOn, or in some other such social gatherings is considered in their marriage ceremony because of the fear of a misconduct. outlaws who would rob them of their valuables in the way. the girl to be married used to be taken to t_he Sacrifice of a ram by the father of the groom in the S~ name of family gods was also considered a good boy's place very quietly and the rest of the ce~emoll1es were performed there. The girl after the marrIage was omen. but now this has become an obsolete practice. brought back by the same persons. On the arrival of the groom at bride's door. ' the father of the bride secretly throws a lata full of water According to a Pasi Chaudary, the 'first Bara.t, at the crossing of four main roads in order to ward' wedding procession (marriage party) w~s arra'~ged III off evil eye. his eldest daughter's marriage held III DelhI some thirty years back and since then it has become a com­ Phere (circumambulations) mon practice. In this ceremony the bride is taken near the Man­ dap (marriage platform) by her maternal uncle. The As soon as the Barat reaches bride's house, the groom too is made to sit near her and the relatives ceremony of Milani (formal meeting and welcome) is of both sit on the sides. The Brahmin recites the performed. The father. brothers and uncles of the Vedic Mantras and performs Havana (burning the bride meet with the respective relations of the boy by ~acred fire). Then the ceremony of Kanyadaan embracing each other and give them some money as (making of a gift of daughter) is perfo~med. Then a token of respect. In the Kaithwasi Pasis marriages, Paopuji i.e. worshipping the feet of the bnde and the when two such relatives of the bride and tIle groom groom by the parents of the bride is perform.ed. T_he meet they keep a betel leaf dipped in milk and curd bride's father washes the feet of the couple WIth mIlk in between the two in order to strengthen the rela­ and water inside a big metal plate. The hand of the tionship. It is considered auspicious. In some other bride is kept over the hand of the groom. Pandit recites cases at the time of Milani, Paa'll Ka Bira, i.e. betel some vedic mantras. The father of the bride keeps leaf is offered as a mark of respect to the groom's relatives. some money on the hands of the bride and sprinkles a few grains of rice over it. Other rel'ltives perform After the Milani, the groom is brought at the main Paopuji (worshipping feet) in a similar way and give entrance of the bride's house where Aarti (ceremonial gifts in the form of cash. ornaments or clothes. The revolving round of a brass plate containing a lamp money and various gifts given ,by the relatives of made of hard doughed flour. some coins and vermilion the bride are considered to belong to the bride only before the face of the groom) is performed by the and' are termed as Kanyadan ka DaheD i.e. dowry bride's mother. After applying a red mark (Tilak) on given to the daughter. Most of 'the gifts are given at tne forehead of the groom he is taken in a room inside the time of Paopuji. the house where bride's younger sister stands carrying Then the Pheras (circumambulations) or the main an iron pot full of Laddoos (sweet balls made of fried part of the wedding ceremony takes place. The Pandit fine gram flour) on her head. This pot is known as tIes up one comer of bride's Dupatta with one comer Balta or Khakhra. Pooja (worship) of the Balta is or groom's Sara (a cloth tied round the waist) and the'll conducted by the Brahmin and then Balta is asks them to have seven rounds of the Mandap and given to the groom and his party. Then the boy is the sacrificial fire. In the first six pheras the bride leads sent to Janwasa (men's sitting room where wedding and in the last phera, the boy. The Pandit recites party is housed) to take rest with his partymen. marriage vows and performs Havana. While the rounds are being taken the· ladies sing ;songs concem~ During the Aarti ceremony the 'sisters ahd ffiends ing this solemnity of the occasion. of the bride usually sing a song. Theyg address the groom and his near relatives with various name~ as KQra Barthai follows:- Immediately after the Pheras the ceremony of Kora Baithai is conducted in which the parents of the bride "0 groom yOUr eyes atre just like a collyrium container." "0 groom your dada (pateral grand father is very rich al'ld your take the groom in their laps which signifies t~at he dadi (paternal grand mother) is romantic." has become their son from now onwards. At thIS ocre­ "0 grofYm" your father is millionaire your mother is very romantic." sinon a song is usually SU~& by the friend~ '.)~ the bride' to tease her (bride) by glVlng ugly descnphon of !he Meanwhile. the bride is given the last ceremonial groom. Actually it is imagined to be sung by the bnde oil bath (tel) by the women of the house and near herself and runs as follows:- relations. Then she is dressed with the clothes and 9rnaments brought by the boy's party. The significant "0 mother what should I do, it was written in my part of the gift in Suhaga Choori or Suhag Ki Churi, fate to marrY to black man. My susar (father-in-law) I.e., bangles symbolising auspicious marital union, brought laddoo (sweet balls) and my jaith (elder generally made of shellac to be worn by the bride at brother of the husband) brought barfi (a sweet pre­ the time of her marriage. pared from milk and sugar) but my black man brought a sweet dish prepared out of black carrots for me. I ~fterwards food is. served to the marriage party throw laddoo and barfi. but ate wholeheartedly that whIch g~nerally. consists of fried pancakes-Pooris. sweet dish of black carrots." Kachauns (saltlsh pancakes), Laddoos (sweet balls) Next morning the groom is invited with fiv~ of. his and vegetables .. FOf!I1erly rice and pork used to be Important near relatives on breakfast o~ KhlCh." (~ served along WIth hquor to the Baratis (the wedding hatch-patch of rice and pulse). Afte~ eatmg K.hlchn. ,party) which was then considered as a measure of ones the groom is given. some money by his moUwr-m-I~W. 154

Vida (Farewell to the wedding party) Widow Marriage, Gharona or Karao Next ceremony which takes place on the same day Amongst the Pasis widow, marriage is permitted. is Vida i.e., the departure of bride from her parental though it is not very common. According to them, home. As the marriage party starts from bride's place now and then one or two such cases occur in their the bride's father applies Tika on the forehead of the society. groom and his father and gives them some money There is no compUlsion for the widow to remarry along with dowry (dahej). This dahej is separate from and it can take place only with her full consent. If she Kanyadan ka dahej and is considered to be for the is n6t willing to leave her in-law's housc, she is given 'groom. Then the maternal uncle of the bride takes liberty to marry the younger brother of her deceased her to a carriage and the Barat (wedding party) pro­ husband provided he is also willing to accept her. In ceeds to their place of rest (J anwasa). this case she has full ciaim on the property and After one or two hours, the couple is again invited children of her former husband, but if she chooses an at bride's place. Bride's mother goes and brings back outsider as her future husband, then automatically all her daughter whereas the groom comes later on, to connections with her former in-laws are broken. take back the bride. This time he is asked to shake Mostly she is not allowed to take the children from and pluck the llumda (pole in Mandap) for which he her previous husband to the new home except in the is paid in cash. This time the groom takes the bride case of an infant child. to his parent's house. Widow marriage is a very simple affair among the At the door of groom's house the Mahir (drawing Pasis. Th~ prospective groom with som~ of his rela­ of Ram and Sita made with red clay on the front walls tives and friends visits the widow's house and in the of the entrance of the house) is worshipped by the presence of a few of her near relatives and a Brahmin, newly wedded couple before entering the house. This who performs Havna, the man puts a garland of is considered auspicious as the couple of Ram and flowers in the neck of the widow in token of having Sita is expected to bless the newly wedded couple. accepted her. Afterwards a set of new clothes with Afterwards the Kangna (red hand-woven thread tied one or two pieces of jewellery, if these can be afforded, on the wrist on the day of first oil bath) is opened. along with some ~heap cosmetic like Kajal (collyrium) The bride unties groom's and the groom unties bride's or lamp black sobt, vermilion, powder and Bindi. !f.angna. bangles etc. (i.e. all those things which she was for­ The couple is then taken to a field or any other bidden to use after her former husband's death) are nearby place for the ceremony of Parchan in order presented to her by tbe new husband. Then food is to ward off any evil eye or evil shadow. They take served to the groom's party who takes the widow :with them, one Chaj (winnowing fan), some uncooked with them. Here no -Phera ceremony is performed as rice. pulse and Gur along with a dough lamp, All these a lady «annot take. more' than s¢ven rounds of fire or ifems . are touched one by one with the feet, knees, pheras in h~r lifp/ timt!.._ which she. has already taken breast and the forehead of the bride and the groom, in her previous?martiage. On th~ther hand if a and then are thrown in all the four directions. widower marries 'wife, ana if the will remain here till the Gauna (consummation a\ ~ of marriage) is fixed. Pa_pchayat f()und that .h"e' :wasr-~t f~ult\ the~ he h~d to pay all ,he expenses IDcurred, 10 hts 1l1amage to\ the Gauna (consummation of marriage) . parents of his. former wife as compensation. The After one year or more following the wedding, divorced wiftl had the rig!lt to demand 'a share of th~ depending upon the age of the bride, the father of monthly income of the husband. These days, as PaSl th.e bride gives a date to the groom to take away his caste Panchayat does not have a strong hold all the community, if any case arises it is taken to the law~ wife with him. The date is fixed after consulting the court. \ faJ?1ily .Pand~t. On the fixed dated, the groom accom­ palUed by hIS father and some other relatives comes Polygamy to the bride's place. After staying there for one or two days he . brings back his wife to his parents"s Barrenness of women sometimes\~ leads to polygamy , house. This time again the parents of the bride give I.e., a man having more than onC' wife. A husband can her clothes, ornaments and other gifts according 10 bring a second wife only With tbe consent of the fi£st their moollS, . one or after her death, '\ 155

Death Rites Half way between the journey, the bier is placed Some thirty or forty years back it was a common on the ground on the roadside to take some rest. practice among the Pasis to bury their deads. For that Everybody sits down around the dead body whose a five feet deep pit used to be dug and the corpse wap face is ul!covered, ~o that people concerned may have placed in it resting on its one side so that the stomach a last ghmpse of It. The ladies after looking at the of the dead person might not get swollen and ultimately face of the dead person retum home while the males burst inside the pit, as no wooden coffin was used. But resu~e their journey af!er some time. On resuming now this practice has been stopped altogether because the Journey, some earth IS gathered from the roadside it is s.aid at that time some of their dead bodies were and is placed on that particular spot where the bier stolen from the graves. Now, the Pasis dispose off was kept. their deads by cremating. In front of the gate of the cremation ground, the The dead bodies of children upto five years, of age position of the bier is reversed i.e. now the head of the are, however, floated in the flowing water which is dead body points forwards (towards the gate) and its known as Ialtrav Kama by the Pasis. But those who feet backwards. On reaching the cremation ground a are above five years of age are cremated with a few chita (a pyre of wood) is made and the dead body is funeral rites. The dead body of a child is wrapped in placed on it. A piece of sandalwood, a small piece of a red or white sheet of cloth, and taken to the crema­ gold if the family concerned can afford, alongwith tion ground in the lap. Usually, the male child is some ghee (clarified butter) is put in its mouth and . wrapped in a white sheet of cloth while the female with the enchantment of mantras the pyre is lighted child in red or some other coloured cloth. Some by the chief mourner who is generally the eldest son important death rituals for an adult male and female 01 the deceased person. If there is no son then the Pasi are given below: husband performs the act of lighting the pyre in case of a married woman. If somehow or other there is The dead body is given a bath at home by five neither the son nor the husband living, then some males or females relations and then covered with a relative from the husband's side is chosen for the task. shroud bought from the market. After this, the body is covered with a number of kafans, pieces of cloth, When the head of dead body is fully burnt, the each 21 to 3 yards long brought by some of the near chief mourner strikes its skull with a bamboo stick relatives of the dead person. According to the Gujar taken out of the bier. This is done to bring out the Pasis all kafans are destroyed along with the dead brain so that it gets burned completely. The practice of body and are not given to the sweeper who is paid in breaking head of the burning body is known as Kriya cash. karna. Afterwards an earthen pot full of water, which is kept near the pyre, is thrown w~th the touch of chief The shroud or inner covering is always white while mourner's foot due to which water gets sllIit and the kafan or the outer covering is usually coloured. reaches the pyre. In this way, according to the Pasis, For the females it is of yellow or red colour and wate!; reaches the dead person and he will not feel mostly her odhni (head-gear) serve~ the purpose, but thirsty in the middle of his journey towards hea~en. for the males it is always white in colour. The body is placed on a bier made of bamboo When the body gets burnt completely, all the sticks and tied with ropes. Some flowers and red persons who are present in the crematoriulll, throw colour is sprinkled over it. Red colour is sprinkled on some til (sesame) in the water and take bath to purify the heads and clothes of the sons and grandsons, if themselves. After cremating, the relatives shew a leaf there are any, of the deceased person. On the death of Nim tree. as a sign of mourning and also to forget of an old person the bier is further decorated with the bitter effect of death. They eat a little sugar as a balloons. leaves. flowers. and toys, protection against demonical infi\lence. There after all the persons whp have been to the. crematorium ·to If the dead is a male and leaves behind his widow, attend the funeral, come back to the hou8e of the de­ then her bapgles, sindur (vermilion applied on the ceased. For about five minutes they keep silence and partition of hair), kajal (collyrium) etc., i.e., the pray to God to grant peace to the departed soul. Then a.rticles used by married woman, are placed by the a sweet solution of Gur Gaggeiy) in water is .prepared. SIde of the dead on the bier, and ultimately burned in a vessel., in which all present at the house of the in the pyre. If a woman dIes before her husband's dead·, dip their finger tips one by one. Witli the ex­ death, then her dead body is decorated with all these change of. some wprds of condolence between the cosmetics, so that she looks like a bride or a married family members and· the outsiders, the latter go back lady or suhagan. to their respective homes. While taking the dead body out of the house the The Pasis also prefer that the Kriya Karma of a head of the body points backwards i.e., toward~ the dead _person should be performed by his or her son because the fate of the soul of the dea~ person insid~ of the hous~ whereas its feet point forward~, depends upon the rituals carried out during the funeral towards the door. ~lrst of all the arthi (bier) is carried. by four near relatives of the deceased person on their and mourning rites performed by the Chief mourner. s~oulde~s. These are termed kandhiyas (the men who Certain restrictions are imposed temporarily for a gIve theIr shoulder to the bier), who are generally the period of thirteen days on everyday life of the chief sons and grandsons of the deceased. These kandhivas mourner who has lit the pyre. The first and foremost are relieved in .the way by others who accompany the thing is that he has to get his head clean shaved in funeral proce~slOn to the cremation ground. Women the cremation ground before performing the rituals of accompany them upto half way and then come back Kriya Karma. Secondly, he is expected to wear simple home. . . 1;19the~ <;:9.!1~isting of a white dhoti and il vest without 156 any chap pals or shoes in his feet. Thirdly, he has to sill door (vermilion), parandi or chutia is given to a sleep on the floor and t~ke very simple food 8:nd that beggar woman, from that widow's hands. After a dip too once in a day. It IS also expected of hIm that in the river every body comes back to the house of he should not attend any work during these days. but the deceased. In the afternoon a ceremony known as this is not possible in all the cases as everybody can Pagri Bandhna i.e., tying of a turban on the head of not afford to disengage himself from his work for such the chief mourner is conducted by the respectable and a long time. elderly relations of the man. Sets of clothes for the head mourner are brought by his in-laws (if he is Ordinarily speaking, the period. of mour~ing for a married) and by other relatives of the family. At that family, where some one has dIed, contmues !or time he is made to wear the set of clothes brought by thirteen days but for a widow it is 15 days. Dunng his in-laws along with a turban on his head. Tying of this penod she is expected not to go out of the house a turban means that from then onwards all responsi­ in any case. If the widow is young and wants to bilities of the household comes on his shoulders which marry another man, then in that case she has to wait signifies that he has become the head of the family for one year. If she marries within that period of one from that day. The set of clothes which are taken off year she is looked down upon by the members of the by the chief mourner at the river after taking the bath, community. is given to the family NaL From this day onwards he Third day following the death is termed as Tisari. resumes his routine life as the restrictions are lifted. On this day, in the morning some near relatives of the A Pandit is called to officiate at this occasion. Havna dead person go to the cremation ground. The bones is performed by him so as to grant peace to the soul and ashes are collected separately. The former are of the dead and a place in the heaven. Thereafter collected in an earthen pot and taken to the Ganges food is given to one or two (or more) Brahmins if the while the latter (i.e. the ashes) are immersed in the family can afford, sometimes food is also served to river Jamna. Poor people who cannot afford to go to the brotherhood by well-to-do families, but it is not Ganges for the immersion of the bones, mostly float a must for everybody. them in Jamna river. Teen Pakhi The bones, after collection are never brought home from the cremation ground as it is considered in­ It is observed th~ee months after the death. Food auspicious. Usually, these are taken to the station is cooked, first of all given to a cow by the chief right from the crematorium by somebody who is to mourner and then to the relatives and brotherhood. go to the Ganges. In cases when there is some delay Chhamchhi in catching the train or something else, the bone pot is kept in the cremation ground with a name pasted Six months after the death a similar ritual is per­ on it for the sake of identification, and is taken to the formed by th(( famqy m~mbers of\ the deceased. station from there whenever convenient. After the Barsauthi collection of the bones, food is given to the Brahmin In the cl\se of the /death of an ~ged'--per.son exactly in the name of the dead person. At the, house of the a year after the death Barsauthi ceremony is per­ deceas:ed person, food consisting of boiled rice 8:nd formed. According, few Pandits and other guests cooked Urd (pulse) is distributed to the beggars whIch ~OelonglIfg to the same caste may be gi"en a feast and is known as Khana Nikalna. a few;?resses. may be distributed among the beggars In the evening of the Tisari (third day) a square' if the fil-mily concerned can stand the expenses. piece of ground is selected in the house which is Kanagat . washed and cleaned. Square drawing with the help of wheat flour and other coloured powders is made on ,The Pasts also ooserve Kanagats or Shradas which it and is called as Chawk Poorna (Le. covering the faW in-the first" fortnight of Asuj (Qctober). -Duri!}g floor with some patterns of religious significan<;e). \th~se\ d\lYs they honour their family deads by .p~er_­ Then, a dough lamp with a cotton wick~and ghee is ing ·f.ood in th,dr~J;lames. The ~o6d general~y consls~mg lighted near the Chawk. I'll the light of a kerosene of 'kMer .a sweet-dish prepat(fd out of mIlk-and nee, lamp. the chief mourner sieves some ashes with a pllti (ftl~ "'~pan \caKe~) 1nd vegetables, is first offer~d Chhalni (sieve) on dead person's name. The pattern to a cow,~o~ and a ,dog! and ~hen to a ~mhl!lln made on the ground by the sieved ash is identified on the partI.culat~d~y/ .of thel f~rt~Ight ~n whIch the and it is believed that something about the next life ,d.,\ath occurre4., I~.th.. IS iway" It IS beIJeved that, the of the deceased will be revealed if somebody reads food reachl\s to' the depart~d. anc~stor~. the pattern correctly. The Pasis believe in the reincar­ \' Religion: , .' . r\ nation of the soul and the form it will take after , -The PasLs in Delhi have faith in mpst of the Hmdu death depends upon one's deeds in the last birth. gods and goddesses and s~ow t~eir devotion by wor­ Tehrami shipping them at appropnat"e tImes.. Fo~_ example, they worship, Lord Shiva on ShlV'ratn and L?rd Tehrami commences on the thirteenth day 'after Krishna on J anam Ashtami. goddesss Durga dunng the death. By this time the man who has gone to the 'tlie Navratras, i.e .. first nine days of the first fortn..ight Ganges with the bones, comes back. In the morning of of Chaitra (March-April) and Asuj (Septembrr­ this day, an near relatives of the dead person inc1ud-, October) and Hanumana on ,every Tuesday. ~ersons ing the chief mourner go and take bath in the rivet:. who are especially devoted to any ~ne of t}J.~s~ go~s near the cremation ground. Males go first and then and goddesses also keep fast on the~e days, VISIt their ladies fonow them. In case of the death of a male. temples make offerings of sweets, clothes or cas.h the widow is taken to the river by the ladies. There depending upon their wish. Besides these l;lll ~asls a set of new clothes with ban~les, ka;al (coIl;vril,un). worship goddesses like :r<:alka (Goddess Kah). ShltaJa 157

(Goddess having power to protect one from the attack An Ohjha to the Kaithwasis is the man who has of small pox) and Vaishnav Devi Cone of the form of won over some one of the deities under the super­ goddess Laxmi}. For instance. if somebody takes a vision of a senior Ohjha or a Guru. He has to lead vow for the fulfilment of pis or her wish, before any a strictly pious life for one year. Everyday in the one of these deities, then he or she visits the altar of morning he will take both in a stream, will devote that particular deity in fulfilment of the vow taken. some time in prayers of that deity as directed by the Guru. For the whole year he will sleep on the floor If small pox disease breaks in a Pasi family, Shitla and will take simple food prepared by his own hands. Mata is worshipped by the womenfolks of the house· Moreover, he will keep fast on Poornamasi (full hold. Durioag that period only vegetarian food is cook· moon day), Amavas (new moon day) and also on one ed and eaten by the family members. The use of onion or two other days in the month. It is believed that and turmeric in the preparation of vegetables is prohi· from his daily prayers and strict pious life, that bited for the period tiII the disease is cured. It is particular deity will be pleased and bestow his or believed that Shitla Mata's anger is aroused merely her blessings on him. by a smell of these things and thus in turn produces After. one year, the pupil and the Guru along with adverse effect on the sufferer. other community members will go to a river or Another set of deities, is known by the name Kul­ stream. Ganges being always preferred for the purpose. devis (family goddesses) or Kuldevtas (family gods), There the pupil is made to stand in knee dip water which play an important role in everyday lives of the and is asked to recite some mantras. It is believed Pasis. Each family has a Kuldevi or Kuldevta whose that the deity at that time comes in his body and name passes in the family from one generation to the whatever words come out of the mouth of the pupil next. Before starting any new work a ceremony or are taken to be the words uttered by the deity itself. a ritual to be performed in the family, Kuldevta is Generally, the words spoken at that time, will demand worshipped first of all in order to get His or Her bless· a sacrifice of a ram, pig or fowl or presents in the ings. While selecting matches for weddings, Kuldevtas shape of sweet·meat cakes, clothes etc. The gifts. of the two families are compared and if the two are according to the demand made are arranged after­ found to be similar only then the marriage is fixed. wards by the pupil and then he becomes an Ohja. Mostly the deities won over by the Pasis are Pasis of Delhi also mention about god Bhairon one 'Agwan Devta'. 'Kalika'. 'Hanuman' and one's family of the true devotee of Lord Shiva who used to be wor­ gods. shipped by them in the past. It was quite common then to sacrifice ram or goat in the name of Bhairon Fairs and Festivals along with a bottle of wine on the occasion of the marriage ceremony of one's son. But now its impor­ Although the Pasis take part in Hindu fairs and tance has diminished to a considerable extent in their festivals but the following are those few which they society. celebrate specially. Makar Sankranti 01 Khichari: It is reported by some of the Guiar Pasis that a temple of Parsuram is situated at Nahan near Dehra­ The latter name is used mainly by the Kaithwasi Dun and another in Mathura, which they visit only Pasis. It is not a festival of worshipping any particular rarely. His birthday which falls in the month of god but of season, which generally falls in the month Baisakh is celebrated by all of them. The day is of Magh (January-February) or in the middle of observed as a complete holiday. In the religious gather· January. All Pasi males and females take bath in the ing of the Pasis held every year on this day, at Ambala, morning and worship their Kuldevtas (family deities). Updeshas (i.e., religious lectures delivered by many They distribute uncooked Khichari (a mixture of rice saints) and Kirtan. (the singing of religious songs) take and mormg pulse) in charity to the Brahmins. Khichari place before the image of Parsuram. The participants is also sent to the houses of the in·laws of their are provided with free boarding and lodging there. It married daughters. For the whole of the day they eat may be mentioned here that very few Pasi households nothing but cooked Khichari as their meals. have a corner of hteir house reserved for daily Pooja (prayers). Holi or Phagua The festival of HoIi is known as Phagua to the Ganges if; among the rivers whose sanctity and Kaithwasis. It commences in the month of PhagU'n importance is seen in the lives of the Pasis. A dip in (February-March). Although the festival is celebrated Ganges water is considered to bring purity in one's for full one week, the last two days mark the climax life. of its celebration. In the morning of Poornmashi (the full moon day), each Pasi household plays Hall, by Belief' in ghosts and spirits is quite common squirting coloured water on their family gods (Kul­ amongst them. They are feared and propitiated devtas) who are supposed to be living in the house. strange mystical power pervading certain objects like In the evening womenfolks clad in their best clothes, old trees is recognised and fetishes ~nd amulets are go in groups to worship the Holi pyre, which is made eagerly sought for that. These beliefs were found to on the crossing of four roads. There, they sing songs be quite common among the Kaithwasi group migrated and take with them garlands made of dried cowdung from Uttar Pradesh. There are one or two persons rings, a few rice grains, gUr or any sweet dish prepared amongst the Kaithwasis who according to them, are hy them at the house. After taking 2-3 rounds of believed to possess magical powers. They are known the Holi pyre they offer some water to it and then as Ohia!l who cure the persons suspected to be ·under return to their homes. At night, the HoIi pyre is set the influe~ce of some evil spirits. on flre, with which it is believed all evils .of mankind 158 get burnt. Some Pasis drink heavily at !light and bSi~g Navratras on s expressing their joy. ~ext ?1o~mg every 0 y Navratras fall twice in a year-once, a nine day ~tat~ play{ng Holi (colours) wIth hIS fnends and rela­ period following the moonless or Amavas day in tives by squirting c?loured. water on each other. Asauj (Sep:embcr-October) and another in the month According to the G.u]ar PasIS, s~me pa~ents go and of Chaitra (March-April). This nine day period is play Holi with the Ill-laws. of theIr marne~ sons and considered very sacred by the Pasis. They worship receive some money and gIfts from them (Ill-laws). goddess Durga everyday. They do not take meat etc. Teej or Oudia On the eighth day people also go to the temple of Goddess Kali at Kalkaji and offer gifts according to It i~. mainly the festival for girls in which Pasi their wishes. This festival is celebrated for full ten fema,les take part with great interest. The Kaithwasi days from Amavas onwards. Jhanjhi Mai is worship­ Pasis know it as Gudia Ka Tyohar (festival of dons). ped everyday during this ten day period. On Dashmi Usually, it comes in the month of Sawan (J uly­ or the tenth day in the evening, they take off the August) but sometimes in Bhadon (August-September) figure of Jhanjhi Mai and immerse it in some flowing and is celebrated for full one month. During the water. Afterwards children clad in their best clothes period, girls play with dolls made at home with tom and accompany their parents to the' fair to see the clothes. They also arrange doll marriages with their burning of effigies of the three demons--Rava'ila, friends, one being bride and the other a groom. Tho~e Kumbhkaran and Meghnath. belonging ta rich families, many a time, give a blg feast to the brotherhood as is done in actual marriage Diwali ceremonies. On the last Teej day children with their Diwali is celebrated in the usual way by the Pasis parents go to the bank of a nearby river where the ,'lith not much differences as compared to the other brothers, after beating the dolls with sticks throw castes. Two days before actual festival they light an them in water, marking the end of the celebration. earthen diya near the dust of their house. This is This whole practice is performed to commemorate known as fandiva. Next day is known as Dhanteras. the life history of a human being who takes birth, On this day 5 to 7 lamps are lighted and then as marries and then dies within a short period of time, many as they can afforp. on Badi Diwali day. Naag Panchami A few, but not all Pasis celebrate festivals like This festival comes two days after th.e Teej and is Shivaratti, Janam AshtaIlli, Karva Chauth. and Sakat celebrated by both, the Gujar as well as Kaithwasi Chauth etc.,: and keep fast on these days and devote Pasis. Here Naags (snakes) are worshipped in order their maximum time in worship. to seek protection from their bite. Early in the morn­ Besides these, the Pasi -celebrate Parsuram's birth­ ing, houses ar~ syYept and cleaned. Some snake figures day on Kartik K.i Akkadashi,i(eleventp day of the of'dough flour are made which are taken by the first fortnight of-October /N6vember) by, keeping fast womenfolks to a nearby hinore, (snake hole) in the and observing it a$/-! complete holiday: ,Some even city. There, the figure of snake made of dough flolir go to Nahan, ,a place/hear Dehradun lo--visit the is placed and it is worshipped by applying tifak or temple of lord Parsuram and offer him their prayers red mark on its head. Milk is poured on the spot and and presents in the ,form of clothes, coconut and some parched: rice -are also offered to the sp.ake. flowers. Lori Social Status The festival is celebrated in the month of January, From their traditional callings as sweepers, butchers op.~ dax before Makar Sankranti, by the Gujar P.asis and pig rea,rers, the Pasis have taken to services in, only and. that too, by those who have migrated from private and government" departments. With the excep­ Pakistan and Punjab side. The celebrationjs conducted. .tion of~doing/barber's job, all works to tb,em arc gnod at, night by burning fire in a vessel and putting parched anQ, drcent '. . rice, gur along with roasted maize. It is obs~rv~d to In the ,6Hy they_ are no more I considered, a.s un­ mark the change of season which, signifies that the toucllable's, as' th,ey used to be. Tq-ey we,l;e' found living decline of winter has started. in localities ·among 'the h,igher-caste grou,ps. They can Kanagat or Sharadas enter the teinpleir:-!!.n~ ..other.p4bli,b l?laces. It is.gather-' ed from them tha,t Brflhtnm~ otficmte at theIr cere- Kanagat, or Sharadas is the yearly ritu.at occasion moni~', AlthOU&h,'h. igh~r.cast~,peoPle ace, epp.~od from', for honOlp'il1g tpe family dead through gIfts of f~od the ha ds of only GUJar PaSIS who comparatwely ate, to the Brahmins, It is observed by all the Pasis, durmg more c ean and I advanced. Pasis do not accept food j the fifteen. day' period between the fqIl moon day of from tne hands of Chuhra, Chamar, Dhanuk and B,hadqn (August-September) and Amavas. (new moon Koli who are consiqered as low caste people by them. day) in the month of ,Asauj (September-October). 'A d~ad person is held in remembrance by his family on Panchayat the particular day of this period of fifteen days, according to the day of the fortnight on which he tll;!tit recently the caste Panchayat, as an age-old died. Special foor consisting of Poori (fried pan social institutioIl, has been exercising a domin~nt in~ cakes), Khir (sweet dish prepared with milk and rice) fluence on the day to day activities and problems of and vegetables are cooked and is given to a cow, a the Pasis residing in the dty. Formerly it ~was end2~ed dog and a crow besides the Brahmin. During this with much power and was run by a few nominated. period, the Pasis take ve~tarian diet. They st.op takin.g elderly, respectable persons, known for their integrity, meat and liquor et9. ipsIge as well as QQtslde then character and sense oi-judgment. All cases used to be bo-qs~s .. ~ettled ~micably by thelll. 159

The head of the Panchayat was known as Birgati The money collected in the form of ftnes used to Chaudary and his judgment v.:as c.onsidered final and be spent by the office bearers of the Panchayat !lccord­ indisputable. The office of Blr~at1 Chau~ary would ing to their wishes. Sometimes s"Yeets were bo~gh~ always be hereditary and on hIS death hIS eldest son and distributed amongst the gathenng. But as reported normally would succeed him. ~e last Birgati of ~he by some of the Gujar Pasis, liquor used to be purchas­ Pasi community was one. Mahablr Chaudary w~o In­ ed and taken by those Panchayat heads. which at the herited this office from hIS father. However. he IS not present time is taken to be the main cause of the in power these days but still. he and his family mem­ decline of 'Pasi' Panchayat in Delhi. bers are known as 'Chaudary or Chaudary's relatives.' Formerly, it was customary that the L"'haudries A few years ago, amongst the Pasis, Birgati and the 'Mukhia' should visit the Birgati du~ng ':Qoli' Chaudary's position was considered to be the highest. and present him new tu~ban a~ong with so~e sw~ets. He commanded the respect and obedience of all those This was done with the SImple Idea that theIr ~IatlOns around him. He would preside over the Panchayat with the 'Birgati' remain cordial. The Birgati III tum meetings and also give his ver~ict and anno_unce used to invite them to a party. Now-a-days nob09Y punishment for the culprits. He could ex-commumcate seems to pay any attention to such formalities as t~e the culprit or impose a fine on him. 'Pasis' of the Union Territory of Delhi have lost their faith in their caste Panchayats and thus 'Birgati' 'and The Birgati was assisted by various Chaudries their other Chaudries carry no respect in their eyes. strength depending on the strength of the Mohallas which they controlled in the city. Each Chaudary The last important case. whicl). some of the Oujar used to represent the Pasis of one locality and held Pasis including the Chaudary himself. remembered the inherited office. and narrated as decided by their caste Panchayat was about a Pasi girl who developed some illicit relations Before partition. there. were two such Chaudries ~n with her neighbour-a Mohammedan boy. The Delhi at Mitthai Ka Pul locality. Petty quarrels III 'Mukhia' reported' the matter to the Chaudary who in localities were taken care of by the respective tum informed their Birgati. The Birgati sent a warn­ Chaudries of the concerned locality. For bigger ing to the father of the girl to keep a strict watch matters Panchayat meetings were called, headed by the over the girl. because her intimacy with the Moha"m,­ Birgati. medan boy was bringing a bad name to the whole caste. The Panchayat also declared the man (father These Chaudries in tum were assisted by a Mukhia of the girl) excommunicated temporarily till such time. whose office was also hereditary. His duties were to he succeeded in arranging the marriage of his spy over the whole Pasi community and report to daughter. In the meantime the girl eloped with the the Chaudries all happenings in the caste whether boy. The girl was traced and brought back by her good or bad. In order to take advantages Qf such father. occasions, sometimes the Mukhias gave false reports against person or persons with whom they were on As he was searching a match for the girl. she again bad terms. ran away from her house. This time the father of the girl himself reported the matter to the Chaudries and When a meeting was to be held a messenger known sought the help of the Panchayat as he found himself as 'Chharibardar' used to announce the time and" unable to have control over his daughter. On his " place for it. He was paid Rs. 1.50 by the person at request a meeting of the Panchayat was called and it 'whose request the Panchayat was to assemble. was decided that he would break all connections with Another Rs. 1.50 was to be paid to the Chaudary of his daughter and declare the fact publically. Further. the locality concerned, as Panchayat fee which was he was ordered to take a bath i'll the sacred river spent in buying tobacoo for the hubble-bubble to be Jamna to purify himself of the filth. He did as was smoked in the meeting. g ordered and was readmitted into the society. The cases undertaken by the Panchayat were, Regarding the causes of a breakage of Pasi i,rregular unions, illegal sexual intimacy. family Panchayat. according to the last Chaudary something quarrels and other incidents, which were considered unpleasant happened on Lagan day of his daughter a<; affecting the integrity and reputation of the caste which led to a great deal of misunderstanding amongst as a whole. The person. if proved guilty was no longer the Biradri members assembled there. This caused a regarded as a member of the caste and was ex­ split-one group favoured the Chaudary while the cummuniCated. This was, however. a temporary second group declared him as excommunicated. The punishment and the man thus punished was reinstated Chaudary did not care about this verdict given against to his former position in the society if he paid the him and with the help of his supporters he completed fine imposed on him by th~ Panchayat. The punish­ all the ceremonies connected with the marriage. ments used 'to vary accordmg to the nature of the Though after sometime the two groups again united offence committed. The max1mum punishment given into one, but the Panchayat as a whole was not able was, for the offender. to stand a feast for the brother­ to revive its former position. hood. Here again the number of invitees to the feast depended on the seriousness of the offence committed. This incident gave the dissidents chances to disobey Sometimes the punishment of carrying a bagful of the orders of the Panchayat and of its head ('Birgati'). shoes on head in front of the Panchayat was given and They started naming them as selfish. irresponsible men at other time filling the 'chi/am' or the hubble-bubble. having no principle and also accused them of wasting Such punishments. however. were given for mild the Panchayat funds on liquor etc. and instituting offences to degrade one's position in the community. false cases to collect fines for their enjoyments. Thus 160

the Panchayat lost much of its prestige and reputa­ with }cctures, recitating of 'Kirtan' and publicity tion. The Chaudary's family stated that because their (Praehar) of the Pasi Sabha. All those who go there, daughter was going to be married to a rich and from out stations are provided with free lodging and educated boy, due to jealousy, their caste members boarding by the committee. The remaining money is ex-communicated their family to degrade them. After spent in hiring Daris. Carpets, Shamiyanas (tents) that incident an influencial Chaudary stopped attend­ and ute'Hsils etc. for using them at the time of big ing such gatherings. Thus the Pasi's Panchayat lost gatherings. So far it has been reported as a purely its power and at the present time the petty quarrels religious committee without any political back-ground. . are decided by a group of some elderly people in whom both the parties have faith and the serious cases are taken to the courts of law. Those who wish, might REFERENOES : invite the Chaudries in their weddings and other 1. Ayyangul', A. "Crimin"l Tribes Act Enquiry social gatherings and gave them proper respect, but Oommittee Report" 1949·50 those who do not care to invite them are also consi­ pp.33-34. dered equaIJy good and they are not called to account 2. Crook, W. "The Tribes and Castes of North Western Provinces and for their such behaviour. Oudh" Vol. IV, Calcutta, 1896, pp. 138-152. Social Reforms, 3. Macb[J:J.n E .D. • "The Punj'\b and its Femlatories" Incidentally, it was also discovered during the CenSus Report-1891, part I. present investigation that the Gujar Pasis. Kaithwasis 4. Majumdar, D.N. "0 tste and Communic:ttion in and Banrasis in the Union Territory have formed a An Iadian Village" 1958. committee with its head office at Ambala. There are 5. R)se, H.A. "A Gloss'"try of the Tribes and about 300 to 400 members of this committee from Castes of the Punj.'tb and North different cities. Each member has to pay a certain West Frontier Province", Vol. amount as membership fee every year. A meeting is III. p. 204. held at Ambala every year in which all members are 6. T'Ilrner .1.0. "CellSUS of India 1931, UP., required to take part. It is a sort of social gathering Agra and Oudh" Vol. XVIII., in which exchange of religious ideas take place along Part I, Pages 549 and 617. ._", .. .:=.==-======

THE SAPERA

161

SAPERA Introduction History of Origin Sapera is notified as a Scheduled Caste in Delhi. The Saperas residing in the Union Territory. though Rajasthan. Punjab, Uttar Pradesh and Assam. The unable to point out the period from which they came caste of Saperas in Union Territory of Delhi is perhaps into existence as a separate entity, claim that their the only one caste in the region which in spite of the caste must be more than a thousand year old. As for various socio-economic changes. has not deviated to their own version of the origin of their caste they any appreciable extent from its traditional occupation relate a verY interesting legend. They claim that in of snake-charming. One of the most noticeable fea­ ancient times they were the J ats of Gulia gotra and tures of Saperas of the Union Territory is that, they were the principal landowners and cultivators of the unlike most of their counterparts 1n the other parts village BadIi (presently in the Jhajjar Distt. of the of the country. have shed their nomadic character and Punjab). have taken up permanent abode in certain villages of the Union Territory. An overwhelming proportion ot According to an elderly Sapera, one Kanphatha, the Saperas' are living in the few villages i.e., Molar­ who had acquired spiritual powers came to be wor­ bund. Ali. Grohli. Mithepur. Madanpur. situated bet­ shipped by them as their 'Guru' (spiritual master). ween the westem banks of Jamuna and Mathura Hundreds· of people used to visit his place daily to Road towards South-East of the metropolitan city of pay their respects to him. It is further believed that Delhi. one of the contemporaries of 'Kanphatha' was a very widely known ascetic named Guru Gorakh Nath. He N ornenclature had the power to fulfil anybody's desire by reciting a few mantras and spraying a pinch of ashes. It is said The respondents believe that from time immemo­ that he could even bring the dead person to life or rial they are known as Saperas in the Union Territory acquire any form he liked. T.he people of Badli of Delhi. Sherring. has mentioned them (Saperas) were keen to have his presence in the village. Guru under the name of Nat. He writes. "This and Kanjar Kanphatha invited Gum Gorakh Nath a'nd his one tribe, in their normal condition, lead a vagrant life thousand disciples to Badli. He hold a big 'Yajna' in avoiding houses, and preferring the shade of trees, of his honour which was followed by a grand feast open light temporary habitations, to a fixed and permanent to one and all. At the time of great feast Guru house-Sherring. Vol. III, 1872". Gorakh Nath asked the people present there to ask for the food of their choice. Everybody got the food he 'Crooke' in his book "Tribes and Castes of N.W. asked for. But Kanphatha wished for a bowl of poison Provinces of India," 1896. Vol. III, p. 298, has men­ and a cobra. The wish of Kanphatha was considered tioned them among the Kanjars. Nothing worthwhile an affront to the spiritual powers of Guru Gorakh Nath. is discussed about Saperas by 'Crooke' (II), M.A. Guru Gorakh Nath was a devotee of 'Lord Shiva' Sherring, in his book "Hindu Tribes and Castes. Vol. who is associated with cobra which he always wears III' but has discussed a typical caste 'Kanphatha' around his neck. Eating cobra was considered a whose characteristics resemble very much with those of grave offence to Lord Shiva. So, after the feast was Saperas under study. He writes that the 'Kanphathas' over, Guru Gorakh Nath declared that as Kanphatha profess to be followers of Gorakh Nath. The slitting had taken undue advantage of his grace and offended of the ear is practised during the ceremony of induc­ his spiritual Lord (Shiva) so he (Gorakh Nath) would tion. They wear gervacvaslra or reddish clothes, and curse him (Kanphatha) that all those who follow his a head-dress of black-ribbons, like the Sutharasains, sect would deal with snakes and their poison. The fol­ a sect of Nanak Shahis. The Kanphathas eat flesh, lowers of Kanphatha were overawed by his CUrse and drink spirits, and partake of food in houses of all divine vengeance. By the power of curse the 'Gulia castes. In temple of Kali-Bhairo in Benaras are some Jats' were forced to give up their original mode of ten or a dozen members of this order. They are some­ livi'ng and took to snake charming as their means of times termed Jogi8. At death. the 'Kanphathas' are livelihood. buried in their own houses. • Distribution and Population Trend Although the Saperas of the Union Territory of Delhi has a definite cultural affinity with the According to 1961 Census. there were in all 340 'Kanphathas' of Benaras, mOre specifically in their Saperas in the Union Territory of Delhi. An over­ dress, food habits and death rites yet they openly whelming proportion of those living in rUr"l areas are deny any relationship today or at any time in the past at present living in the villages of Molarbund, Ali, with either Nats or Kanphathas of Benaras. It is report­ Grohli, Madanpur, Mithepur, Kilkori. The Saperas ed that due to the profession of snake-charming or living in rural areas of Delhi have shed their nomadic entertaining people through snakes, they came to be character and taken up permanent abode in the above recognised as Saperas (or snake-exhibitors). They are mentioned villages of the Union Territory. divided into a number of exogamous (gotra) sections i.e., (I) Chauhan (2) Biha! (3) Jat (4) Sarser (5) Govaria History of Migration: (6) Povanal' (7) Chauvarie (8) Darhan (9) Athwal It has" already been mentioned elsewbere tMt (10) Nahar (11) Dagle (12) Bahmallie. originally the Saperas reported to be the principal 163 landowners and cultivators of village Badli, and groups. The sex ratio i.e .• number of females per 1000 followed the sect of Guru Kanphatha. When Guru males. for the caste as a whole, works out at 744. It Gorakh Nath cursed Guru Kanphatha "all those who is highest 893 in the age group of 0-14 years, (infants follow your sect will deal with snake and poison", and children), and lowest 576 among!!t the age-group they were forced to give up their traditional occupa­ of 45 and above. The sex ratio amongst the adults is tion and mode of life and take to snake charming. 670. Thereafter Guru Kanphatha became a wandering ascetic and left his home (village Badli) accompanied Family by his disciples. He visited far and wide and made thousands of people his own disciples Oy his spiritual The Saperas live together in a joint family. The power and persuaded them into his sect. The Saperas joint family llsually consists of parents, their married living in the Union Territory of Delhi have reported sons with wives and children, unmarried sons and that most of his disciples settled in U.P. and deserted daughters. All the members of the household have areas of Rajasthan. Later on as far as their own one common kitchen. After the death of father his knowledge (passed on from their forefathers) goes, property is shared equally by all his sons and all the most of them left their homes in u.P. and Rajasthan females are clearly debarred from any such share in and started li'v'ing in Madipur, lallahari. Shadipur the property of the de<;eased. The eldest member of villages situated on the western bank of river the family is recognised as the head of the household. Yamuna. He exercises tremendous social controt on oth~r family members. It is understood that they used to live in tents or thatched huts which could be pitched and pulled out There is an important economic reason which with equal ease. All of them lived in a cluster their impells them to live jointly and this is the 'migratory' tents and huts being pegged near each other. .They character of their profession of snake charming. They used to follow the routine life, men goi'ng out for earn- state that all the able bodied persons living in the ing livelihood and women looking after their respective community have to travel extensively in different parts households. In 1920's they began to be harassed by of the country for earning their livelihoOd. During the thieves, robbers and even abductors and it became a professional tours they have to be away from their problem for them to stay on around the de solute banks homes for 'quite long periods. Therefore, the joint of river Yamuna. Ultimately the Sapera elders sat family is preferred inspite of the various difficulties together and after prolonged discussions decided that in maintaining it. The larger the size of the family they should take up abodes near some suppleme~ts the more it is possible for some of the members to (villages} so that they could be safe. from :an§ackmg stay back in the house in order to lookafter the and looting. They approached the lllfluentml land- childre)1. lords of the nearby villages with a request for settle- M0{eOVer, the daily earhing 9 the Saperas is 'Very ments. Most of them were allowed to settle on the out-, ') ( \ f skirts of these villages (Mithepur, Molarbund, Ali etc:) meagrc_ ars>' Grra i~. So i'n, such hind days one can be and were asked by the local landowners to protect lissured of a f regular. suppl)'--Q[ n;tinimu~ll necessities · fi ld f 'ld' I But in all case~ villagers required for /the mamtena~ce ofnrs -fanllly from the t helr. e s rom ~I ~l1lma s. ' common ,fund pooled by' the' income of various . prOVIded them WIth SItes for settlements on the con- b - ditiO'n that they take up abodes.,permanently and-de--~ell1 ~rs. _,' not shift from one site to another; In the Ci:\rly stages, Dress ana Orllaments

this was something unacceptable to ,the Sapeqls as I I The traditional dress, of the male members oj breach of taboo would invite wrath of their gods'upon Saperas consists of a 'Kamiz' (long flowing shirt) them but ultimately they had to acceed to the COll- preferably of 'Geni' (Saffron) colour, Chooridal ditio~ forced by the people and took up thefr abodes, Pyjamas (tight-fitting trousers) and coloured pugret permanently in the different yillages. -(as headgear), . / "- DISTRIBUTION OF POPULATION BY AGE AND $EX '\ \ / 'The long flowing shirt is usually made of -some (DELHI 1961 CRNSU~) _ i " I 'cheap -cloth. The shirts have chain buttO'llS made oj "',some cheap_metals. The Sap;ras inviriably bore, thei) -f-~~.. Age·Group Males % Females %, Tot~l % - -ear~~md put on m"udrf¥ (sort of ear-rings)in their ears. For arms )~hey use, 'ka~a" a sort 'of round-bangle nladt of silver. 'It~\Vas corisi ered atobod amon,gst the'Sape­ 0-14 (Infan- ras to cut O'ile's hair' ut now leaving aside a couple ts and child· of eldhs amongst tt,em all have t!teir -h\!ads cleall ren) 75 22·1 67 19·7 142 41'8 shaven. Those whO- keep,Jong hair just tie- ttIem up! in -\' a knot' and stick a small wooden comb so t11al 15-44 OIr\it, (Adults) 94 27·6 63 18·5 157 46'3 they will not get loose. Wherel},s tli~ dress of the othel castes Jiving in the fygion is. simpl6 that of the Salle­ 45 and above' (old) 26 7·6 15 4·4 4;l 12'0 ras is comparatively a gaudy one. Most of them art able to 'collect woollen, clothes from their patro*s, _ - While on their professional tours, the others purchase Total 195 57·4 145 42·6 340 10~ from second hand clothes dealers in the cifx. t \ The table shows that out of the total population of There is nQ marked difference in the ,dresses, worn 340, 142 or 41.8% are infants and children, !57 Of by the Sapera' women and womenfoIlC of the other 46.2% are adults and the remaining 41 or 12.0% are castes in the area. The traditional dress of the femMes , above 45 years. The table further shows the prepoll- consists of_ 'Kamiz' (a long flowing collarless and derance of males over females in all three broad age- bottonless full sle~ved shirt), 'Lehnga' or 'Gaghra' (a Interior view of a Sapera House.

Performiryg a snake-show.

&kirt) and 'Orhni' (a veil). The length of cloth use~ Food Habits and Drinks ~or 'Lehnga' varies between 5 to 40 yards. The combi­ nations of the females are gaudily coloured ones (us­ ually black coloured 'Lehnga' and red or yellow shirt). The Saperas are non-vegetarian. They take every type of meat excepting beef which is prohibited. They Young girls wear blouse and petticoat or collarless believe that the Supreme Lord (Shiva) rides a bull, sleeved shirt and petticoat. The Saperas are not very the animal, therefore, it is considered pious. Taking particular about the dress of their children. They may beef is therefore considered obnoxious. The diet of be covered with a vest or shirt, irrespective of the sex. the Saperas remains the same throughout the year. Tattooing The common items of staple food of the Saperas is bajra and wheat or gram and wheat. Most .of them The practice of tattooing is being considered a form take 'gochani' (mixture of wheat and gram) urespec­ of beauty aid by the Saperas and no religious notion tive of the changes in the crop pattern. The other is attached to it. Aged males and females do have edibles taken alongwith chappatis made from gochani tattoo marks on the arms and wrists in form of figures are pulses like channa (gram), Arhar etc. Gener,:Uy of birds, flowers, etc. But the youngsters prefer to have they take meat of wild pig, deer, hare etc., alongwlth personal name tattooed on their forea:ll1s. The Saperas their meals. They train hunting dogs and use them for do not give much importance to ornaments. Most of chasing auI tracking animals. Some of them who are the respondents have stated that it is better to keep in a position to afford go and buy raw meat of aver'! money in cash rather than invest it on ornaments or inferior quality from the butcher's shop and cook It other items of personal decoration. It has been qbserv­ in vegetab~e oil. cd that Sapcra females possess a limited numper of ornaments as compared to the females of other castes living in thc area. The unmarried females do not wear Thus throughout the year, (he Saperas eat the same any jewellery. food and there is seldom any variety in their dishes. The married females wear traditional and old There are no hard and fast rules regarding the num­ fashioned jewellery which is generally made of silver. ber of meals to be taken in a day, this depending Following is the list of :';'_':!!1C of the ornaments worn upon the availability of it. by the Sap era females. ORNAMENTS The male Saperas are also reported to be fond of taking liquor. Some of them are in habit of Part of Body Loo)'1 N arne of Desoription of the Ornament taking it regularly. The most common among the the Ornaments different intoxicants consumed is country liquor which Foreheaa Borla or Binda Rounded Orna ment for fore. they get from some neighbouring villages where it is head made of silver. secretly distilled. Ears Bunda or Booin; Rounded ornament for ears made of silver. Neck Hasli or Hamel Stiff ring rOund the neok or neoklaoe of silver rupees. Saperas have a special fondness for smoking. Wrist Neori Thiok lnnglos worn around the Mostly they smoke tobacco and cheap cigarettes and Chel.Karae wrist. A type of bangles made bidi etc. An indigenous smoking-pipe (1IOki) is very of silver. Ankles 1. Kari (1) Stiff silver ring worn in the common among the elder Saperas. As a mark of res­ 2. P"tti lower legs. (2) An orn"mental pect, the youngsters do not smoke in presence of the 3. Pajeb belt made of silver. (3) A elder members of the caste. Females abstain from silver chain worn in the foot. smoking.

Eduoational Level r------.A.. Illiterate Literate wit):lOut Primary Or junior ::ITatrioulation & eduoational level Basic above Caste :Males Fom.1los Total ------, ,.-----Ao--, r--..A.----.., M F 1\£ F 1\1 F

Saperas 190 145 335 184 145 5

Education: . The Sapera.s attitude to~ard.s the education (both III case of theIr boys and grrls) IS not very encouraging. Despite the various educational facilities provided by the Government (compulsory and free education) Of the total population of 340 Saperas, 335 Saperas the~r poverty does not allow them to buy books need: (190 males and 145 females) are residing in the rural ed ill the schools. Moreover the stress is given on early areas and only 5 Saperas are living in the urban areas employment than on the educational attainment which of the Union Territory of Delhi. According to the is consi~ered as a .sheer wastage of time and money. table, 6 males i.e. 1.8% are literate and 329 i.e. 98.2% As their professIOn of snake-charming requires are illiterate, 5 males are placed in the category of continuous pract~cal training for a number of years, literate without any educational level. and only 1 per­ most of the chIldren are put into the professional ~on is educated. upto primary level. There is no person training and not sent to the schools. Female educa­ m the commumty who has passed middle or matricu­ tion is looked down upon ar:d in no case it has been lation examination. followed in the caste. No definite reason has been L/P(D)4DCODelhi -13 given by the respondents for their antipathy to­ Jhajjar, Dislt. Rohtak). Later on due to the curse of wards female education except that the girls, if sent Guru Gorakh Nath their ancestors had to adopt the to school do not get any chance to learn the house­ profession of snake-charming. Now the occupation hold duties which are very essential for their of snake-charming has become their traditional married life. Now-a-days their attitude towards male monopoly. education is becoming more and more liberal and some of the respondents have expressed the desire The following table gives the Industrial Classifica­ to educate their children. tion' of Saperas as per 1961-Census. INDUSTRI1\,L CLASSIFICATION OF SAPEltAS (,,_; l1bus-lGGl) Housing Conditions The Saperas living in the rural areas of Delhi have Delhi Delhi (urhan) Delhi (Rural) been provided with sites fOf their settlements on the Working as r--c-----"'-- ~ r--__.A_- ~~,-- ..A- __...... outskirts of villages. Their houses are not adjacent ]1,1 }' 1\1 F 1)1 F to the houses of other castes in these villages, instead -----~-.---.,----~- ---- .~-.---- 2 3 4 5 6 7 they have a separate habitation which is locally _____e ,_-_-- known as 'dera'. It has been observed during the In Trad[) & Commerce 2 '2 survey that idera' is normally located on some mound In Transport Storage Or deserted piece of land than in the populated areas of 1 I the village. As actually observed from the various 'Sites and Commun(Htions of Sapera habitations, they prefer to live near tree In other-services . 109 109 1 groves or village ponds. Workers 112 1 3 J09 1 The residential structures of the Saperas living in NOn-Workers 83 144 2 81 144 rural areas of Delhi are found to be extremely poor. They are living in one roomed straw-huts, made of Total (Workcrs+Non- mud and reeds. The construction of a Sapera hut workers) 195 145 5 190 145 is a simple affair. Most of the huts are constructed by the members of household and no outside labour There are 340 Saperas living in the Union Territory is engaged for their construction. The walls are made of Delhi. Out of this total populat:on, 113 i.e., 33.2% of mud bricks. As for the material of r00f, it is made (l12 males, 1 female). are classified as workers and of mud mixed with straw and supported by wooden 66,8 % as non-workers. lintels. The rooms have mud Boors and walls are also plastered with mud. The table further shows that out of 113 workers, the maximum number of them (109 males, 1 female) As we enter the premises of a dwelling structure are engaged h~ 'Other Seryices', i.e. out of workers we find ourselves in front of an open space which 97,3% are etig!!ged in> other services~ T,he category of constitutes its courtyard, A small 'Kaccha' structure other services includes ,the ~personal ~eryices i,e. the • is errected at one corner of the inner court which ()ccupation of snake-cliarming. Only 2-1nales (1.8%) is used for placing the water pitcher and other workers are classified in the category of, 'Trade and domestic utensils. A low mud wall is errected in Commerce' and t male '(0.9%) worker falls in the front of' every house for demarcation pu:rposes. As category- of ''Frftllsport, Stprage and Communication', the family expands, another sub-structure comes into, It is seen that only one fema1e 'is reported as worker.. being somewhere within the premises of the main,~.... The I fen{ale members of the caste, do not make any house. Even though smaller in size as compared to 'financial 'Contribution towards the economy. Un-- the main structure it is nothing but its replica. The like femalys of the other lower castes (like .Bhangis, residential structures of the Saperas are dark and - Chamars, Khatiks etc,) they neither work in the fields ' low-roofed. They are without any door or ventilator. ___ aSe _ aaricultutal-Iabourere~nOf' go -to -:-the -villages""""for' r- - '-Two- smaU--hbles': ar~ mad'e -iii-~the walfw}iich serv~ e 1 ~ggfng\ l}l~s: The entire responsibility fot runnjng= the purpose of ventllators. The Saperas do not haver the Hous~hold i5 Jwuldeied by tpt:: male members.

separatte provision fur toilet and latrines in their' '., ~ , e' \. ~ '.. - houses. All the members of a household (males, lJH~s \ye ~fi~d f~orn.. the ~able, .the l}l~J?nty of the fe~ales, children etc.) go out in the fields to {lttend, tot~1-work7tsc.::are.e\n.15aged»,n thelf traditional o~c~JX~= their natural calls. Similarly, there is no separate ~~on of snake~Cban?l_ng. !he: stperas attac~ relIgIOUS room in such structures to serve the purpose of a lm,I?ortance to. t~e heredlta~)' .North India (punjab, complete repaIr after the ramy season. It involve some U.1?:) and display the fe~ts of snake-charming in' tlit:; expenditure to save the structure from complete Public, This tOlJt does riot exceed a period of two\ damage, months (May-June); T.hey spend ,the next two months (July-August) with their families. IIi this lYeriod ~e Sapera~ 1.ivitlg in the Union Territory of DelhI, they remain busy settling their domestic matteer,cl, , cele­ claIm that ongmally they were the principal land­ brating marriages etc. The tour starts once again in owners and cultivators of village Badli (in Tehsil the month of Septemoer. T,his time they go to far Tli'f

olf places like Assam. Bengal, Bombay, Nagpur, are crammed many times tiJI OOe learns them by Bangalore etc, and remain out for four to five months. heart. This period is regarded as 'period of earning' and everyone works very hard to earn as much as possible. During the training, they also learn how t9 play upon a been (flute) and to produce different harmonies and tunes for hypnotizing a snake. It is believed that AU the able bodied persons. skilled to display the different types of snakes become hypnotized by fcuts of snake-charming in public leave the village in different tunes of the been (flute). So it is essential for a group and then disperse to different places. All the a Sapera to learn all the tunes for handling various members, who form a group and leave for profes­ types of snakes to attain professional perfection. sional tour can be termed as a Kindred group. Wh~n they reach the Delhi Railway Station they disperse Income and Expenditure into smaller groups whose composition again depends on the choice of its members. No particular condi­ The annual income of a Sapera household ranges tions are laid down for the formation of these from 600 to 800 rupees, This income is considered to nomadic groups, Mostly the eldest member of tlie be very meagre for their large sized families. party (eldest in age) acts as the leader of the group. He is responsible for making lodging arra~lgements Before they commence their professional journey for the night stay and also look after the party. All {hey see to it that their family is well provided with the members deposit their day's earnings with him. ail the necessities for the period they intend to stay When they came back to their homes the money such out For meeting 'the necessities of life, they have to deposited by .each member is returned to the~ y;hi~e , lake Joan from the local 'Baniya' (money lender) some­ on tour, they carry only that much of amount WhICh IS l.ime OD very high interest. When they come back adequate to meet their travelling expenses. Their daily from their professional tour, a major portion of the income during tl:c tour ranges invariably from five to income goes in paying off these debts. Whatever is twenty rupees depending upon the number and typ~s left behind is spent 011 food, clothes and other house· of spectators they attract by their professional skill. hold items. Most of the Saperas ha ve expressed their 1 hey start their professional 'pheri' (round) early in the incapability of sending their children to school. due morning a'l1d continue 4isplaying the feats of snake­ to lack of finances. The most baffling problem con. charming till late in the evening. They lead a very bmy fronting many of them in these days is that expendi­ and hard life and do not spend much on their OWJ ture is increasing whereas the income has not increased maintenance .. during this period. It has been reported with it. by the respondents that each .one of them earns a net income of six to eight hundred rupees. LIFE CYCLE When the Saperas commence their professional tour, the old and infirm members of the habitation Birth Rituals are left at the 'Dera' to look after the families. As The birth of a child takes place at her husband's the huts of Saperas are clustered together so even house and the expectant mother is not allowed to go two or three members (males) can keep a watchful to her parent's home for delivery. Fifteen days before eye on the Dera. the expected time of delivery, the pregnant woman is In recent years, some of the Saperas have star:ed asked to abstain from attending to domestic chores - looking in for petty jobs of daily wages worker in and dirccted to tal~e complete. rest in a separa~e room industry, coolie, cart-driver etc. But the number of of the .house.. ~u.nng thIS peno~ the woman 1S gene- these persons is very small and even they do not take __1'8 ~l.y_ ..g~v_~n_ nutnt1\:'~ _IlP..n:v.egetanan food to· eat.- -up 'such jobs -permanently, because oflhe -fact that .. ~ -.. . the Caste Panchayat has a much hold on members"'of At the tIme of delI.very, elderly and expenenced the caste and any type of deviation from the tradi- IV,omen of t~e com~1Unlty ar,e p~eser;t aroun.d, th~, tiona! occupation is subject to disciplinary action. So :;.~ouc~menL to aSSIst .lhe cl~Ild bIrth. Normally dal most of tbe Saperas do nDt dare to change their (nl1d-w~fe) fr~m the vlllage IS summo1li;:d to help at 'profession despite their low income. the dehvery hme .. It has been repor~ed by the ~espon­ lle.nts that s,ometlmes even the tramed nurse IS also The Techniques of Snake-Charming called from the city to assist at delivery. When the child is born, placenta is collected in an earthen pitcher The profession needs continuous practice and suit­ which is buried somewhere outside the habitation by able training. The children are given training in the the sweepress of the locality. art of catching and handling snakes by the elder members of the caste. In the beginning, the child is The birth of a child, whether a male or a female, is told about, the various types of snakes and their announced in the community by the family members features, such as colour, size etc. and also acquainted with the same enthusiasm. The birth of a child is with snake-habits. Later 011 When they attain mutu­ considered auspicious irrespective of the sex. Both the rity, the elder members of the caste take Ihem to the mother and the newly born child are kept away from fields and give practical training in the art of catch­ Iho father in a separate comer of the room and pollu­ ing a snake by tracing its trail and track. tion taboo is observed for ten days. In order to pro­ tect the mother and the newly born from the influence Only a few members of the caste have tIlOrough rf evil sp!rits, a sharp-edged iron weapon is kept kn~w]edge abou~ tIle mantras by the chanting of under the pl110w of the motk:r's bed. The motller is wIl1~1i, they claIm th~y can catc~ snakes. They dis­ given a rich diet of 'Halwa' mixed with 'Ghee' and semmate only part of It to the trarnees. These nlalltras milk for ten days after the delivery. 168

Name giving ceremony takes place after the birth These endogamous and exogamous rules of marriage of a child. The village Brahmin is called by the eldest llsed to be observed by the Saperas quite rigidly but member of the household and is requested to suggest this rigidity has now been broken with the passage of the first Jetter of the name which is to be given to the lIme. One case of intercaste marriage has been report­ child. It is only after the naming ceremony that the ed by the respondents where a Sapera has married a new bom is recognised as a member of the com­ Chamar girl. . munity. This ceremony takes place three or four days after the delivery. After a lot of resentment shown by the other caste members, the couple was allowed to stay in the The purificatory rites are performed on the 11 th day community. when 'Kuan Pujan' ceremony (worshipping of the Marriage Ceremonies village well) takes place. The village Brahmin is call­ There are no set rules regarding the selection of ed to officiaLe on the occasion. He directs the mOrh'!f the preferential mates. When a boy reaches the age and the child to take bath at the village well. of seven or eight, parents start looking for suitable The mother of the child is not allowed to approach families so that the negotiations for marriage should the well, until the period as stipulated by the Brahmin be initiated. After the boy's parents have decided upon is over. The mother accompanied by the other female a particular famity, serious matters such as the bride­ relations of the mother goes to the well in a proces­ price demanded by the girl's parents, the period in sion and places some pieces of 'Gur' (Jaggery) and rice which it is to be paid etc. are carefully considered by on its platform. The women-folk gathered there assist the family members. On the oiher hand the girl's the mother and the child in taking bath and thereafter parents enquire about the economic sta:tus of the she is made to wear a new dress. Finally, she is direct­ boy's family, the income of the boy and his family ed to draw a pitcher full of water from the well. This kin-ties etc. In case all the conditions are met and marks the end of pollution period and she is allowed both the· families have agreed, further negotiations to resume her daily routine. are made for the final settlement of the marriage. Next follows the first hair-cutting ceremony ca1!ed Most of the marriages take place in July and 'Mundan' (Tonsure). On 'Bhadonnaumi' (in the month August after the 'Guga' or 'Bhadon Naumi' as the of Bhadon), the child is taken to 'Mata Lalita's Saperas are free in tliese months. An auspicious day temple' in Gurgaon, where the 'Mundan' ceremony is selected by the Brahmin of the village and reminder \8 performed. At the site of the ceremony the child's (notifying the date of -wedding) is sen} by boy's father parents give a 'Karai' (offerings) to the 'Mata' (goddess) 10 the girl's father. The younger brother of the boy and thereafter ladoos (sweets) are distributed amon'g goes to the girl's village and hands over the wedding dress' (a pair of red shirt and gagrat a pair of shoes the beggars. The cropped hair are buried in the without heels, s._even green b$tilgles, s~ven combs, seven courtyard of the temple, The 'Mundan' ceremony takes small mirrors tQ'the gride;s mother. This ceremony is place both in case of a boy as wen as of a girl. loca:Ily known as (Khil Patasa). / MARRIAGE CUSTOMS In fact the actual/marriage ceremony starts -from Agie at Marriage the Ban-tel (or the application of oil). 'Duting the period~of-i!eremonial_oil baths the boy and: girl are not; According to the respondents most of the girls nrc expected to attend to their dailY work. The boyar married when they are 15 to 18 years of age. In case the girl lire made to sit on: a stool or wooden plank of the boys the age at marriage is twenty to twenty­ and a paste of turmeric powder mixed with mustard' two years. oil is placed at his Or her feet. The paste iSI applied on the body of the prospective groom by his younger The age at marriage varies with the economic . brother.. After-·the- application of-the-paste; -oil 'is-also_ status of--a person-or his family. -If thF'boy 'or'''-'hiS' ap,plil\!d '()n/the forehead. knees, feet etc. of 'the boy, family is in a pOSition to pay the bride-price in lump­ by his ,el~:Ier sister>~ necklace ~E!ansflli) is placed sum or in a couple of instalments, the mafti~ge-takes' around his neck.\Slmdarly the l;inde IS massaged at place at an early age, otherwise not. The bride price night-with ullttm (a lubricant paste whi6h gives luster varies from one to three thousand rupees. The boy's to the 8liin)~.\ her ..rri~the~, sisters and broth€r's. parents seek betrothal at an early age so that by the "n>:es. The uouunsJ,appl!ed onpH parts of ,the body t_1me a boy reaches the age of eighteen to twenty, wi\h\a green rr~n~o leaf.. T~e ~~de is 'given five . o~l; they should be in a position to marry him. But due bathswnd the final bath IS. glVen to h~r on the nIght to their poor financial condition and lack of regular 'before \ the weddIng and her -hands are, dyed witl! income they are unable to pay the required amount henna. --"Then she· puts on the we'ddirtg dress (I(~ in the promised period and so the marriages get patasa) Se'ut by hridegroom's father and is ma~ ready. delayed for an indefinite period. These days girls are for the 'Phere'- ceremony. The groom takes hIS usual normally married at the age of 15 to 18 years, whilst bath and thereafter put on his/ ceremonial dress, in­ the ideal age at marriage for the boys is considered cluding the crown' (mauf-muKat) on his head, Bhoore to be 20 to 22 years. and Tabij (a long silver necklace) around his neck. Tb~n tne- _- wedding procession starts for the bride's, As sta.ted earlier the Saperas arc divided into village. The S'lperas do not perform 'Gur-Ch~rhi' different 'gotras' which are exogamous units, The c~remoriy Le, the groom does not go to the bnqe's negotiations regarding a proposed match follow ce!ia~~ house riding on a mare. The weddi1)g proce-ssion rules relating to gotra. No person can marry wlthm (barat) is composed of males as weI! as .females. The (1) bis own gotra (2) gotra of his father's mother bullock-carts, asses etc., are u!>ed as mean;: of (3) gotra of his mother's mother. transport. 169

As the marriage procession approaches the bride's allowed to marry her by way of 'Kareva'. No social village. it is fonnally received by the bride's father stigma is attached to it. In case any male member of and other responsible members of the community. the family (deceased's brother or cousin) is unmarried, Here bride's father meets the father of the groom and the widow is married to him otherwise negotiations are the former gives one rupee and twenty-five paisa to made somewhere else. The practice of a widow the latter. The Brabmin affixes a 'Tika' on the marrying the younger brother of her deceased hus­ groom's forehead and directs him to proceed to the band leads to levirate. Many cases have been report­ bride's house. The first e'ntrance of the groom to the ed where thjC widow has married her husband's bride's house is locally known as 'Ades-Sades' among (deceased's) younger brother. The party willing to the Saperas. take the girl in 'Kareva' has to pay some money to the widow's parents. This amount is usually less than Seven beds are laid down (each at a distance of the amount paid for bride-price. No formal marriage half a yard) in front of the bride's house. The groom ceremonies take place in 'Kareva' (widow-marriage). is directed to walk on these beds step by step. On Divorce is not common among the Saperas. How­ each step the groom pays Re. 1.25 to the bride's brother ever. a girl proves to be infidel or having illicit rela­ who is standing near the groom. The groom 1S accom­ tions with any other person, after marriage or she r-anied hy hl<; brother-in-law, sisten and younger proves to be incapable of producing children, the blOthers on thIS occasion. woman can be divorced. The boy will leave the girl at her parents' home. The matter may be presented The Jilmil to Sapera Panchayat for discussion. If both sides \ want divorce the Panchayat decides in favour of it Most important ritual is 'Jilmil' or 'Phere' ceremony. I (divorce) and it is recorded. Mostly such situations As the groom c'nlers the birde's house, he is received are avoided and attempts are made for reconciliation. by the women standing at the· entrance. A pavilion If the man maltreats his wife by not providing food, known as 'Chauri', consisting of four upright bamboo clothing etc. to lIer, divorce proceedings may begin poles covered by a red sheet has been built in the from wife's side. In such cases the boy (husband) has courtyard of the house. The groom is asked to spend to pay a fixed amount ranging from Rs. 35 to 50 the night under the 'Chauri' while the others go back rupees per month as maintenance allowance to her. to their 'Dera' (where the Barat is staying). A 'Havan Kund' is constructed under the 'Chauri' where the Death Rites 'phere' (circumambulatious) ceremony i~ perfonned. When a man dies his relatives are informed at­ Two planks are placed near the 'Ravan Kund' once who come to attend the death rites. In case of for the bride and the groom. The Brahmin of the village a male person. the dead body is covered with a new officiates at the 'phere' cer~mony. After reciting the white cloth and in case of a female with a red (scar­ 'mantras' (sacred verses), the priest asks the groom let) cloth. The bier is carried by four persons on to repeat seven vows after him. Then the groom is their shoulders and the funeral procession is follow­ provided with an arrow and requested by the bride's ed by the relatives and' other members of the com­ brother to pass the arrow through seven leaves hang­ munity. As they proceed slowly towards the grave­ ing on the poles. Finally the circumambulations of the yard which is on the bank of river Jamuna. the fire by the bride and the groom takes place and it other persons repeat the name of 'Guru' while walk­ marks the end of the wedding ceremonies. ing behind the bier. Before placing the corpse in tbe grave, the eldest son, or the grandson sprinkles Next day the bride's parents bid farewell to the 'Ganga JaJ' (Holy water of Ganges) around it. The wedding party in which the bride's father gives his body is taken from the bier and put in the .grl!Y~ . daughter's hand jn that of the bri4~grp_Qm. 11. may .be~ mentioned 'liere tnat co-habitation takes place imme­ --The-Sap~as beH~ve' th;t- ~; ~he; follow 'Adho- diately after the marriage and there is no 'Gauna' panthis' sect and are direct descendents of a re­ (co'nsummation ceremony) among them. nowned hermit 'Guru Gorakhnath' they have a justifi­ cation in burying their dead, as preached by the Guru. The Saperas condemn the mode of acquiring a mate by intrusion or elopement. It has been reported by the On the third day, the purificatory rites are per­ respondents that a few years back, a Jat Sapera formed which are locally known as 'Tahiya'. It iu­ eloped with a young girl of Chauhan family to some cludes the cleaning of the house by sprinkling 'Ganga unknown place and got himself married to her. After Jal' in the different parts of the house and sweeping some time the couple requested the caste members to the floor etc. The 'Karni' is performed by cooking let them come and stay in the 'Dera' (the habitation food of rice, 'shakkar' (sugar) and 'ghee' which is I of the Saperas). The case was presented to the first offered to the departed soul, and then to rest of 'Sapera Panchayat'. The 'Panches' inflict.ed heavy the persons gathered in the deceased's house for penalties on' the couple and asked them to undergo mourning. A 'Bhandara' (feast) is given on the certain purificatory rites. Thereafter, they were allow­ eleventh day to the poor beggars. ed to stay in the habitation. The 'Tahiya' ceremony marks the end of mourn­ Premarital sex relations are discouraged and looked ing period. After the ceremony is over the mourners down upon by the Saperas. can resume their daily chores. It may be pointed out that there is no 'Kirya Karam' ceremony in case of the Sap eras. Widow marriage is quite prevalent amongst them. If the husband dies in his youth and the wife is also The widow, is not supposed to wear bright clothes. young enough to be re-married, the latter's parents are bangles and jewellery etc. Religion Bhangis etc. VISIt. the temple (Shivalya) more frequently than the Saperas. They do not even come The Saperas caB themselves as 'Adhopanthis'. The io participate in most important functions (like difference between the Adhopanthis and 'Purap:mthis' Ramayan's story which is narrated by the temple's is stated to be like this. The 'Purapanthis' are known priest) held in the temple. A Gujar respondent have as 'Sadhus' and lead the life of ascetics. They llC'ither reported that whenever a child is born in their com­ marry nor indulge in worldly activities. Most of them munity, the Sapera females come in groups to pay their live in jungles and other deserted places and shift their homage to the 'Shiva's' deity placed in the temple. A settlements from one place to another. They wear Brahmin respondent of the village has stated that the 'Gerva' (saffron coloured) dress and keep long hair Saperas also visit the temple on the eve of their mar­ They also slit their ear and wear 'mudras' (sort of riage and pour 'Jal' (water mixed with milk) on the ear-ri'ngs). The Adhopanthis also follow these practices deity. with the difference that they are pennitted to marry and participate in normal activities. But there is no Th~ Saperas on the other hand have admitted tbe difference between the two as far as dress and other fact that they visit the temple very rarely. They have rituals are concerned. Both follow the sect of Guru stated that they p'articipate, in the celebrations of l')cal Gorakh Nath a'ud also pay their homage to the other festival of 'Shivratri' and offer 'Rot' (a large sized contemporaries (like Maya Machinder Nath, Guru chnppnti made of graI11 flour) to the deity. Althoug" lullundur Nath. Guru Kanphata etc) of the sect. there is no restriction imposed on them, by the higher According to them, in the past their way of earning castes of the village, for entering into the inner­ livelihood was the same as that of Sadhus (Pura­ portion of the temple, yet they visit the 'Guru's Khera' panthis). They used to be nomadic, going from place more often than the village temple. According to to place to beg for their livelihood. Now the position them the saera do not believe in the existence of has undergone a significant change. The Separas have Bhoot, Churails (ghosts and spirits). 'Lord Shiva' is almost shed their nom'ldic character and do not go regarded as the most supreme of all the gods, and frequently to the different villages for begging any prosperity and progress that comes to the com­ alms. munity is attributed to the grace of 'Lord Shiva'. They have a!number of beliefs and follow them According to Census 1961, all the 190 males and blindly. It is considered a good omen to catch a snake l45 females living in rural Delhi and all the 5 males on Sunday. Bven if t~e snake is caught on some other living in urban Delhi are Hindu by religion. Religion day, the religious rites (poojan) are performed only stilI wields its influence on the daily life of the on Sunday. The chirping of a partridge at the com­ Saperas. They are staunch followers of the principles mencement of the professional tour or any other laid down by Guru Kanphata and their actions are work is considered inauspicious. On the other hand oriented towards those teachings. Whenever any if a Sapera come$ across IT she-fox before commenc­ important work is undertaken, such as catching of a ing the pr?fissional tour it i~ regarded as auspicious. snake, displaying a snake for the first time in the public etc., it is done in the name of the Guru. The A great religious importance~- attached to the Guru is an important force directing their mode of hereditary art of handling snakes, so much so that no social and religious existence. Sanera can dare to deviate from it in favour of any other professio~l or calling. By doin~ so they wiJl They believe that they can catch a snake in a )cwile the wrath of the Guru upon them. harmless way by casting a spell of 'mantras' over ic These 'mantras' are learnt by attaining 'Sidhi' (a kind Festivals of magico-spiritual) rite. For attaining 'Sidhi' they go to nearby 'Shamshan Bhumi' (cremation ground) and The caste has its own fastivals which have their there in perfect calmness and solitude th1CY chant those rod~S in legends combined with religion. The~ follow­ mantras. During this period of renunciation they axe" ing is the most important festival which, the -Saperas not supposed to communicate with other mernbers of \ observe in the area. the community or partake in other day-to-day affairs. Bbadon Naumi Mostly they worship 'Naag' as we1l'as other snake , The . festival is oelebrated on the nintli day of the - deities. They never kill a snake or allow anyone to Hindu mbnt\l ·of ~Bh*don' and all the Saperas are kill it in their presence. A promise to release the expected. to observe certain taboos associated with" snake after a certain period is always made by them. the festivaL During this periOd no. Sapera ~ expected whenever they catch a snake by their magico-spiritual to cat~h or handle' a snake,. kill' any. animl!}. 'or .t~e powers (by casting the spell of mantras over it). If - non-vegetarian food. They also worship '-quga' Pir' the promise (vacchan) is not kept and the snake is not (deity of snakes). Most of tne married daught~rs released within the promised period, it can even come to their parental home to celebrate the fe&tivitl. 'bite the Sapera who also loses the skill of. catching One day before the festival, a complete fast is observ~ It snake. The Saperas living in Molorbund are not by members of the caste. Next day people ~et up eatly frequent visitors to the village temple. It has beel1 in the morning and take fruit, make pre}X4'ations etc. stated by the respondents that their females vi~it the In the afternoon a . little space rn front of\tne hoUs.e·· temple (Shivalya) more frequently than the male is cleaned and smeared with cow-dung. A dry bush is memb.!fs of the community. brought and pitched at the sQCcified l?lace. Later on all the members of the family gather there, fenlales The villagers have stated that the other 10wer bring along with them images or figurines of various c&stes of the village like Khatiks, Nais, Chamars. snakes made of flour at home. These idols 171 are placed in the dry bush, which signifies a snake tive of one's caste. They state that their religion dOel ambush, by the eldest member of the family. Finally not impose and commensal restrictions regarding 'poojan' (prayer) is done and at the time of worship, acceptance of Kaccha or paeca food from the other little earthen lamps are lighted and kept burning in castes so they accept food fr.om all the castes irrespec­ front of the bush. 'Laddus' (little sweet balls of flour tive of their ritual status. They do not mind even go­ mixed with sugar syrup) are offered to the Devta. ing to the households of the lower castes and begging The most remarkable feature of the festival is that all alms. The Saperas have stated that formerly they were makes kept for the professional shows are released not having free intercourse with the other castes of the on this day. region. but now the position has undergone a signifi­ cant change. They are invited on the marriages of The Saperas also participate in some of the local Gujars. Chamars, Dhobi, etc. and given nice treat­ festivals such as the fair of Mata Lalita, which is ment. observed on the eighth day of Chaitra (March-April). Trips to Gurgaon to honour the goddess are made by It has been observed that they still maintain an the Saperas on the occasion. Similarly they also go exclusiveness by virtue of their social customs. conven­ to 'Bhawani' (Punjab) to pay their homage to 'Jahar­ tions, beliefs and practices. They prefer to interact Pir' whose tomb is regularly visited by the inllabitants. more with their fellow Saperas than with the other of the 2lrea. Recently some of the Saperas have als() easles living in the region. started celebrating the Hindu festivals like Holi, Salona They live in a world which is characteristically (Raksha-Bandan) etc. their own and whose boundaries are set by several social and religious peculiarities. For example they do Inter-Caste Relations not invite the outsiders to participate in their marriages It has been stated by some of the Chamar respon­ and other ritual celebrations. They strictly follow the dmts that Saperas accept Kaccha and Pacca food sect of Guru Kanphata and do not pay their homage from all the castes ranging from Brahmins to Bhangis. to local deities. Most of their settlements have their The position of the Saperas is conspicuous. They live own deity known as 'Guru Ka Khera'. separately on the outskirts of the different village~ The Saperas have their own fastivals like Guga and do not have free social intercourse with the other Nallmi and get together for their religious celebrations. castes living in the area. They are regarded as alien By doing so they fulfil most of their social needs and to the vi!lage community. One of the respondents consequently their dependence upon the other castes remarked that they are mere beggers and eat all sorts is curtailed to the minimum. Thus the Saperas are of th;n~s. They even eat beef and cats. Although the alit'nated completely from the rest of the village com­ other lower castes of the area, like Chamars. Dhobis, munity and are thrown entirely upon themselves to Jeenvar, Bhangis. are classified under the same cate­ h,d an independent social life. gory of scheduled cas+e yet they do not have any type of commensal relations with the Saperas. Th~y PmJchayat System among Saperas do not participate in the ritual ceremonies (like mar­ riage etc.) of the Saperas. They remarked th::.t Saperas The Sapera panchayat is an autonomous body and are very keen to have commensal and othef social re­ exercises a rigorous control over its members. They lations with them. The Saperas. bowever, denied any have never sought the mediation of any other castes such keenness on their part to mix with thes::: castes. in their internal disputes and domestic matters and a\'oid going to legal courts even in criminal cases. Even in those cases where suits had already been filed As far as the higher castes are concerned the in the law-court by the parties, the panchayat elders Qujars and Brahmins are numerically preponderant would prevail upon them and persuade them to with­ in the areas where Saperas have their settlements. draw the suit. If the offence involved was a criminal They imposed commensal restrictions ()~l the Saperas one such as murder. arson etc., weak and doubtful in the past. The Saperas were not a Uowed to enter C'iidence would be advanced by the parties concerned the vicinity of a Gujar or Brahmin household or ~i) as to get the accused acquitted on benefit of doubt. particioate in their ritual and social ceremonies, All the cases are tried by Sapera Panchayats. no whereas other lower castes of the rural community matter whether they have been tried by the law courts were allowed to participate in such celebrations. The or not. The Saperas are confident of meeting full jus'ice Sapems did not even have free access to the village qt the hands of their own panchayat rather than any­ <:treets, welk temples etc. AGuiar r.-!spondent stated where else. So they prefer to represent their cases (civil 'hat all the restrictions imposed on the Saperas by or criminal) in their own panchayat rather than taking fl,

REl!'ERENOES

,. Snerring. M.A .• 'Rindu Tribes and. Castes', Caloufta, 1872,--Vol. III, p; ~2 & 387. 2. Orooke, W. • Castes at,d Tribes ofN; W. P. and Oudh, Calcutta 1896. Vol. III, p.298. 3. 8herring, M.A. 'Rindu Tribes and Castes', Calouttt., 'lS72. Vol.-III. p. 262. -=.======

THE DOM, THE KACHHANDHA AND THE ADI-DHARMI

173

DOMS The Doms have just a negligible population in Delhi. It appears that a few were enumerated as Hindus during 1961 Census. During the ethnographic survey no Hindu Doms could. however, be located.

KACHHANDHA

There does not appear to be any genuine com· munity Kachhandha. No published data is available on them. During the 1961 census, however 70 persons were enumerated as Kachhandha in Delhi. Field en­ quiry however. revealed that these are mostly 'Kach­ his', traditional horticulturists and vegetable growers.

177

ADI-DHARMI Adi-Dharmis, although listed separately in the 'Dharmi' means religious. Thus because of the influence S':heduled Castes list, involving a strength of 1242 per- of 'Adi Dharmi MandaI' some of the Chamars started 80:-'S (1961) in the Union Terntory were now found to introducing themselves as Adi-Dharmis. The group be no different from the Chamars, the caste of tradi­ which migrated to Delhi has kept up this nomenclature. oO'11al leather workers, some of whom have taken to They were found to be slightly educated. MO::.t of them that name. Out of these, 1242 persons, 6 (all males) reported to be working in Government offices in the were residing in rural arcas and 1236 (740 males and capaci;y of clerks and peons and some of them are 496 f~males) were residing in urban areas of the Union living in Government built quarters in Moti Bagh and Terrttory of Delhi. Hence 99.5% persons are living in Vinay Nagar areas. urban Delhi out of which 59.9% are males and 40.1 % The Adi-Dharmis of Delhi do not have any inter­ are females. It was revealed during the present investi­ marital tics with the local Chamars. They prefer marry­ gation that they are immigrants from Punjab who came ing with the Chamars of Punjab only, because Brah­ here in search of better employment. Some 35 years mins do not serve them at any occasion. 'Sallts' or Dack they became ~tatus conscious and in order to priests from their OWn caste officiate at their social raise their social status in the local caste hierarchy a and religious functions. Some times they are specially committee known, by the name of

179

LIST OF AGENTS FOR THE SALE OF GOVERNMENT OF INDIA PUBLICATIONS (AS ON 31ST MARCH, 1970) Cat. of Name of the Party Cat. of Serial Name of the Party Serial Agents No. Agents No. 1 2 3 1 2 3 AGRA- ALLAHABAD-contd. 1 National Book House, Jeoni Mandi (Reg.) 22 Bharat Law House, 15, Mahatma Gandhi Marg (Rest.) 2 Wadhwa & Co., 45 Oivil Lines (Reg.) 23 Chandralok Prakashan, 73, Darbhenga 3 Banwari Lal Jain, Publishers, Moti Colony (Rest.) Katra (Rest.) 24 Ram Narain Lal Beni Prasad, 2/A, Katra 4: Assa Ram Baldev Dass &; Sons, Bagh Road (Rest.) Muzaffarpur (Rest.) AMBALA CANTT.- AHMEDABAD- 25 English Book Depot, Ambala Cantt. .. (Reg.) 5 Balgovind Booksellers, Gandhi Road (Rest.) AMBALA CITY- 6 Ohandra Kant Ohimanlal Vora, Gandhi Road (Reg.) 26 Sethi Law House, 8719, Rly. Road, Ambala City (Reg.) 7 New Order Book Co., Gandhi Road, Ellis Bridge (Reg.) AMRITSAR- 8 Sastu Kitab Ghar, Near Relief Talkies 27 Amar Nath & Sons, Near P. O. Majith Pa~thar Kava Relief Road (Reg.) Mandi (Reg.) 9 Gujarat Law House, Near Municipal 28 Law Book Agency, G. T. Road, Putli- Swimming Bath (Rest.) Garh (Reg.) 10 Mahajau Bros., Opp. Khadillo Police Gate (Rest.) 29 The Booksellers Retreat, Hall Bazar. (Reg.) 11 Himanshu Book 00., 10 liIi8sion Market, ANAND- Near Gujat Oollege (Rest.) 30 Vijaya Stores, Station Road (Rest.)

AHMEDNAGAR- BANGALORE- 12 V. T. Jorkar, Prop. Rama General Stores, 31 Bangalore Press, Lake View, Mysore Navi Path (Rest.) Road P.O.B. No. 507 (Reg.) AJMER- 32 International Book House P. Ltd. 4F, M:. G. Road (Reg.) 13 Book Land, 663, Madar Gate (Reg.) 33 Makkala Pustak Press, Balamandira, 14: Rajputana Book House, Station Road.. (Reg.) Gandhinagar (Reg.) ALIGARH- 34 S. S. Book Emporium, 118, Mount Joy 16 Friend's Book House, Muslim Univer- Road, HanUlIlant Nagar (Reg.) sity Market (Reg.) 35 Standard Book Depot, Avenue Road (Reg.) 16 NewKl.tab Ghar, Mill Market (nest.) 36 Vichara Sahitya Ltd., Balepet (Reg.) ALLAHABAD- 37 Atma Stores, 5th Crose Malleswaram .. (Rest.) 17 Kitabistan, 17-A, Kamla Nehru Road .. (Reg.) BAREILLY- " 18 Law Book Co., Sardar Patel Marg, P. 3S Agarwal Bros., Bara Bazar (Reg.) Box 4: (Reg.) BARODA- 19 Ram Narain Lal Beni Madho, 2A, Katrs Road (Reg.) 39 New IHedical Book House, 540, Maden- zampa Road (Rest.) 20 Universal Book Co., 20 M. G. Road (Reg.) 40 Sh. Chandra Kant Mohan Lal Shah 21 University Book Agency (of Lahore) Gaini Shanker Bldg. Diwanji's Wada Elgin Road (Reg.) Dandia Bazar (Rest.) n

S3rial Name of the Party Cat. of Serial Name of the Party No. Cat. of Agents No. Agents 1 2 3 1 2 3 BHAGALPUR- ,BOMBAY-contd. 41 Paper Stationery Stores, D. N. Singh 58 ,Lakhani Book Depot, Girgaum (Reg.) Road (Reg.) 59 Minerva Book Shop, 10, Kailash Darshan BHOPAL- '3rd Floor, Nava Chowk (Reg.) 42 Lyall Book Depot, Moh. Din Bldg. 60 N. M. Tripathi P. Ltd., Princess Street (Reg.) Sultania Road 61 New Book Co., 188-190 Dr. Dadabhai 43 Bhopal Sahitya Sadan, Publishers, Book­ Naroji Road 'Reg.) sellers & Stationers, 37, Lalwani Press 62 P. P. H. Book Stall, 190/B, Khetwadi Road (Re~t.) .Main Road ' ,Reg.) BHUBANESHWAR- 68 World .Literature, Pyarc Singh Chug 44 Prabhat K. Mahapatra, Bhubaneshwar House, Agra Road (Rest.) Marg (Reg.) 64 Swastik Sales Co., Scientific, TechniCl:~1 BHAVANAGAR- Booksellers (Rest.) 45 Shah Parsotam Dass Gigabhai, M. G. 65 M. & J. Services 2jA, Bahri Building, Road (Rest.) P. B.·6007

BELGARIA- 71 Asian Trading Co'.,---'3-10, the ·Miraballe ! ·P~,B. 1505 (Rest.) 48 Granthloka 5/1, Ambica Mukherji Road 24 Parganas (W. B.) (Rest.) 72. Secretary, Sales Tax Practitione~ Associ­ ation, Room No.8; Palton Road (Rest.) / BIKANER- 73 Usha Book Depot, 585 Chira Bazar 'Reg~') 49 Bhandari Bros., Goga Gate (Rest.) CALCUTTA- BOMBAY- 74 Chatterjee & Co., 3/1, B,echaramChatter­ ", \ \ jee Lan.e (Eeg.) 50 Charles Lambert & Co., 101, M. G. Road '(Reg.) f I" 75 Current LiteraturEl Co., 208, M. G. ROald (Rest.) 51 Co-operators Book Depot, 5/32, Ahmed , \ ' Sailor Bldg. Dadar (Reg.) 76 Dass\Gup,ta & Co. Ltd., 54t3~ College /,~treetr . , .. (Reg.) I 52 Current Book House, Maruti Lane, I Raghunath Dadaji Street. (Reg.) 77 Firma K. L. Mukhopadhya, ~flA, Ban- chhar.am Akrui: Lane .. (Reg.) 53 Current Technical Literature Co. P. Ltd., India House, 1st, Floor (Reg.) 78 Hindu Library, 69-A, Bolararrr~e Stre~t (Reg.) '. ~ - J i 54 C. Jamnadas & Co., Booksellers, 146-C, 79 M. C. Sa:.;kar & Sons P. Ltd., 14, Bankin>.· Princess St. (Reg.) Chattj)rji Lane . (Reg.) 55 Indo Nath & Co., Office No.8, 1st Floor" 80 Oxford Book Stationery Co., 17 Park St: (Reg.) 257 Frase Road (Reg.) \ ; 81 R. Chambrary & Co. Ltd., Kant.., House, 56 International Book House Ltd., 9 Ash P. 33 Mission Row Extensio,n ' (Reg.) Lane, M.G. Road (Reg.) 82 S. C. Sarkar and Sons P. Ltd., IC College (Reg.) 57 Kothari Book Depot, King Edward . (Reg.) Road (Reg.) 83 S. K. Lahiri & Co. Ltd., College Street ' Serial Name of the Party Cat. of Serial Name of the Party Cat. of No. Agents No. Agents 1 2 3 1 2 3 CALCUTTA-contd. DEHRADUN -conia. 84 Thacker Spink & Co., (1933) P. Ltd., 112 Universal Book House, 39 A, Rajpur 3 Esplanade East (Reg.) Road (Rest.) 85 W. Newman & Co. Ltd.,3, Old Court House Street (Reg.) ·113 N atraj Publishers, 52, Rajpur Road (Reg.) 86 Indian Book Dist. Co. C/52, M.G. Road (Rest.) DELHI- 87 K. K. Roy, 55, Gariahat Road, P. Box 114 Atma Ram & Sons, Kashmere Gate (Reg.) No. 10210 (Rest.) 115 Bahri Bros., 243, Lajpat Rai Market (Reg.) 88 Manimala, 123, Bow Bazar Street (Reg.) 89 Modern Book Depot, 9, Chowringhee 116 Bawa Harkishan Dass Bedi Vijaya Centre (Rest.) General Agency Delhi Ahata Kodara Chamalian Road (Reg.) 90 New Script, 172/3, Rash Behari Avenue (Reg.) 91 Gyan Bharatik, 17l-A, M. G. Road (Reg.) 117 Bookwells, 4 Sant Nirankari Colony, P. B. 1565, Delhi-9 (Reg.) 92 Mukherjee Library, I, Gopi Mohan Datta Lane (Rest.) 118 Dhanwant Medical & Law Book House, 1522, Lajpatrai Market (Reg.) . \13 S. Bhattachar & Co., 49, Dharamtalla Street (Rest.) 119 Federal Law Depot, Kashmere Gate (Reg.) 94 Seientific Book. Agency, 103, Nctaji 120 Imperial Publishing Co., 3. Faiz Bazar, Subhas Road (Rest.) Darya Ganj (Reg.) 95 Smt. P.D. Upadhyay, 16, Munshi Sardar­ uddin Lane (Rest.) 121 Indian Army Book Depot, 3, Ansari Road Darya Ganj (Reg.) 96 Universal Book Dist., 8/2 Hasting, Street (Rest.) 122 J. M. Jaina & Bros., Mori Gate (Reg.) )7\ 97 "1\'Ianisha Granthalaya P. Ltd., 4/3, B. 123 Xitab Mahal (Wholesale Division) P. Bankim Chatterji Street (Rest.) Ltd., 28, Faiz Bazar (Reg.) 98 N. M. Roy Chowdhury Co. P. Ltd., 72 M. G. Road (Rest.) 124 K. L. Seth, Suppliers of Law Commer­ cial & Tech. Books Shantinagar, Ga­ CHANDIGARH- neshpura (Reg.) 99 Jain Law Agency, Shop No.5, Sector 125 Metropoliton Book Co., 1, Faiz Bazar .. (Reg.) (Reg.) 22-D 126 Publication Centre, Subzi Mandi, Opp. , 100 Mehta BrOB. 1933, Sector 22-B (Reg. ) Birla Mills (Reg.) 101 Rama News Agency, Booksellers, Sec­ 127 Sat Narain & Sons, 3141, MoM. Ali tor No. 22 (Reg.) Bazar, IvI."- Ga te (Reg.) 102 Universal Book Store, Booth No. 25, Sector No. 22-D (Reg.) 128 Universal Book & Stationery Co., 16, Neta) Subhas Marg (Reg.) 103 English Book Shop 34, Sector 22-D (Re3t.) 129 Universal Book Traders, 80, Gokhle CALICUT- Market (Reg.) 104 Touring Book Stall Court Road (Rest.) 130 Youngman & Co., Nai Sarak (Reg.) OO'fTAOK 131 Adarsh Publicity Service, 5A/1O, Ansari 105 Cuttack Law Times, Cuttaek (Reg.) Road, Darya Ganj (Rest.) 106 D. P.·Soor & Sons, Manglabad (Rest.) 132 Amar Hind Book House, Nai Sarak (Rest.) '107 New Student Store (Rest.) 133 All India Educational Supply Co., Sri DEHRADUN Ram Buildings, Jawahar Nagar (Rest.) lOS' Bishan Singh and Mahendra Pal Singh, 134 B. Nath & Bros., 3808, Charkawalan 318, Chukhuwala (Reg.) (Chowri Bazar) (Rest.) ,109 Jugal Kishore & Co., Rajpur Road (Reg.) 135 General Book Depot, 1691, Nai Sarak (Rest.) 110 National News Agency, Pattan Bazar (Reg.) 136 Hindi Sahitya Sausar, 1547, Nai Sarak (Rest.) III Sant Singh ~ Sons, ~8, Rama Market (Rest.) 137 Law Literature House, 2646, Balimaran (Rest.) lV

Serial Name of the Party Oat. of Serial Name of the Party Cat. of No. Agents No. Agents 1 2 3 1 2 3 DELHI-contd. GWALIOR- 138 Munshi Ram Manohar LaI, Oriental 159 Loyal Book Depot, Patankar Bazar Booksellers & Publishers, P.P. No. 1165, Lashmar (Rest.) Nai Sarak . . (Rest.) 160 Tater Bros. BaraIe (Rest.) 139 Premier Book 00., Printers, Publishers and Bookseller, Nai Sarak (Rest.) 161 Anand Pustak Bhandar, M.L.B. Marg (Rest.) 162 M. C. Daftari, Prop. M.B. Jain & Bros., Book 140 Oversees Agency" 3810, David Booksellers, Sarafa, Lashmar (Rest.) Street, Darya Ganj-9 .. (Reg.) 163 Grover Law House, Near High Court 141 Amir Book Depot, Nai Sarak (Rest.) GaH . (Rest.) 142 Rajpal & Sons, Kashmeri Gate .. (Rest.) 164 Kitab Ghar, High Court Road (Reg.) 143 Saini LaW Publishing 00., 1899, Chandni GHAZIABAD- Chowk .. (Rest.) 165 Jayana Book Agency, Outside S.D. 144 Moti Lal Banal'si Dass, Bangalow Road, Inter College, G.T, Road (Rest.) Jawahar Nagar (Reg.) 166 S. Gupta. 342, Ram Nagar (Reg.) 145 Sangam Book Depot, Main Market Gupta Colony (Reg.) HYDERABAD- 146 Summer Bros, P.O. Birla Lines .. (Rest.) 167 The Swaraj, Book Depot, Lakdikapul (Reg. 147 University Book House, 15, U.B. Ban- 168 Bhasha Prakashan 22-5-69 Gharkaman (Rest.) galow Road, Jawahar Nagar (Rest.) 169 Booklovers, P. Ltd., Kachiguda Chow- 148 Om Book Stall, Civil Oourt Oompound (Reg.) rasta (Rest.) DHANBAD- 170 Book Syndicate, Devka Mahal, Oppo- site Qentral BaI}k' (Reg.) 149 New Sketch Press, Post Box 26 .. (Rest.) c 171 Labour. L'~w Publications 873, Sultan DHARWAR- Bazar -_ (Reg.) 15Q Bharat Book Depot & Prakashan, 172 Book Links Corporation, Narayanagoda (Reg.) Subhash Road .. (Rest.) BARDWAR- 151 Akalwadi Book Depot, Vijay Road (Rest,) / 173 Se-vaKunj, Kanshal Bhawan Braham- ERNAKULAM- puri (Rest.) 152 South India Traders, % Oonstitutional Law Journal (Reg.) HunLI- , \174 Pervaje's Book House, Station Road . (Reg.) 153 Pai & 00., Broadway " (Rest.) FEROZEPUR OANTT.- INDORE- 175 '\V"itdhwa& Co.,' ,27, :Mahatma Gandhi - , 154 English Book Depot, 78, Jhoke Road (Reg.) Road ' " (Reg.)

GAYA~ 176 Mad.hya Pradesh, Book Centre, 41, Ahil- _ i . 155 Sahitya Sadan, Gautam Budha Marg (Reg.) yap~ra . (~Elst.) . \ :, GOA- 177 M()dern Book House Shiv Vilas .Palace •• (U,est.r 156 Singhal's Book House, P.O.B. No. 70 178 SWal'UP Bros, Khajmj,.Bazar (Reg.) i Near the Church (Rest.) 179 Vinay Pustak Bhandar (Rest.) GURGAON- JAIPUR ClTY- 157 Prabhu Book Service,' Nai Subzi Mandi (Rest.) 180 Bharat Law House, Booksellers & Pub- lishers Opp.· Prem Prakash Cine,ma (Reg;) GUNTUR- 181 Popular Book Depot, Chama Rasta (Reg.) 158 Book Lovers P. Ltd., Arnudelpet, ," Ohowrasta (Reg.) 182 Valli Mandir Swami Mansing Highway (Reg.) Serial Name of the Party Cat. of SerIal Name of the Party Cat. of No. Agents No. Agents 1 2 3 1 2 3 JAIPUR CITY-oontd. LUCKNOW- 183 Raj Books & Subs. Agency, 16, Nehru 204: Balkrishna Book Co. Ltd., Hazrat Ganj (Reg.) Bazar (Rest.) 205 British Book Depot, 84, Hazrat Ganj (Reg.) JAMSHEDPUR- 206 Eastern Book Co., 34, Lallbagh Road (Reg.) 184 Amar Kitab Ghar, Diagonal Rd., P.B. 207 Ram Advani Hazartganj, P.B. 154 (Reg.) No. 78 (Reg.) 208 Universal Publisners (P) Ltd., Hazrat­ 185 Gupta Stores, Dhatkidith (Reg.) ganj (Reg.) 186 Sanyal Bros, Booksellers & News Agents, 209 Acquarium Supply Co., 213, Faizabad 26, Main Road (Rest.) Road (Rest.) JAMNAGAR- 210 Civil & Military Educational Stores, 187 Swadeshi Vastu Bhandar, Ratanbai l06jB, Sadar Bazar (Rest.) Masid Road (Reg.) LUDHIANA- JODHPUR- 211 Layall Book Depot, Chaura Bazar (Reg.) 188 Chopra Bros., Tripolia Bazar (Reg.) 212 Mohindra Bros., Katcheri Road (Rest.) 189 Dwarka Das Rathi, Wholesale Books 213 Nanda Stationery Bhandar, Pustak and News Agents (Reg.) Bazar (Rest.) 190 Kitab Ghar, Sojati Gate (Reg.) 214 The Pharmacy N ewe, Pindi St. (Rest.) 191 Raj asthan Law House, High Court Road (Rest.) MADURAI- JUBBALPUR- 215 Oriental Book House, 258, West Masi St. (Reg.) 192 Modern Book House, 286, Jawaharganj (Reg.) 216 Vivakananda Press, 48, West Masi 193 Popular Book House, Near Omti P.O. (Rest.) Street (Reg.)

JULLUNDUR CITY- MATHURA- 194 Jain General House, Bazar Bansanwala (Reg.) 217 Rath & Co., Tilohi Building, Bengali Ghat (Rest.) 195 Hazooria Bros., Mai Hiran Gate (Rest.) MADRAS- 196 University Publishers, Railway Road (Rest.) 218 Account Test Institute, P.O. 760, JHUNJHUNU (RAJ)- Emgora (Reg.) 197 Shashi Kumar Sharat Chandra (Rest.) 219 C. Subbiah Chetty, 62, Big Street, Tripli- cance (Reg.) KANPUR- 220 K. Krishnamurty, Post Box 384 (Reg.) 198 Advani & Co., P. Box 100, The Mall (Reg.) 221 P. Vardhachary & Co., 8 Linghi Chetty 199 Sahitya Niketan, Sharadhanand Park (Reg.) Street (Reg.) 200 Universal Book Stall, The Mall (Reg.) 222 C. Sitaraman & Co., 33, Royapettach High Road KAPSAN- (Reg.) 223 M. Sachechalam & Co., 14, Ba.nkuram 201 Parkashan Parasaran, 1/90, Namdar Chetty Street (Rest.) Niwas Azad Marg (Reg.) 224 Madras Book f\.gency (Rest.) KOLAPUR- 225 The Rex Trading Co., P.B. 5049, 31 & 32 202 :M:aharashtra Granth Bhandar, Maha- James Street (Rest.) dwar Road (Rest.) 226 Nav Bharat Agencies 18, Audiappa Street KUMTA- Sadhana Sadan (Rest. ) 203 S.V. Kamat, Booksellers & Stationers 227 Mohan Pathippagam & Book Depot, 3, (S. Kanala) (Reg.) . Pyecrafts, Triplicance (Rest.) Serial Name of the Party Cat. of Serial Name of the Party Cat. of No. Agents No. Agents 1 2 3 1 2 3 MADRAS-contd. NEW DELHI-- 228 Naresh Co., 3, Dr. Rangachari Ro., 248 Aml'it Book Co., Co ':lQught Circus (Reg.) (ReRt.) Mylapore 249 AapkiDukan, 5(5777, i1evNagar (Reg.) RelIance Trading Co., 70)10, Shambu 229 250 Bhawani & Sons, 8 F. Connaught (Reg.) Das Street Place . . (Reg.) MANGALORE- 251 Central News Agency, 23/90, Connaught Circus . . (Reg.) 230 U. R. Shaneye SonE', Car Street, P. Box 128 (Reg.) 252 Englit;h Book Stores, 7-,[" Connaught 231 K. Booga Rao & Co., Kodial Bail (Rest.) Circus P. B. No. 328 (Reg.) 253 Jain Book Agency, C(9, Prem House, MEERUT- Connaught Place (Reg.) 232 Loyal Book Depot, Chhipi Tank (Reg.) 254 Jayana Book Depot, P.B. 2505, Karol 233 Prakash Educational Stores, Subhash Bagh (Reg.) Bazar (Reg.) 255 Luxrni Book Store, 72, Janpath P.O. MUZAFFAR NAGAR- Box 553 (Reg.) 234 B. S. Jain & Co., 71 Abupura (Reg.) 256 Mehra Bros, 50-G, Kalkaji New Delhi- 19 (Reg.) 235 Gargya & Co., 139, G. New Market (Rest.) 257 Navyug Traders, Desh Bandhu Gupta MUZAFFERPUR- Road, Dev Nagar (Reg.) 236 Scientific & Educational Supply Syndi- 258 New Book Depot, I,atest Books, Periodi­ cate ., (Rest.) cals, Sty. P.E. 96, Conn aught Place .. (Reg.) lVlYSORE- 259 Oxford Book & Stationer~ Co., Scindia House > . 237 H. Vankataramiah & Sons, Krishnara- (Reg.) gendra Circle (Reg.) 260 Peoples Publishing House (P) 'Ltd., Rahijhansi Road 23& People Book House, Opp. J agan Mohan (Reg.) Palace .. (Reg.) 261 Ram Krishna & Sons (of Lahore) 16/B, 239 Geeta Book House, New State Circle .. (Reg) I Connaught Place (Reg.) 240 Indian Mercantile Corporation, Ram- 262 R. K; Publishers, 23, Beadonpura, Karol yilas .. (Rest.) Bagh i (Reg.) ! MANDSAUR- 263 Sharma Bros, 17, New Market, nIoti> \ Nagll,l . (Reg.) 241 Nahta Bros., Booksellers & Stationers ., (R\)st.) '\ 264 The Secretary, Indiah Met. Society, . Lodi Road- (Reg.) , . MUSSOURI- , ', .... ~ ~ ~ 242 Hind Traders, N.A.A. Centre, Dick Road (Rest.) 265 Sune~ J}ook Centre, :24)90, Connaught Circus' > . (Reg.) 243 Western Book Depot, Residency Road (Reg.) 266 United Book Agency, 31," Mlwicipal 244 The Executive Secretary, Mineral In- Mark~t, Connaugnt Circus L*eg.) " dustry Association, ~Iineral House, Near All India Radio Square .. (Rest.) 267 Hindi Book House, 82, Janpath (!teg.) 268 Lakshmi Book Depot, 57, Ragarpura, NILGIRIS-- Karol Bagh .. (Rest.) 245 Mary Martin Booksellers, Kotagiris 269 N.C. Kaunchal & Co., 40, Model Basti, Madr~s States (Rest.) P.O. Karol Bagh, New Delhi-5 C~st.) NAINITAL- 270 Ravindra' Book Agency, 4D/50, Double . 246 Consal Book Depot, Bara Bazar Storey, Lajpat Nagar . . (Reg.) , NADIAD- 271 Sant Ram Booksellers 16, New Muni~i- 247 R. S. De Station Road (Rest.) pal Market,Lodi Cplony (Rest.) Serial Name of the Party Cat. of Serial Name of the Party Cat. of No. Agents No. Agents 1 2 3 1 2 3 NEW DELHI-contd. RANCHI- 272 Subhas Book Depot, Shop No. Ill, Oen- 294 Orown Book Depot, Upper Bazar (Reg.) tral Market, Srinivaspuri (Rest.) REWARI-- 273 The Seey., Federation of Association of 295 Tika Ram Sing Lal (Rest.) Small Industry of India, 23-B/2, Rohtak Road (Rest.) SAUGAR- 296 Yadav Book Stall, Publishers & Book- 274 Globe Publications, C-33, Nizammudin sellers (Rest.) East (Rest.) SEOUNDERABAD- 275 Standard Booksellers, Stationers, Pa- lam Enclave (Rest.) 297 Hindustall Diary Publishers, Market Street (Rest.) 276 Scientific Instruments Stores, A-355, New Rajender Nagar (Rest.) SIVAKASI- 298 Ganesh Stores, South Car Street (Rest.) 277 Shyam Pustak Bhandar, 3819, Arya Samaj Road (Rest.) SIMLA- PATIALA- 299 Minerva Book Shop, The Mall (Reg.) 278 Jam & 00., 17 Shah N ashin Bazar (Reg.) SURAT- PATNA- 300 Shri Gajanan 'Pustakalaya, Tower Road (Reg.) 279 Luxmi Trading Co., Padri Ki Haveli (Reg.) 301 Gujarat Subs. Agency, Jawahar Lal 280 J.N.P. Agarwal & Co., Padri Ki Haveli .. (Reg.) Nehru Marg, Athwa Lines (Rest.) 281 Moti Lal Banarsi Dass & 00., Padri Ki TUTIOORIN- Haveli (Reg.) 302 Shri K. Thia,garajan, 51, French Chapai 282 Today & Tomorrow, Ashok Rajpath (Rest.) Road (Rest.) POONA- TRIOHINOPOLLY- 283 Deccan Book Stall, Deccan Gymkhana .. (Reg.) 303 S. Krishnaswami & 00., 35, Subhash Ohandra Bose Road (Rest.) 284 Imperial Book Depot, 266, M. G. Road .. (Reg.) TRIPURA- 285 Saraswat 67, Patel Flats, 2 Bombay- 304 G.R. Dutta & 00., Scientific Equip­ Poona Road (Rest.) ments Suppliers (Re',t.) 286 International Book Service, Deccan TRIVANDRUM- Gymkhana (Reg.) 305 Internat ona] Book Depot, Main Road (Reg.) 287 Raka Book Agency, Opp. Natu's Chawl, Near Appa Balwant Chowk (Reg.) 306 Reddiar Press & Book Depot, P.B. No.4 (Rest.) 288 Secy., Bharati Itihasa Samshodhalla TEZPUR- Mandir, 1321, Sadashiv Path (ReRt.) 307 Jyoti Prakashan Bhawan Tezpur­ Assam (Rest.) PONDIOHERRY- 289 Honesty Book House, 9 Rue Duplix (Rest.) UDAIPUR- 308 Book Oentre, Maharana Bhopal Oollege, PUDUKKOTTAI- Oonsumer, Oo-operative Society Ltd. ., (Rest.) 290 Meenakashi Pattippagam, 4142, East " Main Street (Rest.) 309 Ashutosh & Co., Station Road, Opp. University of Udaipur (Rest.) 291 SOO P. Swaminathan Shivam & 00., UJJAIN- East Main Road (Rest.) 310 Rami Bros. 41, Mallipura (Rest.) RAJKOT- VARANASI- 292 Mohan La! Dossbhai Shah Booksellers & Subs. & Advt. Agent (Reg.) 311 The Manager, Banaras Hindu Uni­ versity Book Depot (Reg.) RAIPUR-· 312 Ohowkhamba Sans1crit Series Office, 293 Pustak Pratisthan, Sati Bazar (Rest.) Gopal Mandir Lane P.B. No.8 (Reg.) Vlll...

Serial Name of the Party Cat. of Serial Name of the Party Cat. of No. Agents No. Agents I 2 3 1 2 3 VARANASI-contd. ON S. & R. BASIS-contd. 313 Kohinoor Stores, University Road 12. The Employment Officer, Employment Exchange Lanka (Reg.) Dhar, Madhya Pradesh. 314; Viswavidyalaya Prakash an, K 40/18, 13. The Employment Officer, Employment Ex­ Bhairo Nath Marg (Reg.) c· ange, Gopal Bhavan, Morena. 315 Globe Book Centre, P.O. HinduB Uni- 14. The Employment Officer, Employment Ex- versity (Rest.) change, Jhabue. VISAKHAPATNAM- 15. The Head Clerk, Govt. Book Depot, Ahmedabad. 316 Gupta Bros., Vizia Building (Reg.) 16. The Head Olerk, . Photozincographic Press, 5 317 The Secretary Andhra University Finance Road, Poona. General Co., Opp. Stores (Rest.) 17. The Officer-in-Oharge, Assam, Govt. B.D., Shillong. VELLORE- 18. The Officer-in-Oharge, Extension Oentre, Club Road, Muzaffarpur. 318 A. Venkatasubban, Law Booksellers (Reg.) 19. The Officer-in-Oharge, Extension Centre, In­ WARDHA- dustrial Estate, Kokar, Ranchi. 319 Swarajeya Bhandar, Rathi Market .. (Reg.) 20. The Officer-in-Oharge, State Informa.tion Centre, Hydcrabad 21. The Officer-m-Charge, S.I.S.I. Extension Centre, FOR LOCAL SALE MaIda. 1 Government of India Kitab Mahal Jan­ 22. The Officer-ill-Charge, S.l.S.I., Habra, Tabaluria, path, Opposite India Coffee House, New 24 Parganas. Delhi Phone No. 44561 23. The Officer-in-Charge, University Employment 2 Government of India Book Depot, 8, Hastings Bureau, Luclmow. Street, Calcutta, Phone, No. 23-3813. 24. Officer-in-Oharge, S.l.S.I. Ohrontanning Exten­ 3 High Commissioner for India in 1Jondon India sion Oentre, Tangra 33/1, North Topsia Road, House, London W.C. 2. Calcutta 46,- /' 25. The Officer-in-Charge, S.1.S.1. Extension Centre (Footwear), Calcutta-2. ON s. & R. BASIS 26. The Officer-_in-Oharge, S.I.S.I. Model Carpentry Workshop, Puyali Nagar P.O.· Burnipur, '24 1. The Assistant Director, Extension Centre, Bhuli Parganas. Road Dhanbad. 27. Publication Division, Sales Depot, Torth BloGk, 2. The Assistant Director, ExteIl.'~ion Centre, Sant- New :pelhi. nagar, Hyderabad,-18. . 28, TheiPress Officer, Orissa Sectt. duttack. 3. The Asstt. Director (Jovt. of India, S.I.S. I., Minis .. try of C. & I. Extension Centre, Kapileshwar , 2~. 'The Registrar of Oompanies, An'dhra Bank Road, Belgaum. Building, 6, Lingthi Ohe~ty Street, P. B. 1530, M,adras. 4. The Asstt. Director, Extension Centre, Krishna Distt. (A.I.) 30 Th~ <:Registrar of, Oompanies, Assam, Manipur and Trlpura, Shillong. 5 The Asstt. Director, Footwear, Extension Centre, Polo Ground No.1 .Jodhpur. 31. The ,Registrar· of OOl:Apanies, 'Bihar JourI_lal Road, Patna-1. 6. The Asstt. Director Industrial Extension Centre. Nadiad (Gujarat). 32._ The Registrar of Companies, 162, Brig~de R~d, . Bangalol'e. , ,. -\ 7. The Development Commissioner, Small-Scale Industries, Uqyog Bhawan, New Delhi. 33. The Registrar of Oompanies, Everest, 100 Marine 8. The Dy. Director, Incharge, S.I.S.I. C/o Chief Drive, Bombay. Civil Admn. Goa, Panjim. ,34. The Registrar of Companies, Gujarat State 9. The Director, Govt. Press, Hyderabad. Samachar Building, Ahmedabad. \ 10. The Director Indian Bureau of Mines,. Govt. of 35. The Registrar of Companies, Gwalior, (M. 1>,,), India, Ministry of Steel, Mines and Fuel, Nag- 36. The Registrar of Companies, H. No. ,3·5-837, pur. ./ Hyder Guda, Hyderabad.· . 11. The Director, S.I.S.I. Industrial Extension. 37. The Registrar of Companie8'; Kerala, 70, Feet Cen tre, Udhna-Surat. Road,- ErnakUlam. , IX

Name of the Party Cat. of Serial Name of the Party Cat. of Serial No. Agents No. Agents 2 3 1 2 3 1 ON S. & R. BASIS-contd. ON S. & R. BASIS-contd. 38. The Registrar of CompanieR, M. G. Road, West 66. The Assistant Director, State Information Cotto Building, P.B. 334:, Kanpur. Centre, Hubli. 39. The Registrar of Companies, Narayani Building, 67. The Director of Supplies and Disposal, Depart- Brabourne Road, Calcutta. ment of Supply, 10, Mount Road, Madras-2. 40. The Registrar of Companies, OrisRa, Cuttack 68. Director General of Supplies and Disposals, Chandi, Cuttack. N.LC. Building, Now Delhi. 41. The Registrar of Companies, Ponilicherry. 69. The Controller of Imports and Exports, Rajkot. 42. The Registrar of Companies, Punjab & Himachal 70. The Inspector, Dock Safety, MIL & E Madras Pradesh, Link Road, Jullundur City. Harbour, Madras-I. 43. The Registrar of Companies, Rajasthan & Ajmer 71. The Inspecting Assistant Commissioner of Shri Kumta Prasad House, 1st Floor, 'C' Scheme Income Tax, Kerala, T. Ernakulam. Ashok Marg, Jaipur. 72. The Under Secretary, Rajya Sabha Secretariat 44. The Registrar of Companies, Sunlight Insurance Parliament House, New Delhi. . Building, Ajmeri Gate Extension, New Delhi. 73. Controller of Imports and Exports, 7, Poilland 45. The Registrar of Trade Union, Kanpur. Park, Visakhapatnam. 46. Soochna Sahita Depot, (State Book Depot), 74. The Senior Inspec.tor, Dock Safety, Botwalla Luclmow. Chambers Sir P.M.' Road, Bombay. 47. Superintendent, Bhupendra State Press, Patiala. 75. Controller of Imports and Exports, LB. 14-P· Pondicherry. 48. Superintendent, Government Pre~s and Book Depot, Nagpur. 76. Deputy Director, Incharge, 8.LS.I. Sahakar Bhavan, Trikon Ba~icha, Rajkot. 49. Superintendent, Government Press, ilIount Road, Madras. 77. The Publicity and Liaison Officer, Forest, Research Institute and Colleges, Near Forest 50. Superintendent, Government State: Stores and P.O. Dehradun. Pub. P.O. Gulzcnbagh, Patna. 51. Superintendent, Government Printing and Sta­ 78. The Assistant Controller of Imports and Ex­ tionery Depot, Rajasthan, Jaipur City. ports, Government of India, Ministry of Com­ merce, Ncw Kandla. 52. Superintendent, Government Printing and Stationery, Rajkot. 79. The Deputy Director General (S.D.) 6, Esplanade, East Calcutta. 53. Superintendent, Government Printing and Stationery, Punjab, Chandigarh. 80. The Director, Government of India, S.LS.I. 54. Superintendent, Government State Emporium, Ministry of I. & S., Industrial Area R, Ludhiana. V.P. Rewa. 81. The Government Epigraphist for India. 55. Deputy Controller, Printing ann Stationery 82. The Assistant Director, Incharge, S.LS.1. Ex­ Office Himachal Pradesh, Simla. tension Centre, Varanasi. 56. Superintendent Printing and Stationery, Allaha­ 83. The Director of Supplies, Swarup Nagar, Kanpur. bad, Uttar Pradesh. 84. The Assistant Director (Admn.), Office of the 57.. Superintendent, Printing and Stationery, Madhya Directorate of Supplies and Disposal; Bombay. Pradesh, Gwalior. 85. The Chief Controller of Imports and Exports' 58. Superintendent, Printing and Stationery, Charni Ministry of International Trade, Madras. Road, Bombay. 86. The Deputy Collector of Customs, Custom House 59. _Superintendent State Government Press, Visakhapatnam. Bhopal. 87. The Principal (}fficer, Mercantile Marine Depart­ 60. The Assistant Director, Publicity and Infor­ ment, Calcutta. mation, Vidhan Sabha, Bangalore-l. 61. Superintendent, Government Press, Trivendrum. 88. The Director, S.I.S.I., Karan Nagar, Srinagar. 62. Assistant Information Officer, Press Informa­ 89. The Director, Incharge, S.1.S.1., 107, Industrial tion Bureau, Information Centre, Srinagar. Estate, Kanpur. 63. GoChief Controller of Imports and Exports, Panjam, 90. The Director of Inspection, New Marine Lines, &. Bombay-I. 64. Employment Officer Employment Exchange 91. The Deputy Chief Controller of Imports and (Near Bus Stop), Sidhi (M.P.) Exports, T.D. Road, Ernakulam. 6K 'The Director, Reginoal Meteorological Centre, 92. The Assistant Director, Government Stationery Alipur. Calcutta. and Book Depot, AUl'sngabad. S~rial Name of the Part], Cat. of Serial Name (If t}lI: Pll.rty Cat. of No. Agents No. Agen.ts 1 2 3 1 2 3 ON S. &; R. BASIS-co·ntd. ON S. & It BASIS~con()Jd. 123. The Directm of Census Operations, Gujarat \:13. The Asslstal,t DirectDr IDcharge, B.l.SJ., Club Ellis Bridge, Ahmedabad·6. Road, Hubli. 124. The Direct.or Ot Cf'.n5US Operations, Haryaua, 94. Th.,. Employment Officer, Ta1echer. Kothi No.1 Sector IO-A, Chilndigarh. 91L 'rhe Director of Inspection, Dte., G. & S. Dts" FDsal 1, Ganesh Chandra Avenue,. Calcutta. 12). The Director of Census Op€ration8, Himachal Pradcsh, Boswel, 8imla-5 9(1. The Collector of Customs, New Cl1stom Hou&c;j BClmbay. ]26. The Dircotm elf Census Ope:re.tions, Jammu &I 97. The C~ntrl)l1er (.f Imports & Exports, Bangalore. K&sh.m.;r, 19 Karan. N.agar, Sr:naga.:. 98. The Adma. o ffic. cr, Tnriff Commissioner, 101, 127. The Dir(\ctor (If Gt'.Il~US OperatimlS, K{lrala .. Q,uE!en's Road, Bomhrty. Kawdhr ;\'VCDW" RC'Qd: Tri"al,druu1-B. 1I'? The Comln:lsgiDJ)el' of Ine,:.me Tsx. Patiali1. 123. The Director 01 CE>.DSUS Operations, Madhya Praaesh, Civil Lines, :B(H;r"l.~ (M..P,). 101\ The Dil'edor, Minishy of I, & SnpIli,V, (Df')ltt.. of Industry}, Cutta<:lk, 129. The Director of Census Operations, :Maharashtra, Sprott RoarJ, Bombay-l (B.R.). . 101. The Deputy Diree~or (If Public Rciati()ns Stltte 130. The Director of Cen.sl1s OperatiollS, ManipUI.; Information Centre, Patn". ImphltL 102. The Officer-in-Chllrg~ State Information Centre. 131. The Director 01 Census Operation'l, Meghalayl' Madras. Nangri Hills, 8billong-3. 10;>'. Th~ A&~tt. Direi:.tor, S,LS,L:M:.l. Road, Jaipur, 132. The Dire0tor af Censul! Opera.tionll, MYMI. 104, The Col!octur of CUHtoml'l, }IoT:\(1ra~. .Ba.ssllppa Cross Road, Shanti Nagar, Bangalore-l. 105. National Building Orglmis:".t,ion, :Nirl1liin 12.3, Th~ Dil'e,et(}~ of Ccnllus Operations, Nagaland, Bhawltu, New Delhi. Kohima. lOS. The Contreller of Comm1luieation, Bombay Re- 134, The Direct,or of Census Operation3, Orisil8., gion, BDmbay. Chandni Clwwk, Cuttack-L ID7. The Karnatak University, DhllIwar. 135. The Dired.ortof Cknsus Operation&, Puu)!lb, Kothi lOB. Tb.e,sardar.Patelllniversity, Vella bh Vidyauagar. No. 72, Sector 5, Chandiga.rh. 109. The Principal Publications Offlcer Sending ISS. The n-::rect()! of C€M'l8 Operat.iollil, Rajasthan, Commi88ion for Scientific & Tedl1lical Termi­ Rambag Pa.laet', Jaipur. nology U.G.C. Building, New Delhi. 137. The Dircc.tor of Census OperationA, Tamil 110. The O:ffieer IUlJbarge hlfoTroat.ioll Centre. Nlldu, 10, Pocs Garden, Madra.s-So. 811'ai Ram Sinl-"h Road, Jaipnr. 138. The Direc.tor i,I Census Operations, Tripura, 111. The Director Cknel'ai of Civil Aviation, RiOW Delhi. Durga Bsri West. Compound, Af!:artala. 112. Controller of Aerodro illES. Delhi. 139. 'l'he Directot of Cell,,>u8 Operations, Uttar Pm· 113. Contl't.Uer of AerodromeB, Cu,lcutta. ,lesh, 6, P"rk RoaQ, Lu,:;knrnv. 114. Contr[)Uer of AerOOlom~, Bomhi.Y, l-iO. The Director of Census Operation.s, )Yest Bengal, 115. Controller of Aerodromes, Ma,dras. 20 British Indian Street, Calcutta-I. 116. The Registrar, Puniah Agril'ultunl University HI. The Director ()f Census Operations, Andamat Ludhiana. and Nicobar hIands, Port Blair. 117. The Land &; Dev