Zionist Exclusivism and Palestinian Responses

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Zionist Exclusivism and Palestinian Responses CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by Kent Academic Repository UNIVERSITY OF KENT SCHOOL OF ENGLISH ‘Bulwark against Asia’: Zionist Exclusivism and Palestinian Responses Submitted for the Degree of Ph.D. in Postcolonial Studies at University of Kent in 2015 by Nora Scholtes CONTENTS Abstract i Acknowledgments ii Abbreviations iii 1 INTRODUCTION: HERZL’S COLONIAL IDEA 1 2 FOUNDATIONS: ZIONIST CONSTRUCTIONS OF JEWISH DIFFERENCE AND SECURITY 40 2.1 ZIONISM AND ANTI-SEMITISM 42 2.2 FROM MINORITY TO MAJORITY: A QUESTION OF MIGHT 75 2.3 HOMELAND (IN)SECURITY: ROOTING AND UPROOTING 94 3 ERASURES: REAPPROPRIATING PALESTINIAN HISTORY 105 3.1 HIDDEN HISTORIES I: OTTOMAN PALESTINE 110 3.2 HIDDEN HISTORIES II: ARAB JEWS 136 3.3 REIMAGINING THE LAND AS ONE 166 4 ESCALATIONS: ISRAEL’S WALLING 175 4.1 WALLING OUT: FORTRESS ISRAEL 178 4.2 WALLED IN: OCCUPATION DIARIES 193 CONCLUSION 239 WORKS CITED 245 SUPPLEMENTARY BIBLIOGRAPHY 258 ABSTRACT This thesis offers a consideration of how the ideological foundations of Zionism determine the movement’s exclusive relationship with an outside world that is posited at large and the native Palestinian population specifically. Contesting Israel’s exceptionalist security narrative, it identifies, through an extensive examination of the writings of Theodor Herzl, the overlapping settler colonialist and ethno-nationalist roots of Zionism. In doing so, it contextualises Herzl’s movement as a hegemonic political force that embraced the dominant European discourses of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, including anti-Semitism. The thesis is also concerned with the ways in which these ideological foundations came to bear on the Palestinian and broader Ottoman contexts. A closer consideration of Ottoman Palestine reveals a hidden history of imperial inclusivity that stands in stark contrast to the Zionist settler colonial model. The thesis explores the effects of the Zionist project on Palestine’s native population, highlighting early reactions to the marginalisation and exclusion suffered, as well as emerging strategies of resistance that locate an alternative, non-nationalist vision for the future of the region in the collective reappropriation of a pre-colonial past. The question is broached about the role that Palestinian literature can play within the context of such reclaiming efforts. More precisely, it debates whether Palestinian life writing emanating from the occupied territories contributes, in its recording of personal history, to the project of re- writing national history in opposition to the attempted Israeli erasure. Finally, by drawing a direct line from original Zionist thought to the politics and policies of the state of Israel today, the thesis suggests an on-going settler colonial structure that has become increasingly visible through the state’s use of spatially restrictive measures in order to finally conclude its settlement project. Israel’s obsessive ‘walling’ is discussed in that context as the physical escalation of Zionism’s founding ideological tenets. Total word count: 99, 926 i ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I could not have written this thesis without the help and patience of the many kind people around me. First and above all, I wish to express my deepest gratitude to my supervisors Caroline Rooney and Donna Landry whose expertise and encouragement have been a constant source of support throughout my years as a research student. This thesis would not have been possible without the generous financial help I received from the University of Kent through one of its Ph.D. studentships. I would also like to thank the School of English for lending its support to my decision to spend a term abroad at Birzeit University; through this experience, I was able to gain invaluable insights, both academically and personally, into the conditions on the ground in occupied Palestine today. Last but not least, I owe special thanks to family and friends who have supported me all along the way and without whose continued words of motivation and understanding I would not have been able to bring this project to its conclusion. ii ABBREVIATIONS Where I have cited from collected works and diaries, I have given abbreviations as follows. I have also abbreviated some of the core literary texts studied. Full references appear in the Works Cited. CDI-V The Complete Diaries of Theodor Herzl Volumes I-V (Herzl, Theodor, ed. Raphael Patai) ZWI-II Zionist Writings Volumes I-II (Herzl, Theodor) Anl Altneuland (Old New Land, Filiquarian Publishing) (Herzl, Theodor) DNG Das Neue Ghetto (The New Ghetto) (Herzl, Theodor) iii 1 INTRODUCTION Herzl’s Colonial Idea In his 1896 Der Judenstaat,1 Theodor Herzl laid out his Zionist vision for a future Jewish state in Palestine (‘state for/of Jews’ would be a literal translation of ‘Judenstaat’) by highlighting his scheme as a venture beneficial to both the ‘current sovereign authority’ [‘jetzige Landeshoheit’ (34)], that is, the Ottoman sultan, and the European colonial powers ‘under whose protectorate’ [‘unter dem Protektorate’ (34)] the new state would come into being and continue to exist: If His Majesty the Sultan were to give us Palestine, we could offer to resolve Turkey’s finances. For Europe, we would form part of a bulwark against Asia there, we would serve as the advance post of civilisation against barbarism.2 With this early articulation of his Zionist blueprint, the Austro-Hungarian lawyer, writer and journalist who is today remembered as the founder of political Zionism, would firmly position his movement as a distinctly European settler project: what he needed from the Ottoman government was the land, a piece of its territory for the establishment of a Jewish sovereignty that the Ottomans would cede in what amounted to an indirect purchase; Europe, more importantly, would be the polity’s guiding ideological model and protector. In his pioneering exposé Israel: A Colonial-Settler State? French Marxist historian and sociologist Maxime Rodinson recognised in Herzl’s propositions a clear manifestation of Zionism as a ‘colonialist phenomenon’ (25): ‘It would have been difficult to place Zionism any more clearly within the framework of European imperialist 1 All subsequent references are to Der Judenstaat: Text und Materialien, 1986 bis heute. Ed. Ernst Piper. Philo Verlag, 2004. The original German text is given in brackets. For my translations, I consulted a 2008 English edition by Wildside Press and modified where I deemed necessary. 2 [‘Wenn seine Majestät der Sultan uns Palästina gäbe, könnten wir uns dafür anheischig machen, die Finanzen der Türkei gänzlich zu regeln. Für Europa würden wir dort ein Stück des Walles gegen Asien bilden, wir würden den Vorpostendienst der Kultur gegen die Barberei besorgen’ (Judenstaat, 34).] 1 policies’ (42).3 Although Herzl also sought to obtain Palestine through direct talks with the Sublime Porte, his alliance was from the start and unequivocally with imperial Europe. At a time when the Ottoman Empire was in Europe widely perceived to be declining, suffering from a well-publicised public debt crisis and further weakened by internal nationalist challenges to its imperial authority, Herzl’s positioning of his movement cannot solely be explained in terms of a posited ideological kinship; he also sided with what he recognised as the locus of contemporary world power. Rodinson argued that, the [Zionist] perspective was inevitably placed within the framework of the European assault on the Ottoman Empire, this “sick man” whose complete dismemberment was postponed by the rivalries of the great powers but who, in the meantime, was subjected to all kinds of interference, pressures, and threats. An imperialist setting if there ever was one. (43) The support of those powers could only be guaranteed, according to Herzl, if the Zionist cause were to ‘make sense to them’ [‘wenn diesen die Sache einleuchtet’ (Judenstaat, 34)]; in other words, only if they saw its realisation serving their own interests. It was in view of this that Herzl’s portrayal of Zionism as a European settler colonial initiative that followed in the footsteps of other such colonisation projects became the key selling point in promoting Zionism to Christian-colonial Europe. In Rodinson’s words: The Europeanism of the Zionists made it possible for them to present their plan as part of the same movement of European expansion that each power was developing on its own behalf. (43) Indeed throughout his writings and speeches, Herzl did not tire of presenting the Zionist idea as a quintessentially colonial one, that is, one that held implied gains for Europe, and indeed the whole of the ‘civilised’ world: ‘The world will be liberated by our freedom, enriched by our wealth, magnified by our greatness’ (Judenstaat, 89). In a 3 With his 1967 article ‘Israël, fait colonial’ (Israel, a colonial fact), Rodinson is commonly credited as the first contemporary ‘Western’ scholar to have re-placed Zionism/Israel within its colonial, and more specifically settler colonial, context. The original French article first appeared in a special issue on the ‘Israeli-Arab conflict’ of Les Temps Modernes in June 1967. In 1973, it was published in English in book- form under the title Israel: A Colonial-Settler State? All citations are from the 1973 English edition. 2 speech he delivered in London in 1899, he reiterates the colonial trope of the civilising mission and attaches it to the specific interests of imperial Britain: We want to carry culture to the East. And once again, Europe will in turn profit from this work of ours. We will create new trade routes − and none will be more interested in this than England with its Asiatic possessions. The shortest route to India lies through Palestine.4 The Zionist movement, so Herzl continues in his speech, will be driven by the new spirit of progress and industry, of which he places Britain at the forefront: What could I, poor barbarian from the Continent, tell the inhabitants of England about these things [progress and industry].
Recommended publications
  • Central and Eastern Europe Development Outlook After the Coronavirus Pandemic
    CHINA-CEE INSTITUTE CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE DEVELOPMENT OUTLOOK AFTER THE CORONAVIRUS PANDEMIC Editor in Chief: Dr. Chen Xin Published by: China-CEE Institute Nonprofit Ltd. Telephone: +36-1-5858-690 E-mail: [email protected] Webpage: www.china-cee.eu Address: 1052, Budapest, Petőfi Sándor utca 11. Chief Editor: Dr. Chen Xin ISSN: 978-615-6124-29-6 Cover design: PONT co.lab Copyright: China-CEE Institute Nonprofit Ltd. The reproduction of the study or parts of the study are prohibited. The findings of the study may only be cited if the source is acknowledged. Central and Eastern Europe Development Outlook after the Coronavirus Pandemic Chief Editor: Dr. Chen Xin CHINA-CEE INSTITUTE Budapest, October 2020 Content Preface ............................................................................................................ 5 Part I POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT OUTLOOK ..................................... 7 Albanian politics in post-pandemic era: reshuffling influence and preparing for the next elections .............................................................................................. 8 BiH political outlook after the COVID-19 pandemic ...................................... 13 Bulgarian Political Development Outlook in Post-Pandemic Era ..................... 18 Forecast of Croatian Political Events after the COVID-19 .............................. 25 Czech Political Outlook for the Post-Crisis Period .......................................... 30 Estonian political outlook after the pandemic: Are we there yet? ...................
    [Show full text]
  • Deputy TABLE of CONT",Ci;NTS
    iU~ CRIlviES and CRIlvIES i~Gi..INST HUlv1:~rITY l'..ffiT VI GEID~ll'JIS.""TION OF OCCUPIED TSRRITORIES l'repared by: 1st LT. ED:l.,'UtD H. KENYON I'R1i:.SElJTED BY SECTION IT H..JillY ~l. HOLLERS. Colonel. J •.u .•G.D. Chief'of S·.. ction iiILLL' ,~ F. ~£t:.LSH. Major, ...... C., Deputy TABLE OF CONT",ci;NTS Pa(_;e No. A. Suction of Indictr,lCnt 1 1 C. St~tmJent of Evidence 1. Leb~nsrallin as the Goal of Nazi Forei~n 2 Policy. 2. CO:lsi)iracy to COil4.Uer and Geroanise 2 ForeiGn Territories. 3. The Office of Reich Commissioner for 5 the Consolidation of Jerman Nationhood. 4. DCJ.sic T:'_eories and Plans of the Reich 7 CQj".::issioner for the Consolidation of G-:)l'r:an NLtionhood. 5. Gcr:'lunisation of the Incorl')orated 8 E~stern Territories. 6. Gcrr-l£;ilisation of the Gov9rnment 12 General. 7. GU1~lanisation of the Occupied Eastern 16 Territories. 8. Evacuation and R~sett10ment in the 18 Eusturn Territories. 9. Gorl::f:iiisc.tion of the :18~tern Terri- 21 tories. D. ,,-"r:.:,unent and. Conclusion. 25 1. N~erical List of Doc~~ents. 26 2. Ducuo,lents pertaining to Individual 30 Defendants. 3. Documents pertaining to Organizations. 30 i Section of I~dictBent COUNT TEREE - ii..J\ CRIMES VIII.J - Geruanisation of Occupied Territories Pace 24 B. Le~cl Ruf~rence5 1. C;iarter - oI.4r'ticle 6 (b): W,j..".lR CRTIvIES: nanelyI violations of the laws or customs of war. Such viol~tions shall include, but not be limited to, murder, ill-treatment or deportation to slave labor or for any other pur­ pose of civilian population of or in occupied territory, murder or ill-treatment of prisoners of war or persons on the seas, killing of hos­ tages, plunder of public or private property, wanton destruction of cities, to~ms or villages, or devastation not justified by military necessity." 2.
    [Show full text]
  • Israeli Reactions in a Soviet Moment: Reflections on the 1970 Leningrad Affair
    No. 58 l September 2020 KENNAN CABLE Mark Dymshits, Sylva Zalmanson, Edward Kuznetsov & 250,000 of their supporters in New York Ciry, 1979. (Photo:Courtesy of Ilya Levkov; CC-BY-SA) Israeli Reactions in a Soviet Moment: Reflections on the 1970 Leningrad Affair By Jonathan Dekel-Chen The Kennan Institute convened a virtual meeting and public demonstrators pushed the Kremlin to retry in June 2020 marking the 50th anniversary of the the conspirators, commute death sentences for their attempted hijacking of a Soviet commercial flight from leaders, and reduce the prison terms for the rest. Leningrad.1 The 16 Jewish hijackers hoped to draw international attention to their struggle for emigration to A showing of the 2016 documentary filmOperation Israel, although many of them did not believe that they Wedding (the code name for the hijacking) produced by would arrive at their destination. Some were veterans Anat Zalmanson-Kuznetsov, daughter of two conspirators, of the Zionist movement who had already endured preceded the Kennan panel and served as a backdrop punishment for so-called “nationalist, anti-Soviet for its conversations. The film describes the events from crimes,” whereas others were newcomers to activism.2 the vantage point of her parents. As it shows, the plight Their arrest on the Leningrad airport tarmac in June of the hijackers—in particular Edward Kuznetsov and 1970, followed by a show trial later that year, brought Sylva Zalmanson—became a rallying point for Jewish the hijackers the international attention they sought. and human rights activists in the West. Both eventually Predictably, the trial resulted in harsh prison terms.
    [Show full text]
  • Ordinary Jerusalem 1840–1940
    Ordinary Jerusalem 1840–1940 Angelos Dalachanis and Vincent Lemire - 978-90-04-37574-1 Downloaded from Brill.com03/21/2019 10:36:34AM via free access Open Jerusalem Edited by Vincent Lemire (Paris-Est Marne-la-Vallée University) and Angelos Dalachanis (French School at Athens) VOLUME 1 The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/opje Angelos Dalachanis and Vincent Lemire - 978-90-04-37574-1 Downloaded from Brill.com03/21/2019 10:36:34AM via free access Ordinary Jerusalem 1840–1940 Opening New Archives, Revisiting a Global City Edited by Angelos Dalachanis and Vincent Lemire LEIDEN | BOSTON Angelos Dalachanis and Vincent Lemire - 978-90-04-37574-1 Downloaded from Brill.com03/21/2019 10:36:34AM via free access This is an open access title distributed under the terms of the prevailing CC-BY-NC-ND License at the time of publication, which permits any non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided no alterations are made and the original author(s) and source are credited. The Open Jerusalem project has received funding from the European Research Council (ERC) under the European Union’s Seventh Framework Programme (FP7/2007-2013) (starting grant No 337895) Note for the cover image: Photograph of two women making Palestinian point lace seated outdoors on a balcony, with the Old City of Jerusalem in the background. American Colony School of Handicrafts, Jerusalem, Palestine, ca. 1930. G. Eric and Edith Matson Photograph Collection, Library of Congress. https://www.loc.gov/item/mamcol.054/ Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Dalachanis, Angelos, editor.
    [Show full text]
  • Palestinian Citizens of Israel: Agenda for Change Hashem Mawlawi
    Palestinian Citizens of Israel: Agenda for Change Hashem Mawlawi Thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master‘s degree in Conflict Studies School of Conflict Studies Faculty of Human Sciences Saint Paul University © Hashem Mawlawi, Ottawa, Canada, 2019 PALESTINIAN CITIZENS OF ISRAEL: AGENDA FOR CHANGE ii Abstract The State of Israel was established amid historic trauma experienced by both Jewish and Palestinian Arab people. These traumas included the repeated invasion of Palestine by various empires/countries, and the Jewish experience of anti-Semitism and the Holocaust. This culminated in the 1948 creation of the State of Israel. The newfound State has experienced turmoil since its inception as both identities clashed. The majority-minority power imbalance resulted in inequalities and discrimination against the Palestinian Citizens of Israel (PCI). Discussion of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict tends to assume that the issues of the PCIs are the same as the issues of the Palestinians in the Occupied Territories. I believe that the needs of the PCIs are different. Therefore, I have conducted a qualitative case study into possible ways the relationship between the PCIs and the State of Israel shall be improved. To this end, I provide a brief review of the history of the conflict. I explore themes of inequalities and models for change. I analyze the implications of the theories for PCIs and Israelis in the political, social, and economic dimensions. From all these dimensions, I identify opportunities for change. In proposing an ―Agenda for Change,‖ it is my sincere hope that addressing the context of the Israeli-Palestinian relationship may lead to a change in attitude and behaviour that will avoid perpetuating the conflict and its human costs on both sides.
    [Show full text]
  • 1988-09-09 -Needs Redos.Pdf
    *************** ********5-DIGIT 029)l 2239 li/3J/8 ft 34 7 R. I. 2Ei,JSH HIS JR I CAL ;sSSOCIATION Inside: Local News, pages 2-3 130 SESSIONS ST. Opinion, page 4 P~O~lDENCE, R'. 02906 Around Town, page 8 THE ONLY ENGL/SH--JEW!SH WEEKLY IN R./. AND SOUTHEAST MASS. VOLUME LXXV, NUMBER 41 FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 9, 1988 35¢ PER COPY The Sons of ,Jacob Synagogue is as the Baal Koreh, Torah reader, at various chassidic t<!xts. Yea riv. he the oldest "shul" in Rhode Island Mishkan Tefilah. He also would complete a tractat.e in the A New Beginning outside of the Touro Synagogue in co- published a brn,k with Rabbi Gomorah so that first-born men Newport. Conveniently located Mendel Alperin. The book. called would not have l<i fast the day of nea r downtown and the Marriott Se/er Dvash, was written to relate Passover. He a lso completed Hotel. the Sons of Jacob became the Torah insighLs of his studying all 14 volumes of the place where ,Jewish father-in-law, Rav Shabse Alperin. Maimonides Mishne Torah in one husinessmen depended on fo r a of blessed memory. year. and made a community-wide <laily minyan. Over the years, the While other men Rabbi Drazin's "siyum" lo help celebrate the Synagogu~ has hosted visitors age have retired or at least slowed Anniversary of Maimonides hirth. coming to Providence for the down. he has continued wo rking at While his future plans have yet -Jewelry Show and American Math a young man's pace.
    [Show full text]
  • Teaching Jewish-Christian Relations in the University Classroom
    DOCUMENT RESUME ED 307 180 SO 019 860 AUTHOR Shermis, Michael, EC. TITLE Teaching Jewish-Christian Relations in the University Classroom. PUB DATE 88 NOTE 127p. 7UB TYPE Collected Works - Serials (022) JOURNAL CIT Shofar; v6 n4 Sum 1988 EDRS PRICE MF01/PC06 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS Annotated Bibliographies; Anti Semitism; Biblical Literature; Biographies; *Christianity; *Cultural Exchange; *Cultural Interrelationships; Educational Resources; Higher Education; *Judaism IDENTIFIERS Israel; Jewish Culture; *Jewish Studies; WiesP1 (Eli) ABSTRACT This special issue on "Teaching Jewish-Christian Relations in the University Classroom" is meaAt to be a resource for those involved in Jewish studies and who teach about Jewish-Christian relations. It offers an introduction to the topics of the Jewish-Christian encounter, Israel, anti-Semitism, Christian Scriptures, the works of Elie Wiesel, and available educational resources, all in light of the Jewish-Christian dialogue in institutions of higher learning. Carl Evans presents a syllabus for a course in which students are required to converse with local clergy in order to explain the Jewish-Christian dialogue at the grass-roots level. This technique helps students develop mature ways of thinking on a personal, social, and religious level. Robert Everett and Bruce Bramlett discuss Israel's problematic existence, raising numerous points that can lead to effective classroom discussions. Alan Davies describes his, course on anti-Semitism and presents several practical suggestions and instrumental techniques. John Roth offers a short biography of Elie Wiesel's J.ife, his writings, and his paradoxes. Norman Beck provides a model of how a Christian teaches the Christian Scriptures, offering guidelines that are highly supportive of and sympathetic to the Jewish-Christian dialogue.
    [Show full text]
  • Neighborhood in Nablus City
    OFF-TOPIC 154 Introduction What does it mean to be a neighbor in Neighborhood in Nablus City: Nablus city? What impact do social rela- The Formation of a Social Safety tions have on coping with the Israeli cur- few that was imposed on the families liv- Network during the Siege ing in the city in 2002 and in the years that followed? During my fieldwork in 2012 and 2013 in Nablus, a city in Palestine, I had the chance to meet families and indi- viduals from differing backgrounds. It was striking to me that despite their different backgrounds they had the same reaction to the mention of the word siege, which was allah lā yʿīdha min ayyām (Hope that God will never let those days return). Their conversations made it clear that their Noura Kamal memories still have a major influence on their actions and daily behavior. In 2002, Nablus City in Palestine had to pational apparatus and to practice their At that time and in the years after, I kept face more than one siege. The first siege daily activities despite the three-month communicating with people and families affected all Palestinian cities; the Israeli siege that was imposed by the Israeli in Nablus. I used different approaches to army invaded the Palestinian territories army. This paper focuses on neighbor- be able to gather adequate data that and imposed a curfew for around a month hood relations: describing their distinc- reflects the reality from within. Participant in April. Later the same year between tive influence on peoples’ lives and observation and narrative interviews were June and October, the city of Nablus wit- reflecting on the meaning of being a my main tools to gain in-depth informa- nessed a siege that was characterized by neighbor, the obligations of neighbors tion about the daily life of the inhabitants.
    [Show full text]
  • Institutionalized Separation and Sumud in Jerusalem's Periphery
    Institutionalized Before the separation wall, Shaykh Sa‘d was Jerusalem. My family is Separation and in Jerusalem. Everything for me is Sumud in Jerusalem’s in Jerusalem. It’s hard for me that I can’t go there. For example, my Periphery daughters are in Jerusalem. Their weddings were in Jerusalem and I Survival and Resistance in couldn’t go to their weddings. 1 Shaykh Sa‘d – Hajj Sa‘id, Shaykh Sa‘d resident Octogenarian and lifelong Shaykh Sa‘d Oren Kroll-Zeldin resident Hajj Sa‘id spoke these words in the late afternoon as he sat at the foot of his bed. I visited him to hear his stories about the changes in his life since the separation wall had cut off access from his village of Shaykh Sa‘d to Jerusalem. He spoke freely of the pain he feels as a result of institutionalized separation, no longer being able to go to Jerusalem, and what it is like for him to be separated from his family in the twilight of his life. Hajj Sa‘id has a green identity card, indicating that he is a West Bank resident, which severely limits his freedom of movement. His daughters all have blue identity cards that make them permanent residents of Jerusalem, granting them some rights that their father does not possess. As a direct result of this differentiated “citizenship” status,2 Hajj Sa‘id could not attend his own daughters’ weddings. While in many ways Hajj Sa‘id’s experience is unique, his story is also similar to many others like him in Shaykh Sa‘d and other Palestinian neighborhoods and villages in Jerusalem, where institutionalized separation has become a normalized condition of everyday life.3 Shaykh Sa‘d is a small Palestinian village in Jerusalem’s southeastern periphery, located on the borderlands between the official boundaries of the Jerusalem Quarterly 73 [ 101 ] Jerusalem municipality and the rest of the West Bank.
    [Show full text]
  • Brief History of German Anti-Semitism
    Chapter 1 Writings on the Wall Chapter 1 A Concise History of German Anti-Semitism In 1942, in a suburb of Berlin known as Wannsee, Reinhard Heydrich (head of the infamous Nazi secret police, the Gestapo) finalized the Nazi commitment to the extermination of the Jews within the Third Reich’s sphere of influence (Gilbert 281). According to some historians, these announcements made at Wannsee were the culmination of step-by-step decisions that had brought about what Adolf Hitler meant when, in 1920, he announced the Nazi party’s position that “None but members of the Nation may be citizens of the State. None but those of German blood, whatever their creed, may be members of the Nation. No Jew, therefore, may be a member of the Nation” (qtd. in Gilbert 23). Both ancient and contemporary European and German anti-Semitic forces were about to collide in Wannsee. That collision tragically ignited one of history’s most devastating and most documented genocidal conflagrations—what today is commonly called the “Holocaust.” Some historians suggest the Holocaust was the result of the Nazi targeting of Jews as scapegoats by suggesting that world-Jewry collectively had had something to do with the “stab in the back” that brought the World War I German war effort and World War I itself to a turbulent end. Some researchers suggest European Jewry was singled out for “special treatment” because they, the Jews, were somehow responsible for the unexpectedly final battlefield- failures, the consequent enormous war reparation payments, the collapsing stock markets and the subsequent spiraling inflation that financially crippled the German nation.
    [Show full text]
  • Dniester Jews Between
    PARALLEL RUPTURES: JEWS OF BESSARABIA AND TRANSNISTRIA BETWEEN ROMANIAN NATIONALISM AND SOVIET COMMUNISM, 1918-1940 BY DMITRY TARTAKOVSKY DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History in the Graduate College of the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2009 Urbana, Illinois Doctoral Committee: Professor Mark D. Steinberg, Chair Professor Keith Hitchins Professor Diane P. Koenker Professor Harriet Murav Assistant Professor Eugene Avrutin Abstract ―Parallel Ruptures: Jews of Bessarabia and Transnistria between Romanian Nationalism and Soviet Communism, 1918-1940,‖ explores the political and social debates that took place in Jewish communities in Romanian-held Bessarabia and the Moldovan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic during the interwar era. Both had been part of the Russian Pale of Settlement until its dissolution in 1917; they were then divided by the Romanian Army‘s occupation of Bessarabia in 1918 with the establishment of a well-guarded border along the Dniester River between two newly-formed states, Greater Romania and the Soviet Union. At its core, the project focuses in comparative context on the traumatic and multi-faceted confrontation with these two modernizing states: exclusion, discrimination and growing violence in Bessarabia; destruction of religious tradition, agricultural resettlement, and socialist re-education and assimilation in Soviet Transnistria. It examines also the similarities in both states‘ striving to create model subjects usable by the homeland, as well as commonalities within Jewish responses on both sides of the border. Contacts between Jews on either side of the border remained significant after 1918 despite the efforts of both states to curb them, thereby necessitating a transnational view in order to examine Jewish political and social life in borderland regions.
    [Show full text]
  • A New Islamophobia
    A New Islamophobia By Ilan Halevi Islamophobia, according to Ilan Halevi, is a growing phenomenon in Western countries. Drawing on prejudices against Islam that have deep in roots in Christian European history and thought, the phenomenon has reached unprecedented heights in the post 9/11 political discourse. Its particular power and danger lies in the potential for a broad alliance of otherwise opposed political forces: Muslims and Islam serve as the embodiment of the ultimate enemy for conservatives and the right wingers striving for Western hegemony and racial purity, and for progressives standing up for freedom of expression, rationality, human rights and rights of women. In this way, Islamophobia today serves similar purposes as Anti-Semitism did in the past, and offers a convenient scapegoat and a battle cry to distract and rally those who see their livelihoods and their way of life threatened by the forces of globalization and global capital. Ilan Halevi is a writer and political activist. He has been the representative of Palestine in the Socialist International since 1983, was a member of the Palestinian delegation in the Madrid and Washington negotiations (1991-1993) and Assistant Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs in the Palestinian Government (2003-2005). This work is licensed under the “Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 Germany License”. To view a copy of this license, visit: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/de/ Ilan Halevi: A New Islamophobia A phobia is hatred of a given object. Islamophobia: for the new global enemy, Etymologically, it is the desire to flee away from anonymously referred to as “terror”, now has a that object.
    [Show full text]