Cover Illustration: Mustafa Paşa Visits the Shrine of Jalal al-Din Nusretnâme, Topkapı Sarayı Müzesi, H. 1365 , 1584, fol. 36a

Roderick Grierson  In his admirable history of Ottoman painting, Ivan Stchoukine describes the Ottoman commander Lala Mustafa Paşa receiving a copy of the Nusret­ nâme, or ‘Book of Victory’, from the hands of his secretary.1 The book was a history of the campaign that Lala Mustafa Paşa fought in 1578 and 1579 against Safavid forces in the Caucasus. The secretary who wrote it now pre- sents it to his patron while the two of them sit beside the sarcophagus of Jalal al-Din Rumi in the presence of Mevlevi musicians and semazens:

Fol. 34. Muṣṭafā ʿAlî remettant son ouvrage à Muṣṭafâ Pâshâ (H. 0,325 x L. 0,198). La présentation a lieu à une réunion de der- viches mevlevîs. On remarquera l’historien vêtu de blanc, assis en face du commandant en chef auquel il vient d’offrir le récit de ses conquêtes.2

Stchoukine was mistaken, however. Lala Mustafa Paşa was already dead when the book was written, and it could not have been presented to him in this way. Furthermore, Stchoukine had not read the account of the incident that the book itself contains.3 The pilgrimage to and its shrines oc- curred not after the campaign but before it. The visit to the Kubbe-i Hadra in particular, the famous ‘Green Dome’ within which the body of Rumi had

1 Similar introductions to the life and career of Mustafa Ali Efendi, along with titles and descriptions of his various writings in poetry and prose, can be found in B. Kütükoğlu and Ö. F. Akün, ‘Âlî Mustafa Efendi’, Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslâm Ansiklopedisi, vol. II, pp. 414–21 and K. Süssheim and R. Mantran, ‘Alī, Muṣtafā b. Aḥmād b. ‘Abd al-Mawlā Čelebi’, Encyclopaedia of , vol. I, 2nd ed., pp. 380–81. 2 I. Stchoukine, Le Peinture turque d’après les manuscrits illustrés (Paris: Librairie Orien- taliste Paul Geuthner 1966), pt. 1, pp. 75–76. 3 The description of the pilgrimage to the shrines of Konya appears on folios 35b–36b of Hazine No. 1365.

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lain for three centuries, was an attempt to seek his blessing and indeed to learn from him if the campaign would be victorious. The book that Lala Mustafa Paşa holds is therefore not the Nusretnâme but the Mathnawi-yi maʿnawi, in whose pages he hopes to find a sign that his enemies at court were mistaken when they predicted disaster. It should not be imagined that Stchoukine has been alone in mis­ understanding the painting. An even more surprising description appears­ in one of the fundamental accounts of Ottoman, Persian, Indian, and Euro- pean illustrations of the Mevlevi. Its author, Şahabettin Uzluk, would have been able to consult the itself in Tokapı Sarayı rather than rely­ ing on a photograph of a painting that he could never hope to see, and he certainly knew Ottoman well enough to read the inscription on the left sleeve of Lala Mustafa Paşa, in which the hero of the Nusretnâme is clearly identified. Nevertheless, he believed that the three figures depicted were Süleyman the Magnificent, the Çelebi Efendi of the day, and a Mesnevihan:

Mevlâna’nın huzurunda, Türbede (Kanunî Süleyman, vaktin Çelebi Efendisi, Mesnevihan, semağ eden Dervişler. Top- kapı Sarayı Hazine Kütüphanesi).4

In the presence of Mevlana, at the Tomb (Sultan Süleyman the Lawgiver, the Çelebi Efendi at the time, a Mesnevihan, and Der- vishes performing the sema. Topkapı Sarayı Treasury Library).

Even if the suggestion is mistaken, it may not be inexplicable. Süleyman is known to have been devoted to the Kubbe-i Hadra and to have provided in 1565 a large marble sarcophagus for Rumi and his son Sultan ­Valad, placing the original wooden sarcophagus made in 1274 over the brick and ­ sarcophagus of Rumi’s father, Baha al-Din.5 In other words, the scene de- picted in the painting had been shaped by his patronage. Furthermore, Süleyman was known to have stopped at Konya to seek the blessing of a famous Sufi while he was on his way to war in the east, and also to have been given a book, even if the Sufi was the Bayrami-Melami ShaykhPir Ali Aksarayi and the book was Al-ʿAnqāʾ al-mughrib (The Fabulous Gry- phon) of Ibn al-Arabi.6 However, the photograph that Uzluk has included

4 Ş. Uzluk, Mevlevilikte Resim, Resimde Mevleviler (Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu ­Basımevi 1957), p. 163. 5 N. Bakırcı, Konya Mevlana Museum (Istanbul: Bilkent Kültür Girişi 2010), pp. 50–51. 6 H. Şahin, ‘Pîr Ali Aksarâyî’, Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslâm Ansiklopedisi, vol. XXXIV, pp. 273–74. The incident is described by C. Fleischer,‘Shadows of Shadows: ­Pro­phecy

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in ­Mevlevilikte Resim, Resimde Mevleviler confirms that he is indeed dis- cussing the Nusretnâme and not another book. The insuperable problem with his suggestion is that Süleyman had been dead for more than a decade when the events described in its pages occurred. The illustration of Lala Mustafa Paşa and Mustafa Ali Efendi in the Kubbe-i Hadra – by which I mean the pilgrimage that the illustration records­ and the illustration itself – is of great interest for the history of the Mev­ leviye. It confirms the place of the Mathnawi in Ottoman culture, as well as the veneration with which Jalal al-Din Rumi continued to be ­regarded and the power that he was seen to display in guiding or shaping­ events of state even after ish death. Lala Mustafa Paşa was not only a soldier and statesman of high rank, he was also the conqueror of and a ­generous patron of the Mevlevi in , a about whom rather more is known than any comparable figure because he retained as his private secretary­ one of the leading historians of the day, Gelibolulu ­Mustafa Ali. The Nusretnâme was written as a testimony to the role of mili­tary commanders who served as delegates of the sultan by spreading the true faith to lands under heretic or infidel rule. Its author evidently believed that these heroes were joined in their great enterprise by men like himself, scholars who had mastered Persian and as well as Ottoman, whose eloquence enabled them to correspond with allies or enemies. Their knowledge of­ nakkaş, the ‘arts of the book’,7 also enabled them to climb the ladder of preferment and to make their words heard in the presence of the sultan, whether those who were listening belonged to their own faction or to another.8 * * *

and Politics in 1530s Istanbul’, in Identity and Identity Formation in the Ottoman World: A Volume of Essays in Honor of Norman Itzkowitz, ed. B. Tezcan and K. K. Barbir (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press 2007), pp. 51–62, esp. p. 57. For the book itself, see G. T. Elmore, Islamic Sainthood in the Fullness of Time: Ibn al-‘Arabī’s Book of the Fabulous Gryphon (Leiden: E. J. Brill 1998). 7 A useful summary of ‘arts of the book’ such as hat (calligraphy), tezhip (illumination), ebru (marbling), nakış (painting), and cilt (binding) can be found in N. Bozkurt, ‘Na- kkaş’, Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslâm Ansiklopedisi, vol. XXXII, pp. 326–28. The famous treatise on the subject by Mustafa Ali himself is available in E. Akın-Kivanç, Mustafa ‘Âli’s Epic Deeds of Artists: A Critical Edition of the Earliest Ottoman Text about the Calligraphers and Painters of the Islamic World (Leiden: E. J. Brill 2011). 8 An introduction to the circumstances in which such books were produced is provided by Ç. Kafescioğlu, ‘The Visual Arts’, in The Cambridge History of , vol. II: The Ottoman as a World Power, 1453–1603, ed. S. N. Faroqhi and K. Fleet (Cam- bridge: Cambridge University Press 2013), pp. 457–547 and by E. Fetvacı, Pictur­ing History at the Ottoman Court (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press 2013).

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Despite the fulsome accounts of the later career of Lala Mustafa Paşa, little was recorded about his early life. He was born at Sokol in the Ottoman or province of Bosnia. Although the date of his birth is not recorded, he was evidently the younger brother of Deli Hüsrev Paşa,9 who served as vizier and who brought the boy to Istanbul so that he could be educated at the imperial palace and begin his career within its walls.10 Mustafa rose in rank between 1553 and 1555, while Kara Ahmed Paşa was sadrazam or ,11 but he was not regarded with favour by Rüstem Paşa,12 who succeeded Kara Ahmed.13 Hoping that such a responsibility would impede or even ruin his career, Rüstem Paşa appointed Mustafa to serve as lala or tutor to the prince Selim,14 son of Süleyman the Magnificent. He was mis- taken, however. Mustafa was able to use his position to encourage Selim to intrigue against his brother Bayezid, and thereby placed himself within the camp of the future sultan. As Selim and Bayezid were both keen to inherit the throne of their father, they were sent to govern cities far from Istanbul in the hope that distance would reduce the likelihood of insurrection.15 Selim was sent to Konya and Bayezid to . Nevertheless, Süleyman became anxious

9 A. Özcan, ‘Hüsrev Paşa, Deli’, Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslâm Ansiklopedisi, vol. XIX, pp. 40–41. 10 M. Kaçar, ‘ (Enderun-i Hümayun Mektebi)’, Encyclopedia of the Otto­ man Empire, p. 452. 11 F. Emecen, ‘Kara Ahmed Paşa’, Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslâm Ansiklopedisi, vol. XXIV, pp. 357–58. 12 E. Afyoncu, ‘Rüstem Paşa’, Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslâm Ansiklopedisi, vol. XXXV, pp. 288–90. 13 The complexity of life within the palace and among the elite who served the sultan is described in considerable detail by C. Imber, The , 1300–1650: The Structure of Power (Basingstoke and New York: Palgrave MacMillan 2002), pp. 143– 76 and ‘Government, Administration and Law’ in The Cambridge , vol. II: The Ottoman Empire as a World Power, 1453–1603, ed. S. N. Faroqhi and K. Fleet (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 2013), pp. 205–40. The challenges that the administration needed to address are explained by G. Veinstein, ‘L’empire dans sa grandeur (XVIe siècle)’, in Histoire de l’empire ottoman, ed. R. Mantran (Paris: Fayard 1989), pp. 159–226. 14 In addition to the summary provided by F. Emecen, ‘Selim II’, Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslâm Ansiklopedisi, vol. XXXVI, pp. 414–18, see H. E. Çıpam, The Making of Selim: Succession, Legitimacy, and Memory in the Early Modern Ottoman World (Blooming- ton: Indiana University Press 2017). 15 The problem of succession in the Ottoman , and indeed among Turkish dyn­ asties in general, has been discussed at great length. One of the most helpful articles is still H. İnalcık, ‘The Ottoman Succession and Its Relation to the Turkish Concept of Sovereignty’, in H. İnalcık, The Middle East and the under the Ottoman ­Empire: Essays on Economy and Society (Bloomington: Indiana University Depart- ment of Turkish Studies 1993), pp. 37–69.

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at the number of followers that Bayezid began to attract as he rode east, and suspected that he would seek allies among the Safavids. He therefore ordered the governors of the Anatolian provinces to support Selim. When the brothers eventually fought at Konya in May 1559, the battle was appar­ ently decided by miraculous clouds of salt that rose from the Green Dome, beneath which the body of Jalal al-Din Rumi lay in its sarcophagus, con- fusing and scattering the troops of Bayezid and thereby defending the city. The event was recorded in a history attributed to Rüstem Paşa, although it was probably written by the mathematician, geographer, and historian Matrakçı Nasuh,16 and the clouds of salt, the Green Dome, and the Mevlevi dervishes who pray for Selim are all depicted in an illustrated manuscript of the Tercüme-i Sevâkıb-ı Menâkıb.17 The victory was also commemorated by the construction of the Selimiye in a field next to the Green Dome, where Selim had pitched his tent.18 After Selim defeated Bayezid at Konya, üR stem Paşa dismissed Mus­tafa as lala and attempted to force him into exile in the Balkan sancak of Pojega. Selim defended him, however, and ensured that he was sent as beylerbeyi (governor) to Van. It was thought that he could keep a watchful eye from Van on the activities of Bayezid, who had been granted asylum at the Safa- vid court. When more forceful measures seemed to be required, however, Bayezid and his sons were strangled in 1562 by an executioner that Selim had sent to the Safavid court with the approval of his father. With his brother­ now dead, Selim would inherit the throne when Suleyman died in 1566. Although they were both members of the Sokolović family, Sokollu Paşa seemed no more inclined to support Mustafa when he be- came sadrazam in 1565 than Rüstem Paşa had been.19 As Sultan, however, Selim II summoned his old tutor to Istanbul in 1569 and appointed him to

16 L. Forrer, Die osmanische Chronik des Rüstem Pascha (Leipzig: Mayer und Müller 1923), pp. 195–96. 17 See Morgan Library, M 466, fol. 131r. TheTercüme -i Sevâkıb-ı Menâkıb is a translation into Ottoman of a Persian abridgement of the famous hagiography by Aflaki. See T. Yazıcı, ‘Menâkıbü’l-ârifîn’, Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslâm Ansiklopedisi, vol. XXIX, pp. 114–15. The translation was commissioned by Murad III and prepared by theMes ­ nevihan at Konya, Derviş Mahmud. A description of the battle of Konya was not part of the original work. When the met in 1559, Aflaki had been dead for more than two centuries. Two illustrated survive of the Tercüme-i Sevâkıb-ı Menâkıb, one in New York at the Morgan Library and the other in Istanbul at Topkapı Sarayı. I hope to discuss the illustration in M 466 in a later volume of the Mawlana Rumi Review. 18 See G. Necipoğlu, The Age of inan:S Architecture and Culture in the Ottoman Empire (Princeton: Princeton University Press 2005), p. 63. 19 E. Afyoncu, ‘Sokullu Mehmed Paşa’, Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslâm Ansiklopedisi, vol. XXXVII, pp. 354–57.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/10/2021 01:42:53PM via free access cover illustration 13 the rank of kubbe veziri (vizier of the dome) – one of the cabinet who assisted the sadrazam – and then as (field marshal) for a military expedition to the . On his way to the campaign, Mustafa argued over the allo- cation of funds with Sinan Paşa, who was serving as beylerbeyi in Cairo.20 Accused of various forms of financial impropriety, Mustafa was replaced by Sinan and ordered to return to Istanbul. Once again, however, he was pro- tected by Selim. Although his enemies hoped that he would be executed, he was appointed serasker of the sent to conquer Cyprus in 1570. The campaign was a brilliant success. By July, Ottoman troops had captured Nicosia. surrendered almost immediately and fell after a of eleven months in August 1571.21 The immense quantities of that Lala Mustafa Paşa and his generals collected from Venetians on the island and sent to the sultan, enabled him to construct and endow the Selimiye Mosque at , thereby fulfilling a vow that he had appar- ently made to the Prophet in a dream. It was the most beauti­ ful mosque designed by Sinan, surpassing even the mosque of Süleyman in Istanbul, and it remains the greatest of all built by the Ottoman .22 While the loss of Cyprus was not unexpected, given how little assis- tance the Venetians had been given to defend the island, the treatment that Lala Mustafa Paşa accorded the commander of the Venetian garrison, Mar- cantonio Bragadino, became notorious in Europe for its cruelty. Although Bragadino had been granted safe passage, he was flayed alive. His skin was stuffed with straw, displayed throughout Cyprus, and then sent to Istan- bul. Mustafa Paşa claimed that Bragadino was executed for having killed Muslim prisoners during the siege. When news spread to the capitals of Europe, however, it aroused a concerted military response that had been singularly lacking when Cyprus was attacked. In 1571, the Ottoman fleet was destroyed at the , although the empire was resilient and the fleet was soon rebuilt.23 Lala Mustafa Paşa was a man of great wealth, in part because he mar- ried well. His first wife was Fatima , the granddaughter of the last

20 C. Woodhead, ‘Sinān , Khodja’, Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd ed., vol. IX, pp. 630– 31; A. Koç, ‘Sinan Paşa’, Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslâm Ansiklopedisi, vol. XXXVII, pp. 229–31. 21 A concise account can be found in M. Greene, ‘Cyprus’, Encyclopedia of the Ottoman Empire, pp. 165–67. More detail is available in A. C. Gazioğlu, The Turks in Cyprus: A Province of the Ottoman Empire (1571–1878) (London: K. Rustem 1990). Although the account is obviously parti pris, it is nevertheless interesting. 22 G. Necipoğlu, The Age of Sinan, p. 241. 23 G. Ágoston, ‘Lepanto, Battle of’, Encyclopedia of the Ottoman Empire, pp. 331–33.

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Mamluk sultan, Kansu al-Ghawri. His second was Hümaşah Sultan, the widow of Ferhad Paşa and the daughter of Şehzade Mehmed, the eldest son of Süleyman the Magnificent.24 The immense sums to which he had access allowed him to provide funds for a number of institutions, including im- pressive mosque complexes at Erzerum25 and at Konya.26 His most notable legacy to the Mevleviye, however, was the vakf that he endowed for a new Mevlevihane in Cyprus.27 According to the vakfnâme of Lala Mustafa Paşa, whoever recites the Mathnawi in the Mevlevihane near the Kyrenia Gate in Nicosia should be paid two akçe a day, while the , the muezzin, the members of the ­tarikat, those who pray in the Mevlevihane, and those who cook in it should each be paid one akçe. He also allocated money to the poor and to those who prayed for the soul of the founder. He further stipulated that if the lineage of the founder should die out, the administration of the vakf would then pass to the Mevlevihane itself.28 In 1577, when Mustafa Paşa was appointed as serasker to lead the campaign against the Safavids in the Caucasus, his bitter rival Sinan Paşa was appointed to share the command, the sadrazam hoping that each ­serasker would curb the power of the other. However, the arrogance of Sinan Paşa meant that his appointment was withdrawn and Lala Mustafa

24 B. Kütükoğlu, ‘Lala Mustafa Paşa’, p. 74. 25 A. V. Çobanoğlu, ‘Lala Mustafa Paşa Külliyesi, Erzerum’da XVI. yüzyılın ikinci yarısında inşa edilen külliye’, Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslâm Ansiklopedisi, vol. XXVII, pp. 74–75. 26 Idem., ‘Lala Mustafa Paşa Külliyesi, Konya’nın Ilgın ilçesinde XVI. yüzyılın ikinci ­yarısında inşa edilen külliye’, Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslâm Ansiklopedisi, vol. XXVII, pp. 75–77. 27 The standard account of the Mevlevihane in Nicosia is M. H. Altan and H. Fedai, Lef­ koşe Mevlevihanesi (Nicosia: K.K.T.C. Milli Eğitim Kültür Gençlik ve Spor Bakanlığı Yayınları 1997). A more concise description is provided in H. Karpuz, F. Şimsek, A. Kuş, and İ. Dıvarcı, Dünya Mevlevihâneleri (Konya: T. C. Konya Valiliği İl Kültür ve Türizm Müdürlüğü 2007), pp. 167–81, a volume I reviewed in Mawlana Rumi ­Review I (2010), pp. 147–52. The history of the Mevlevihane in Nicosia requires further re- search. For example, Karpuz claims on pp. 168–69 that the Mevlevihane was founded by Arap Ahmet Paşa twenty-two years after the conquest of Cyprus, by which time Lala Mustafa Paşa had been dead for more than a decade. 28 See R. C. Jennings, Christians and Muslims in and the Mediterranean World, 1571–1640 (New York and London: New York University Press 1993), pp. 54– 55. More recent accounts by N. Yıldız can be found in ‘Wakfs in Ottoman Cyprus’, in Frontiers of Ottoman Studies: State, Province, and the West, vol. II, ed. C. Imber, ­K. ­Kiyotaki, and R. Murphey (London and New York: I. B. Tauris 2005), pp. 179–96 and ‘The Vakf Institution in Ottoman Cyprus’, in Ottoman Cyprus: A Collection of Studies on History and Culture, ed. M. N. Michael, M. Kappler, and E. Gavriel (Wies- baden: Otto Harrassowitz 2009), pp. 117–59.

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Paşa ­proceeded as sole commander. Although Mustafa Paşa won a famous ­victory at Çıldır in August 1578, and then captured Tiflis and Kars, Sinan continued to intrigue against him. He was eventually recalled to Istanbul and his rival took his place. When Sokollu Mehmed Paşa was assassinated in 1579, he was suc­ ceeded by the second vizier, Ahmed Paşa, who was the son-in-law of ­Rüstem Paşa. As Lala Mustafa Paşa now assumed the position of second vizier, he was likely to become the next sadrazam. And yet, his position had actually grown weaker. In trying to pit them against each other, Sokollu Mehmet Paşa had offered Lala Mustafa Paşa at least some defence against the machinations of Sinan Paşa. When the latter was appointed to lead the campaign in the Caucasus, those who supported Lala Mustafa Paşa were accused of corruption and dismissed. He became, as a result, increasingly isolated. The death of Ahmed Paşa in 1580 brought his goal no closer. ­Sinan Paşa claimed that Lala Mustafa Paşa would disrupt the campaign in the ­Caucasus if he were appointed to an even higher rank. Mustafa Paşa ­therefore per­formed the duties of sadrazam, but without actually holding office. Eventually, ­Sinan Paşa himself was appointed. Before he could return to Istanbul, he received news that Lala Mustafa Paşa had died. His body was buried at Istanbul in the courtyard of the mosque of Eyüp,29 in a tomb ­designed by the architect Sinan.30 In his expeditions to and the Caucasus, Lala Mustafa Paşa was accompanied by his private secretary, Mustafa Ali Efendi, who is also de- picted in the miniature. Born at Gelibolu in 1541, Mustafa Ali was taught from the age of ten by the famous poet and scholar Muslihuddin Mustafa­ Süruri, who not only wrote commentaries on the Divan of and the ­Gulistan of Sa‘di, but also lectured on the Mathnawi of Rumi every afternoon in the medrese at Kasımpaşa.31 Mustafa Ali acquired an expert know­ledge of Persian and Arabic as well as Ottoman, and possessed the rhetorical skill

29 S. Evice, ‘Eyüp Sultan Külliyesi’, Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslâm Ansiklopedisi, vol. XII, pp. 9–12. 30 Y. Demiriz, ‘Lala Mustafa Paşa Türbesi’, Dünden Bugüne İstanbul Ansiklopedisi, vol. V, p. 178. The definitive history of the career of Mimar Sinan is G. Necipoğlu, The Age of Sinan: Architecture and Culture in the Ottoman Empire (Princeton: Princeton Univer- sity Press 2005). Lala Mustafa Paşa appears throughout its pages. 31 İ. Güleç, ‘Sürûrî, Musilhuddin Mustafa’, Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslâm Ansiklo­pedisi, vol. XXXVIII, pp. 170–72. The author produced a more expansive discussion of ­Süruri and his career in ‘Gelibolulu Musluhiddin Sürûrî, Hayatı, Kişiliği, Eserleri ve Bahrü’l-Maʿārif İsimli Eseri’, Osmanlı Araştırmaları XXI (2001), pp. 211–36. A brief note about Süruri offering instruction in theMathnawi appears in A. Gölpınarlı, Mev­ lânâ’dan Sonra Mevlevîlîk, 2nd ed. (Istanbul: İnkılap ve Aka Kitabevleri 1983), p. 142.

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that he needed to employ them. Although his poetry was judged to be of second rank, there is little doubt that he was one of the finest historians and most elegant stylists of his age. His immense history of the world entitled Künhü’l-Ahbar (The Essence of History) defined Ottoman historiography for almost a century. He was ambitious as well as gifted, and seems to have pursued patrons and promotions with unremitting zeal. He began by pre- senting a book to the prince Selim in 1557, gaining entry to the circle around Lala Mustafa Paşa, who was serving at the time as tutor to the prince, and beginning a long association with him as private secretary.32 In 1568, Mustafa Ali accompanied Lala Mustafa Paşa to Egypt. In 1577, he served again as secretary to Lala Mustafa Paşa when he led the expedi- tion to the Caucasus. As well as writing a large number of books on historical subjects, Mustafa Ali was interested in mysticism and in the work of calligraphers and painters. In 1586, he produced a compendious account of masters in both disciplines entitled Menâkıb-ı Hünerverân (Deeds of the Artists).33 He seems to have been as interested in nakkaş, the ‘arts of the book’, as he was in writing itself, and this was an especially propitious moment for such a connoisseur. In 1555, an ­office had been established within the palace for a şehnameci, an official court historiographer who would produce a history of the Ottoman dyn­asty in five volumes that was based upon the­ Shahnama of Firdawsi. The volumes were conceived as a way of proclaiming the ­glory and indeed the power of the dynasty. The fifth volume in particular,

32 The most detailed account in English of his life and career is still C. Fleischer, Bureau­ crat and Intellectual in the Ottoman Empire: Mustafa Âli (1541–1600) (Princeton: Princeton University Press 1986). Despite its importance, the book was the subject of a lengthy and critical review that is, in effect, an article about the con- tribution that Mustafa Ali Efendi made to the paradigm of ‘Ottoman decline’. See R. Murphey, ‘Mustafa Ali and the Politics of Cultural Despair’, International Journal of ­Middle East Studies 21 (1989), pp. 243–55. A more recent article on the same theme is H. T. ­Karateke, ‘“On the Tranquillity and Repose of the Sultan”: The Construction of a Topos­ ’, in The Ottoman World, ed. C. Woodhead (London and New York: Routledge 2011), pp. 116–29. Although it became fashionable to dismiss historiography based upon assumptions of ‘Ottoman decline’, the term describes more than a mere topos. See, for example, the discussion in R. Grierson, ‘An “Auspicious Event”? The Suppres- sion of the Bektashi Order in 1826’, in Sufis and Mullahs: Sufis and Their Oppo­nents in the Persianate World, ed. R. Tabandeh and L. Lewisohn (forthcoming). An excellent collection of essays written for a conference dedicated to Mustafa Ali has been pub- lished in Gelibolulu Mustafa Âlî Çalıştayı Bildiriler, ed. İ. H. Aksoyak ­(Ankara: Türk Dil Kurumu Yayınları 2013). 33 E. Akın-Kivanç, Mustafa ‘Âli’s Epic Deeds of Artists: A Critical Edition of the Earliest Ottoman Text about the Calligraphers and Painters of the Islamic World (Leiden: E. J. Brill 2011) is highly recommended.

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­entitled the Süleymannâme, was intended to celebrate the achievements of Süleyman the Magni­ficent. Although the volumes were based upon Persian models, the illustrators began to display an interest not in heroes of a re- mote and perhaps imaginary world, but in armies, battles, fortresses, festi- vals, processions, the arrival of ambassadors, and other events at the court of the sultan or in the great city from which he ruled his empire. These volumes were the beginning of a distinctive tradition of Otto- man manuscript painting, a tradition in which the imperial copy of the Nusretnâme preserved at Topkapı Sarayı would assume a role of unusual significance. It was the first imperial manuscript in which the hero was not a sultan, but a vizier of the sultan, a vizier who was nevertheless depicted in the manner of a sultan. It was also a gazinâme, a book devoted to a gazi, a hero who fought for the true faith.34 The production of such a book was indicative of changes within the empire. As sultans were less likely to lead their troops on campaign, the empire was commanded in the field by . The role of the viziers themselves was also changing, rather than merely expanding. Especially within the palace, their power was gradually eclipsed by the eunuchs who controlled access to the sultan and to the sultana valide, the mother of the sultan, who was now living within the . A keen rivalry arose between the chief white eunuch, the kapı ağası or ‘agha of the gate’, who was responsible for the inner palace, and the chief black eunuch, the kı­ zlar ağası or ‘agha of the girls’, who was responsible for the harem. Their roles in serving as intermediaries between the world beyond the palace and the world within the palace, as conduits for petitions to the sultan or his ­mother, gave them extraordinary power. In time, their authority would surpass even that of the sadrazam.35 Especially if the sultan himself were understood to be a bibliophile, as Murad III undoubtedly was, luxury presentation volumes proved to be an effective way not only to display sophistication and wealth, which were essential means of advancement within a powerful elite, but also to influ- ence the way in which the sultan viewed the world. This would seem to have been the reason why the chief white eunuch, Gazanfer Ağa – who belonged to the faction that had gathered around Selim and with whom 34 The meaning of the termgazi has been a subject of prolonged and vigorous debate. C. Imber, ‘What Does “” Actually Mean?’, in The Balance of Truth: Essays in ­Honour of Professor G. L. Lewis, ed. Ç. Balım-Harding and C. Imber (Istanbul: Isis Press 2000), pp. 165–78 is hardly the latest contribution to the subject, but it remains one of the best. Further publications are cited below in note 79. 35 Z. Tanındı, ‘Bibliophile Aghas (Eunuchs) at Topkapı Sarayı’, Muqarnas 12 (2004), pp. 333–43.

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both Lala Mustafa Paşa and Mustafa Ali were therefore allied – served as an inter­mediary in the production of a luxury manuscript of Mustafa Ali’s Nusretnâme that was written, painted, and bound in the palace workshop as a commission for Murad III. Not only was the volume an object of beauty and luxury, but its text and the programme of its illustrations would also convey a clear message: the courage, wisdom, and piety of Lala Mustafa Paşa and the literary eloquence and diplomatic skill of his secretary. Un- fortunately for Lala Mustafa Paşa, he was dead by the time that Mustafa Ali had completed the text of the Nusretnâme and artists had begun to prepare its illustrations. However, his protégé, Özdemiroğlu Osman Paşa, was very much alive and the ambitions of Mustafa Ali remained undiminished.

Although a number of manuscripts of the Nusretnâme survive in Istanbul, London, Vienna, Paris, and Cairo, only two illustrated manuscripts are known.36 The earlier of the two manuscripts belongs to the British­ Library and is catalogued as Add. 22011.37 It is dated 1582, which was two years after­ the expedition to the Caucasus, and it was purchased by the British Museum at the Payne and Foss Sale (Lot 2507) on 1 May 1857. It contains five double­ page illustrations and one single-page illustration. Names of individuals, buildings, and places are written within the illustrations. The manuscript was produced in Aleppo and its style is provincial, with ­simple compositi- ons, a limited range of colour, and plain margins. At 26 x 19 centimetres,­ it is not large. Nevertheless, it is a rare and very important example of the arts of the book outside the imperial capital. Although there is no ­inscription to confirm the assumption, it has been suggested that the copy in the British Library may have been the original version that belonged to Lala ­Mustafa Paşa. Even a catalogue compiled by Norah Titley and published by the Brit- ish Library indicates as much.38 The real obstacle is that LalaMustafa­ Paşa had been dead for two years when the manuscript was completed. It is there- fore difficult to understand how he could have owned it. In 1584, a far more splendid copy was commissioned for Murad III, with Gazanfer Ağa evidently involved as an intermediary in the commission.

36 Manuscripts without illustrations include: Istanbul, Topkapı Sarayı Müzesi, Revan No. 1298; Istanbul, Nurosmaniye Kütüphanesi, No. 4350; Vienna, Österreichische ­Nationalbibliothek, No. 1017; Istanbul, Süleymaniye Kütüphanesi, No. 2433; Paris, Bibliothèque nationale, No. 1134; and Cairo, Dar al-Kutub, No. TK 237. 37 C. Rieu, Catalogue of the Turkish Manuscripts in the British Museum (London: British Museum 1888), p. 61. 38 See N. Titley, Persian Miniature Painting and Its Influence on the Art of Turkey and India: The British Library Collections (London: British Library 1983), p. 150: ‘it may well have been ’s own manuscript’.

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The manuscript is lavishly bound with red satin embroidered in gold and silver thread. It is larger in size than the manuscript in the ­British ­Library, and at 23 x 38.5 centimetres it is comparable to most imperial manu­scripts. It contains 257 folios written in by Mustafa ibn Abdülcelil, one of the court calligraphers, as well as fifty-six miniatures painted by artists whose names have not been recorded. Nevertheless, Stchoukine believed that he could identify the work of two artists, one more accomplished than the other, and assigned the illustration of Lala Mustafa Paşa and Mustafa Ali Efendi at Konya to the more skilled of the two. The borders of the paintings are decorated with ornate floral margins. The text and indeed the illustrations in the Topkapı manuscript of the Nusretnâme indicate that there had been substantial opposition to the ex- pedition to the Caucasus. While Sokollu Mehmed Paşa feared that it might ensnare the empire in a war that would prove lengthy, costly, and indeci- sive, he was also alarmed by the possibility of success as much as the possi- bility of failure. A brilliant campaign and a glorious victory by Lala Mustafa Paşa would almost certainly mean that he became too powerful and could thereby threaten the position of the sadrazam himself. In the Nusretnâme, Mustafa Ali reports two signs that were seen as favourable to the expedition and therefore as confirmation of divine blessing. Both are illustrated in the Topkapı Sarayı manuscript. The first sign was a comet that passed over Istanbul in 1577. Mustafa Ali quotes the royal astrologer Takiyüddin, who is depicted observing the comet with the aid of a quadrant, and who described its movement across the sky from west to east as a good omen for the campaign.39 The second sign occurred when Lala Mustafa Paşa rode east and stopped at Konya. Mustafa Ali provides a description of the visit, its purpose, and its significance.40

The illustration on fol. 36a is of great importance because it is one of the earliest Ottoman depictions of Mevlevi semazens, especially of Mevlevi semazens in the Kubbe-i Hadra. At the top of the illustration, four words are written within a cartouche. The first and the fourth are somewhat worn and therefore difficult to read. The second and third are perfectly legible. The most likely transcription would seem to beKonya’da Hazret-i Mevlânâ ziyaretidir (A Pilgrimage to the Exalted Mevlana in Konya).

39 Hazine No. 1365, fol. 5b. 40 Gelibolulu Mustafa ‘Âlî, Nusret-nâme, ed. H. M. Eravcı (Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayınları 2014), pp. 52–54. The relevant passages, as well as a translation into English, can be found below on pp. 25–27.

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As the illustration was produced after üleymanS the Magnificent ­provided a new sanduka, or sarcophagus, for Rumi and Sultan Valad and then placed the original sanduka of Rumi over the tomb of his father,41 it is pos­sible that the three tombs are meant to represent those of Rumi, his son Sultan Valad, and his father, Baha al-Din. In that case, however, one sanduka for Rumi and Sultan Valad rather than two would have been more accurate. The artist has not attempted to identify the tombs within the illus­tration it- self, and the text of the Nusretnâme mentions only a pilgrimage to the tombs of Rumi, Shams al-Din, Sadr al-Din, and Salah al-Din. As the tomb of Salah al-Din would stand between the tomb of Baha al-Din and the seated figures, and as the Nusretnâme refers to the former rather than the latter, it is possible that the artist had the tomb of Salah al-Din in mind. A tomb of Shams and the tomb of Sadr al-Din Qunyawi are venerated elsewhere in Konya.42 The three tombs are covered in brocade: two on the right in red and one on the left in green. The placed upon them are of different ­colours – dark brown, light brown, and grey – whereas in later centuries they would by convention be green for members of Rumi’s family but other­wise white. The shape in which they are depicted also differs from the usual örfi destarlı sikke seen on Mevlevi tombs, in which a tall sikke remains visible above rows of destar that have been stuffed with cotton.43 Monumen- tal candlesticks stand beside the tombs, as they do today. Lala Mustafa Paşa sits with two attendants standing to his left and Mustafa Ali Efendi sitting to his right. The inscription on his left sleeve identifies him as Mustafa Başa (Mustafa Paşa) and the inscription on the left sleeve of Mustafa Ali identifies him as müellif-i kitab (author of the book). The figure to the right of Mustafa Ali wears a Mevlevisikke on his head. His right sleeve bears the inscription teʾemmül-i Mesnevî (contemp- lation of the Mathnawi). The figure is not otherwise identified. If the artist intended to depict a particular individual rather than simply an impor- tant representative of the Mevlevi, the most likely choice would have been ­Derviş Mahmud, who was Mesnevihan at the Kubbe-i Hadra at the time.44 41 See note 6. 42 The mosque and tomb of Shams are located onŞems Caddesi in Şemsitebrizi Mahal­ lesi, to the north of Mevlana Caddesi. The mosque and tomb of Sadr al-Din Qunyawi are located on Turgutoğlu Sokağı in Şeyh Sadrettin Mahallesi. 43 See Gölpınarlı, Mevlânâ’dan Sonra Mevlevîlîk, unnumbered pl. 45 following p. 568, as well as N. Atasoy, ‘Dervish Dress and Ritual: The Mevlevi Tradition’, inThe Dervish Lodge: Architecture, Art, and in Ottoman Turkey, ed. R. Lifchez (Berkeley, Los Angeles, and Oxford: University of California Press 1992), p. 266 and Derviş Çeyizi: Türkiye’de Tarikat Giyim­-Kuşam Tarihi (Istanbul: T. C. Kültür Bakanlığı 2000), p. 123, pl. 200. 44 See note 17.

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As a Mesnevihan, he would certainly have learned to recite the Mathnawi and he would also have devoted many years to its study so that he could explain it and comment upon it, especially as part of the mukabele.45 The inscription teʾemmül-i Mesnevî would therefore seem to correspond more accurately to the responsibilities of Derviş Mahmud or another Mesne­ vihan than, for example, to those of Ferruh Çelebi, son of Husrev Çelebi and occupant of the çelebi makamı between 1561 and 1591.46 In any case, the destar that has been wrapped around the sikke is white, which suggests that Ferruh Çelebi was almost certainly not intended. Although white was the most usual colour, the status of Ferruh Çelebi as a descendant of Rumi would have entitled him to wear a very dark purple.47 The two attendants who stand behind and to the left of Lala Mustafa Paşa resemble the pairs of attendants who are often depicted in the company of the sultan. They both wear on their heads the red felt börk of the Yeniçeri, the ‘New Soldiers’ who were known in Europe as .48 In the foreground, the mukabele mentioned in the text is being per- formed. Twelve semazens are accompanied by four musicians: two neyzens, one bendirzen, and one kudümzen. The neyzens are playing the reed flute or ney, which is mentioned in the opening line of the Mathnawi and became the most characteristic instrument of the Mevlevi. The two percussionists are playing a bendir, which is a frame drum, and kudüm, a pair of small hemispherical drums. One neyzen and the kudümzen are dressed in cloaks known as hırka that have been made of a brown cloth. The otherneyzen and the bendirzen are dressed in hırkas of green cloth. The semazens stand in a circle, as one might expect, but their pos- tures are informal. One semazen removes his sikke and the others hold their hands in a variety of gestures. The artist may have been attempting to ­indicate a more ecstatic ceremony than later depictions often suggest. The costume worn by the semazens is also unusual and perhaps unique among depictions of the mukabele. It appears to be a single garment belted at the waist, sleeveless, open at the neck, and of brown, grey, white, or blue cloth. It suggests a tennure worn without an undergarment or an overgarment and without any indication of the voluminous skirt that we now assume

45 For a detailed account of the mukabele, see R. Grierson, ‘“All the Invisible Kingdoms”: Resuhi Baykara and the Mevlevi Mukabele’, Mawlana Rumi Review V (2014), pp. 107–35. 46 Gölpınarlı, Mevlânâ’dan Sonra Mevlevîlîk, pp. 153, 155–56. 47 See ibid., pp. 427–29 and N. Atasoy, ‘Dervish Dress and Ritual: The Mevlevi Tradition’, pp. 253–68, esp. pp. 265–66. 48 The variety of uniform can be seen in ‘The Habits of the Grand Signor’s Court’, an album painted in the early decades of the seventeenth century, purchased by Sir Hans Sloane, and now preserved in the British Museum as SL. 5238.

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to be characteristic of it. As result, the arms of the semazens are uncovered and the length of the garment hides the feet. One semazen wears a white rida over his shoulders, a long scarf that is rarely mentioned in later discussions of Mevlevi costume but was described in 1522 by Vahidi, who reported that it was worn by the Mevlevi as a sign of submission to divine commandments.49 Threesemazen s wear a destar of white cloth wrapped around the sikke, as do the bendirzen and one neyzen. The sikke is of a type known as istivalı sikke, to which a narrow band of ­green broadcloth has been affixed in a vertical line from the bottom and over the crown. Although it was confined in later centuries to Mevlevi who were recognized for extraordinary spiritual attainment, the frequency of its appearance in early paintings suggests that it had once been in more general use.50 Vahidi describes the band of green cloth as resembling the letter elif and serving as a symbol of the hatt-ı istivali, the line that was imagined as dividing the circular floor of the semahane into two halves. It was also a symbol of the Milky Way, which was seen to divide the celestial sphere into two halves.51 The most extensive study of dervish costume refers in its opening chapter to depictions of dervishes, including Mevlevi, in Ottoman minia- ture paintings.52 Its author, Nurhan Atasoy, considers the costume worn by the semazens in the painting from the Nusretnâme and compares it with ­depictions found in two other early manuscripts. The first is analbum ­ ­owned by the German Orientalist Franz Taeschner that was loaned in 1937 to the Staatliche Museen in Berlin and evidently vanished in 1945. It can now be consulted only in an album of photographs that Taeschner ­published twenty years before its disappearance.53 The other is the famous Surnâme of Murad III in Topkapı Sarayı.54

49 See A. T. Karamustafa, ‘Vāḥidī’s Menāḳıb-i Ḫvoca-i Cihān ve Netice-i Cān: Critical Edition and Historial Analysis’, PhD Thesis (McGill University 1986), pp. 173–74, 176. The published version of the thesis contains less information about therida but should ­nevertheless not be ignored: Vāḥidī’s Menāḳıb-i Ḫvoca-i Cihān ve Netice-i Cān: ­Critical Edition and Analysis, Sources of Oriental Languages and Literatures, no. 17 (Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University 1993), p. 11. 50 Atasoy, ‘Dervish Dress and Ritual’, p. 266. 51 See Karamustafa, ‘Vāḥidī’s Menāḳıb-i Ḫvoca-i Cihān ve Netice-i Cān’, pp. 173–74, 176. 52 Atasoy, Derviş Çeyizi, pp. 15–29, 102–28. 53 An introduction to the Taeschner Collection and a useful bibliography can be found in J. Schmidt, Catalogue of Turkish Manuscripts in the Library of Leiden University and Other Collections in the Netherlands (Leiden: Leiden University Press 2006). Photographs of the paintings in the lost manuscript can be found in F. Taeschner, Alt­-Stambuler Hof- und Volksleben: Ein türkisches Miniaturenalbum aus dem 17. Jahr­ hundert (Hannover: Orient-Buchhandlung Heinz Lafaire 1925). 54 Topkapı Sarayı Müzesi, Hazine Kütüphanesi No. 1344. Theillustrations record festivities­

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Although Atasoy describes the costume as esasta aynı (in essence the same) as that in the Taeschner album and in the Surnâme of Murad III, a comparison between the various illustrations suggests that it is not. At least, the illustrations in the Taeschner album and the Surnâme contain no examples of a Mevlevi dervish – especially a Mevlevi semazen – who is dressed in such a manner. While the Mevlevi tennure is a sleeveless gar- ment extending from the shoulders to the ankles, it is rare to see it worn without an overgarment or undergarment. The examples that Atasoy pro- vides of Mevlevi dervishes do not depict the arms as uncovered, at least not when held in postures that indicate the sema. The Taeschner album in par- ticular is noticeably different, thetennure depicted in it being voluminous and short while those in the Nusretnâme are narrow and long. It is obviously important to ask if the artist would have attempted to record precise details of this sort, or if he would even have been able to do so. He is unlikely to have witnessed the events that Mustafa Ali des­cribes because the manu­script was not commissioned until after the death of Lala Mustafa Paşa. The most likely source for the circumstances of the visit would almost certainly have been Mustafa Ali himself. He knew the palace workshop and its artists and was keenly interested in the production of books in general, and he supervised the production of this book in particu- lar. The artist might, of course, have been familiar with thesema performed at the Mevlevihane in Istanbul, the only Mevlevihane in the imperial capital until a second was built at Yenikapı in 1599.55 It is worth noting that the painting depicts fewer details than one might expect. It contains one or two essential elements that suggest­ the Kubbe-i Hadra, but little more. There is almost no attempt to depict the room itself. There are no walls, for example, and the floor is divided into two areas filled with geometric pat- terns in rose and turquoise that can be found in other manuscripts of the time and do not indicate a specific location or even a specific material. One might have expected a wooden floor in the semahane, and perhaps carpets around the tombs. The pattern indicates neither. As always, one should be careful not to assume too much about the kinds of evidence that paintings

for the circumcision of Şehzade Mehmed that were celebrated over fifty-five days and nights in 1582. Theydepict a wide variety of Ottoman dress, including the costumes of various sorts of dervish. Seven years after the publication of Derviş Çeyizi, Nurhan Atasoy presented the manuscript in an English as well as a Turkish edition, the for- mer entitled 1582, Surname-i Hümayun: An Imperial Celebration (Istanbul: Koç Kültür ­Sanat Yayınları 1997). 55 Gölpınarlı describes the Mevlevihanes of Istanbul in Mevlânâ’dan Sonra Mevlevîlîk, pp. 336–40. For an account in English of uncertainties about dates or circumstances of construction, see R. Grierson, ‘From Beşiktaş to Bahâriye: The Life and Times of Hüseyin Fahreddin el-Mevlevî’, Mawlana Rumi Review IV (2013), pp. 133–61.

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or drawings, and indeed engravings, are able to provide.56 At the same time, however, the artist has depicted Mevlevi costume in considerable­ detail and with impressive accuracy. Where the evidence of the painting seems to be unique, it would be rash to dismiss the artist as either careless or idio­ syncratic. While minor figures in the painting may be depicted in a manner that seems more typical than individual, there seems to be little doubt that the faces of Lala Mustafa Paşa and Mustafa Ali in particular are intended to be portraits. They are more detailed and they are corroborated by depic- tions that appear elsewhere. As the conqueror of Cyprus, Lala Mustafa Paşa ­appeared in European engravings as well as Ottoman paintings, and his features are certainly recognizable.57 The sequence of the events depicted is also intriguing, especially as Mustafa Ali describes visiting the tombs and listening to the ney before the Mathnawi was consulted. Both the upper and lower sections of the painting contain a kursi, from which the Qurʾan and the Mathnawi would be recited and explained, especially before the semazens entered the semahane and began to turn. The artist may have intended to depict two separate events: the consultation of the Mathnawi and the performance of the sema. If so, he may have depicted not two distinct kursis but the same kursi twice. How­ ever, the different colours of the books that rest upon them – one red and one blue – suggest that he envisaged two rather than merely one. Further- more, the plan of the shrine prepared by the first director of the Mevlânâ Müzesi, Akyurt, indicates that three figures – the postnişin or shaykh, whose authority was indicated by his sitting on a red sheepskin known as the post, the tarikatçı or spiritual director of the tarikat, and the Mesnevi­ han – would all be seated in this area.58 Even if the number of kursis is not in itself a guide to the sequence of events, and even if Lala Mustafa Paşa and Mustafa Ali do not appear again as spectators of the sema, it seems likely that the events are indeed meant to be sequential. In fact, there are three areas in the painting – the tombs, the consultation of the Mathnawi, and the sema – each of which corresponds to a different aspect of the visit: pilgrimage, augury, and ecstasy. * * * 56 For a general discussion of this question, see R. Grierson, ‘A Proper Cutt: William Hogarth, Motraye’s Travels, and the Dervishes Who Serve on Their Tiptoes’, Mawlana Rumi Review III (2012), pp. 95–119. 57 See, for example, ‘Mustapha Bassa’, in G. Greblinger, Wahre Abbildungen der Türck­ ischen Kayser vnd Persischen Fürsten (Frankfurt: Johann Ammon 1648), f. 46. 58 The plan is included after p. 568 as unnumbered pl. 51 inGölpınarlı, Mevlânâ’dan Sonra Mevlevîlîk.

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The description that Mustafa Ali provides in theNusretnâme of the pil- grimage to the tombs in Konya, of the ecstasy induced by the sound of the ney, and of the augury obtained from the Mathnawi comprises several para­graphs of Ottoman written in the elaborate Persianate style known as inşa, as well as a quotation in Persian that records the passage that Lala Mustafa Paşa found when he opened the volume of the Mathnawi.59 Although Mustafa Ali refers to the arrival of the party on the day of the mukabele, and although the illustration produced under his supervision contains a depiction of semazens, it is noticeable that he mentions only that he and his companions listened to the ney, not that they witnessed any part of the ceremony in the semahane:

Serdâr-ı nikû-kâr Ilgun nâm kasabada altı gün karâr-ı ­ihtiyâr ­eyleyüp. huyûl u devâbb kısmı ol mikdâr zemân çayırdan behre- dâr oldıkları ve andan kalkılup üçüncü menzilde Konya’ya varılup iki gün dahi anda istirâhat (ve) Celâle’d-dîn-i Rûmî ­hazretlerini ziyâret kıldıkları mahalldür . . . Pes menzilleri rûz-ı mukâbeleye râst gelüp, hıyâm-ı devlet-itâ- ma vâsıl u nâzil olmazdan mukaddem, türbet-i münevvere-i Mevlânâ’yı ziyâret ve sadâ-yı nâyını istımâʿle kesb-i neşât u vecd ü hâlet itdüklerinden sonra Mesneviyesinden tefeʾül ve kelâm-ı maʿneviyesinden bu sefer-i zafer-rehberün meʾâline müteʿal- lik teʾemmül olındıkda hikmet Allâhundur, İskender-i Zülkar- neynün Küh-i Kâfa varduğı ve cümle-i metâlib ü maksûdâtı dâyire-i kudret ü iktidârına musah­har olduğı bu mahallden bu ebyât-ı şerife zâhir olup serleşker-i kâm-kârun feth ü nusretine ve ʿasâkir-i cerrânun zaferlerine ve fursatına siyâk u sibâk ile işâret, belki remz ü îmâyla beşâret olındığından bir derecede sürûr u behcet hâsıl eylediler ki, kâbıl taʾbîr degüldür.

59 Gelibolulu Mustafa ʿÂlî, Nusret-nâme, ed. H. M. Eravcı (Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayınları 2014), pp. 52–54. The quotation from the Mathnawi contains a number of obvious differences from the text that appears in modern critical editions based upon the famous manuscript known as G, which is preserved in the library of the Mev- lânâ Müzesi in Konya and is generally regarded as the oldest and most authoritative version of the text. As the text of the Mathnawi printed in the recent edition of the Nusretnâme is hopelessly corrupted, with fourteen errors of scansion or orthography in the space of only nine couplets, the text cited here follows that of Nicholson and Is- tiʿlami. There is no difference between their editions in this passage. I hope to discuss quotations from the Mathnawi by Ottoman authors in a later volume of the Mawlana Rumi Review.

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Ve irtesi ki rûz-ı cumʿa idi, mazânn-ı icâbet-i duʿâ olan mezârâtı, husûsâ Şems-i Tebrîzî ve Şeyh Sadreʾd-dîn ve Salâhaʾd-dîn haz- retlerine mahsûs olan, merâkid-i bâ-berekâtı ferden-ferdâ ziyâret ve her birinden istimdâd u istirşâd u istiʿânet idüp, iki gün karâr itdüklerinden sonra göçülüp on sekizinci konakda şehr-i Sivas’a varıldı. Bir gün dahi anda ârâm u istirâhat olındı.

The beneficent general decided to stay in the town named Ilgun for six days, where the horses and pack animals shared in pasturage for that length of time, and they departed from there and reached Konya on the third day of the journey, which was the place where they took rest for two more days and made a pilgrimage to the exalted Jalal al-Din Rumi . . . Then, as the days of their journey coincided with the day of the mukabele, before arriving and dismounting at the ­auspicious encampment, after they had experienced joy and ecstasy and mystical elevation by making a pilgrimage to the radiant tomb of Mevlana and listening to the sound of the ney, they reflected deeply on the significance of the augury that they ­obtained from the Mathnawi and its spiritual word for this victorious expedition, by the wisdom of God, from this passage open to the noble verses where Alexander Dhu al-­Qarnayn went to Mount and attained every desire and aspiration concerning power and authority, and the successful commander-in-chief, taking this reference to past events as a sign of conquest and triumph, and the courageous soldiers of their success and opportunity as perhaps a symbol and allu- sion to good news, they found a degree of joy and delight that is impossible to describe.

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Dhu al-Qarnayn went toward Mount Qaf; he saw that it was pure emerald. It had become a ring surrounding the world; he was astonished at that vast creation. He said, ‘You are a mountain, what are those others? Compared to your immensity, they are toys.’ It said, ‘Those mountains are my veins; they are not like me in beauty and splendour. In every land I have a hidden vein; the ends of the world are fastened to my arteries. When God wants an earthquake in any land, he issues an order to me to move an artery. Then I move that vein forcefully – the vein to which a certain city is connected. When he says, “Enough”, my vein falls calm; I seem calm but I am actually in motion: Just as a salve is calm but very effectual; just as reason is calm while speech moves quickly.60

And the next day, as it was Friday, they made a pilgrimage one by one to the graves where prayers are expected to be heard, ­especially the blessed tombs of the exalted Shams-i Tabrizi and Shaykh Sadr al-Din and Salah al-Din in particular, asking for help and guidance and support from each of them, and after staying for two days, they left and reached the city of Sivas on the eighteenth day of the jour- ney. For one more day, rest and repose was taken there.

The Mathnawi was only one of a number of books that were employed for bibliomancy, a form a divination in which pages are consulted at random. The technique was practised long before the Ottoman Empire and contin- ues to be practised long after it. In classical antiquity, the books that were consulted most frequently were the poems of Homer or Virgil, a process known as Sortes Homericae or Sortes Virgilianae. As began to spread, the Sortes Sanctorum or Sortes Sacrae relied upon the Bible, usually the Psalms, Prophets, or Gospels. Among Muslims, the Qurʾan itself, the Divan of Hafiz, and the Mathnawi of Rumi have all been used.61

60 Jalāl al-Dīn Muḥammad Rūmī, The Mathnawí of Jalálu’ddín Rúmí, ed., trans., and comm. Reynold A. Nicholson (London: Gibb Memorial Trust 1925–1940), IV: 3711–20. 61 Useful summaries of Muslim attitudes to divination in general can be found in ­İ. ­Çelebi, ‘İslâm’da Fal’, Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslâm Ansiklopedisi, vol. XII, pp. 138– 39 and M. Omidsalar, ‘Divination’, Encyclopaedia Iranica, vol. VII, pp. 440–43.

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As the application of the Qurʾan to bibliomancy was explored in greater detail, manuscripts were provided with tables that offered guidance about exactly how the book should be employed, including recitations of Qurʾanic passages and prayers expressing trust in God to provide access to the secrets of the unseen.62 In the sixteenth century, illustrated manuscripts known as Falnâme (Book of Omens) began to be produced in which paint- ings were accompanied by commentaries that clarified methods of inter- pretation. Interest in bibliomancy evidently increased in the latter decades of the sixteenth century as anxiety grew about the approach of the millen- nium according to the Muslim calendar, the year ad 1591 being ah 1000.63 Although the interpretation of omens and auguries was often thought to be subtle, if not perilous, the conclusion that was drawn from Lala ­Mustafa Paşa opening the Mathnawi at a passage ostensibly referring to Alex­ander the Great might seem obvious enough. Alexander was a brilliant ­general who conquered most of the known world while still a young man, who led his apparently invincible armies toward the east, and who defeat- ed a Persian enemy in particular. But even if Mustafa Ali and everyone else who was present assumed that the meaning of the passage was beyond doubt, the Mathnawi does not actually refer to and it does not refer to a successful military campaign in the east. Furthermore, not only does Rumi make no mention of Alexander or of military conquest, neither does the passage in the Qurʾan on which his verses are based, or at least in which their hero first appears. As we have seen above, the verses from the Mathnawi that ­Mustafa Ali included in the Nusretnâme record a conversation between Dhu al­- Qarnayn and a mountain. The Nusretnâme repeats only the first nine verses of the conversation, which is interrupted in the Mathnawi by a story about ants watching a hand while it writes upon a sheet of paper, and then con­ tinues for a another twenty-four verses.64 In his commentary on the Mathnawi, Reynold Nicholson simply­ states that the name Dhu al-Qarnayn refers to ‘Alexander the Great (Iskan- dar-i Rúmí)’ and does not discuss the possibility that it might refer to

62 See F. Leoni, Power and Protection: Islamic Art and the Supernatural (Oxford: Ash­ molean Museum 2016), esp. p. 25, cat. no. 18. 63 See M. Uzun, ‘Falnâme’, Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslâm Ansiklopedisi, vol. XII, pp. 141–45 as well as M. Farhad and S. Bağcı (eds.), Falnama: The Book of Omens (Washington, DC: Arthur M. Sackler Gallery 2009). The latter volume contains a fascinating ­description by Cornell Fleischer of the keen interest shown by members of the ­Ottoman elite in omens and auguries: ‘Ancient Wisdom and New Sciences: Pro­phecies at the Ottoman Court in the Fifteenth and Early Sixteenth Centuries’, pp. 232–43, 329–30. 64 Rūmī, Mathnawí, ed., trans., and comm. Nicholson, IV: 3730–54.

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­anyone else.65 While it is obvious that the passages from the Qisas al-anbiya cited by Nicholson­ as the source of the ‘paraphrase’ that appears in the Mathnawi do not mention Alexander by name, any more than the Qurʾan or the Math­nawi refer to Alexander by name, it would be exceedingly dif- ficult to suggest that Rumi did not have Alexander in mind. He refers to Alexander in only one verse of the Mathnawi. However, that verse makes it clear that he is applying the name Alexander to a Qurʾanic verse about Dhu al­-Qarnayn.

If you are Alexander, come to the rising place of the sun; after that, wherever you go, you will have the fairest splendour.66

Indeed, it would have been very odd if Rumi had not identified Alex­ander and Dhu al-Qarnayn. Long before the thirteenth century, when he was writing in Konya, an enormous number of traditions had been assembled and circulated around the figure of Alexander. Generally known as the ‘Alex­ander Romance’, these legends appeared in Greek and and the languages of , and in Coptic, Syriac, Ethiopic, and the other languages of the Christian Orient, as well as in Arabic, Persian, and lan- guages used across the .67

65 Rūmī, Mathnawí, ed., trans., and comm. Nicholson, VIII: 218: ‘The two following­ sections of the poem are largely a paraphrase of Qiṣaṣu ’l-anbiyá, 4, 18 sqq. “Said ‘Alí ibn Abi Ṭálib: The Earth, as soon as God created it, cried out and said, ‘O Lord, wilt Thou place upon me sons of Adam who commit sins and cast filth upon me?’ and it rocked violently. Then God fastened it down with mountains and steadied it, and He created a huge mountain of green emerald—whence comes the greenness of the sky—called Mt Qáf, encircling the whole earth; and this is that by which God swore, saying Qáf. By the glorious Qur’án (Qur. L I). Said Wahb (ibn Munabbih): Dhú ’l-Qarnayn came to Mt Qáf and saw small mountains around it. ‘What are these?’ said he. ‘They are my veins’, it replied; ‘when God wills that a land should quake, He orders me and I let one of my veins throb and there is an earthquake in the adjoining land.’ Dhú ’l-Qarnayn said: ‘O Qáf, tell me something of the majesty of God.’ ‘The majesty of our Lord surpasses all description and conception.’ ‘Tell me the least thing thereof that can be described.’ ‘Lo,’ said Mt Qáf, ‘beyond me, for the distance of a five hundred years’ journey, lies a land of snow-mountains which crush against one another and, beyond that, similar mountains of hail: were it not for that snow and hail, the world would be consumed by the heat of Hell-fire.’” 66 The original of this verse can be found in Rūmī,Mathnawí , ed., trans., and comm. Nicholson, II: 45. 67 Although readers of the present article may be less interested in the historical Alex- ander than the mythological Alexander, a convenient summary of essential informa- tion about the former is provided by A. B. Bosworth, ‘Alexander (3) III (“the Great”) of Macedon’, Oxford Classical Dictionary, 4th ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press 2012), pp. 56–58. A brief but helpful account of the origins of the Alexander Romance are provided by the same author in ‘Pseudo-Callisthenes’, Oxford Classical Diction­ ary, 4th ed., p. 1233. A number of valuable studies have been published during the

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Dhu al-Qarnayn is first mentioned in the Qurʾan and appears only once, at verses 83–108 of Sura XVIII (The Cave). He is described as trav- elling to a place in the far west where the sun sets in a pool of water, and then to the far east where the sun rises, and finally as building a wall of iron between two mountain barriers as a defence against Yajuj and Majuj.68 As the Qurʾan itself said nothing else about him, Muslim commentators were naturally keen to identify him and to explain the meaning of his name. The choice of Alexander as a possible or even likely candidate was undoubtedly early, even if it was thought difficult to confirm. It had already been made in the eighth century by Ibn Hisham, who reported that Dhu al-Qarnayn was the founder of Alexandria, a city that was named after him.69 However, Ibn Hisham also identified him with the Himyarite king Saʿb ibn Dhi Yazan al-Himyari, who was famous for having expelled the Aksumites from South Arabia in the sixth century ad.70 The question was evidently confusing, and the suggestion was therefore made that there must have been two different men named Dhu al-Qarnayn.71 If his name is assumed to indicate that he possessed two horns,72 it is obviously intriguing that Alexander had begun to mint coins that de- picted him with horns after he consulted the oracle of the ram god Zeus

past decade about the Alexander Romance, including R. Stoneman, Alexander the Great: A Life in Legend (New Haven: Yale University Press 2008); Z. D. Zuwiyya, A Companion to Alexander Literature in the Middle Ages (Leiden: E. J. Brill 2011); and R. Stoneman, K. Erickson, and I. Netton (eds.), The Alexander Romance in Persia and the East (Groningen: Barkhuis Publishing and Groningen University Library 2012). Succinct accounts of the legacy of the Alexander Romance in Persian are provided by W. L. Hanaway, ‘Eskandar-nāma’, Encyclopaedia Iranica, vol. VIII, pp. 609–12 and F. de Blois. ‘Eskandar-nāma of Neẓāmī’, Encyclopaedia Iranica, vol. VIII, pp. 612–14. For a summary of the place of Alexander in literature written in several forms of Turkish as well as in Persian, see İ. Ünver, ‘İskender, Edebiyat’, Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslâm Ansiklopedisi, vol. XXII, pp. 557–59. 68 Yajuj and Majuj correspond to the Biblical Gog and Magog, who are depicted in the Book of Ezekiel and the Book of Revelation as enemies of God. In addition to Sura XVIII, they appear in the Qurʾan only at verse 96 of Sura XXI (The Prophets). ­Later commentators have often identified them as nomadic peoples from Central Asia, in- cluding the Turks or the Mongols. A detailed account is provided in E. van Donzel and A. Schmidt, Gog and Magog in Early Eastern Christian and Islamic Sources: Sallam’s­ Quest for Alexander’s Wall (Leiden and Boston: E. J. Brill 2009). 69 B. M. Wheeler, Prophets in the : An Introduction to the Quran and Muslim ­Exegesis (London and New York: Continuum 2002), pp. 228–29. 70 For an account of Sa‘b ibn Dhi Yazan, see R. Hoyland, Arabia and the Arabs: From the Bronze Age to the Coming of Islam (London: Routledge 2001), pp. 56–57. 71 B. M. Wheeler, Prophets in the Quran, pp. 228–29. 72 B. M. Wheeler, ‘Moses or Alexander? Early Islamic Exegesis of Qurʾān 18:60– 6 5 ’, Journal of Near Eastern Studies 57 (1998), pp. 191–215.

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Ammon at the oasis of Siwah in 331 bc. Such coins were in wide circula- tion through­out the ancient Near East. Furthermore, Alexander would be identified with the horned figure who is mentioned in the Book of ­Daniel at VIII:3–8, according to the Jewish historian Josephus,73 while a Syriac homily attrib­uted to Jacob of Serugh refers to God giving Alexander two horns of iron.74 However important these passages might be as examples of apocalyptic speculation about Alexander among and Christians, they and others like them provide little direct evidence that the horned figure of Alex­ander had been the origin of the Dhu al-Qarnayn who is mentioned in the Qurʾan, even if the identification had been made by Muslim commen- tators in antiquity.75 For Lala Mustafa Paşa and Mustafa Ali, however, more recent specula- tion would have made them even more keenly aware of the significance of Alexander and Dhu al-Qarnayn. In the centuries that elapsed between the death of Rumi in 1273 and the pilgrimage of Lala Mustafa Paşa and Mustafa Ali to his tomb in 1578, both figures had assumed a greater importance throughout in general and for the in particular than they had elsewhere. At the beginning of the fifteenth century, the poet Taceddinİbrahim Ahmedi produced his İskendernâme (Book of Alexander), an epic of eight thousand couplets in which he described not only the spectacular con- quests of Alexander the Great but also the early history of the Ottoman dynasty.76 The popularity of theİskendernâme is confirmed by the number of surviving manuscripts, and its influence can be seen in later chronicles, including the anonymous Tevârih-i Âl-i Osmân (History of the House of Osman), which adopted its themes and cited its verses.77 At the time, a clear distinction between dastan (epic) and tarih (history) was often not made, and both words could be used to refer to the same books. The meta­physical or mythic elements in the İskendernâme would therefore not be isolated

73 Flavius Josephus was writing in the first century ad. For his description of Alexander visiting and becoming convinced that the prophecy in Ezekiel referred to him, see Antiquities of the Jews, XI:8.5. 74 Jacob of Serugh, who was one of the greatest of Syriac poets and theologians, died in ad 541. The homily was actually written in the following century. See G. J. Rein- ink, Das syrische Alexanderlied, Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium, nos. 454–55 (Louvain: Peeters 1983). 75 A concise introduction is provided by B. W. Wheeler, Prophets in the Quran, pp. 227–37. 76 Ahmedi, İskander-Nāme: İnceleme-Tıpkıbasım, ed. İ. Ünver (Ankara: Türk Tarih ­Kurumu 1983). 77 F.W.C. Giese, Die altosmanischen anonymen Chroniken in Text und Übersetzung, Teil I: Text und Variantenverzeichnis (Breslau: Im Selbstverlag 1922).

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from more factual material in the chronicles or the epics that were influ- enced by it.78 Although Ahmedi was obviously inspired by the Persian epics of Firdawsi and Nizami,79 he nevertheless wrote for an Ottoman readership, addressing the circumstances of political and religious life in Anatolia and when these regions were being Turkified as well as Islam- ized.80 During the Ottoman conquest of the Balkans and the first attempts to ­capture , he helped to invent an identity and establish a ­legitimacy for the Ottoman dynasty as gazis, warriors for the faith who ­defeated infidel enemies and extended the rule of Islam.81 In the verses of Ahmedi, Alexander is depicted as an archetypal gazi, a role that required him to appear not as a pagan Greek who lived three cen- turies before the birth of Christ but as an explicitly Muslim hero. As he was not only Alexander but also Dhu al-Qarnayn, a prophet who is mentioned in the pages of the Qurʾan, the task of portraying him as Muslim was not insuperable. The Cihannüma (Panorama), a chronicle compiled by Neşri between 1486 and 1492, refers to Turkish claims that the legendary ancestor Oğuz was the first Muslim and none other than Dhu al-Qarnayn.82 The role of Alexander in both the visible and the invisible world was described by Ahmedi in terms that he had borrowed from Nizami. When his teacher Aristotle reaches the limits of his knowledge, for example,

78 D. Kastritsis, ‘The Alexander Romance and the Rise of the Ottoman Empire’, in ­Islamic Literature and Intellectual Life in Fourteenth- and Fifteenth-century Anatolia, ed. A.C.S. Peacock and S. N. Yıldız (Würzburg: Ergon Verlag 2016), pp. 243–83 pro- vides an excellent introduction to the importance of Alexander epics composed by Hamzani and Ahmed Rıdvan as well as Ahmedi. 79 A comprehensive examination of the Alexander Romance in Perso-Islamic literature and history can be found in H. Manteghi, Alexander the Great in the Persian Tradition: History, Myth and Legend in Medieval Iran (London: I. B. Tauris 2018, forthcoming). 80 A concise but nevertheless informative account of Ottoman expansion during the fif- teenth century is provided by C. Imber, The Ottoman Empire, 1300–1650: The Structure of Power (New York: Palgrave Macmillan 2002), pp. 17–44. 81 The meaning of the termgazi and the ways in which it could be applied to the Otto­ man sultans remain a subject of intense debate. The early essays of Paul Wittekremain­ of fundamental importance and have recently been collected and published in a more convenient format as P. Wittek, The Rise of the Ottoman Empire: Studies in the History of Turkey, ed. C. Heywood (Abingdon: Routledge 2012). Cemal Kafadar devoted a section to ‘The Wittek Thesis and Its Critics’ inBetween Two Worlds: The Construction of the Ottoman State (Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London: University of Cali­fornia Press 1995), pp. 47–59. C. Imber, ‘The Ottoman Dynastic Myth’, Turcica 19 (1987), pp. 7–27 is as relevant now as when it first appeared. 82 Nesri, Gihānnümā: die altosmanische Chronik des Mevlānā Meḥemmed Neschrī. Band 1: Einleitung und Text des Codex Menzel, ed. F. Taeschner (Leipzig: Otto Harrassowitz 1951), p. 5.

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­Alexander is instructed by , the ‘Green Man’ identified with the ser­ vant of God who appears as a guide for Moses in Sura XVIII a few verses before Dhu al-Qurnayn is introduced.83 While Aristotle was a philosopher whose knowledge encompassed the visible or zahir, Khidr belonged to the hidden or batın. The depiction of Alexander as a Turkish hero who pos- sessed both martial and spiritual virtues was so inspiring that Ottoman sul- tans began to envisage themselves and present themselves to their subjects as new ­Alexanders. Mehmet II, for example, who captured Constantinople in 1453, ­commissioned a manuscript of the Alexandrou Anabasis (Expedition of Alexander), which was written in Greek by Arrian in the second century ad and remained the most famous account of the campaigns.84 Passages from the manuscript, which still survives in the library of Topkapı Sarayı, were apparently read to him every day.85 The Bios tou Moameth II (Life of ­Mehmed II), which was written for the sultan by the statesman and histor­ ian Michael Kritoboulos, was an attempt to ensure that Ottoman subjects who were Greek as well as philhellenes in western Europe understood that the conquests of Mehmed II were as significant as those of Alexander.86 A biography written in Ottoman by the dragoman Tursun shortly after Mehmed died begins by citing the Qurʾanic verse about Dhu al-Qarnayn as a model for a divinely sanctioned ‘emperor of the world’.87 The role of the sultan as a new Alexander began to acquire a further mes- sianic significance as the tenth Muslim century drew near, the yearad 1494 being ah 900. The victories of üS leyman the Magnificent were described in apocalyptic terms as heralding the end of the present age, and Venetian am- bassadors to the reported that Süleyman thought of himself as Alexander the Great just as Mehmed II and had done.88

83 Qur’an, XVIII:65–82. For concise introductions to a vast topic, see A. Krasnowolska, Encyclopaedia Iranica, vol. XVI, s.v. ‘Keżr’ and İ. Çelebi, S. Uludağ, and C. Kurnaz, ‘Hızır’, Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslâm Ansiklopedisi, vol. XVII, pp. 406–12. 84 J. Raby, ‘’s Greek Scriptorium’, Dumbarton Oaks Papers 37 (1983), pp. 15–34. 85 G. Necipoğlu, ‘From Byzantine Constantinople to Ottoman Kostantiniyye: Crea­tion of a Cosmopolitan Capital and Visual Culture under Sultan Mehmed II’, in From ­Byzantion to Istanbul: 8000 Years of a Capital (Istanbul: Sakip Sabancı Müzesi 2010), pp. 262–77, esp. p. 265. 86 Michael Kritoboulos, Critobuli Imbriotae Historiae, ed. D. R. Reinsch, Corpus Fon- tium Historiae Byzantinae, no. 22, Series Berolinensis (Berlin: De Gruyter 1983). 87 T. Krstić, ‘Of Translation and Empire: Sixteenth-century Ottoman Imperial Inter­ preters as Renaissance Go-betweens’, in The Ottoman World, ed. C. Woodhead (Lon- don: Routledge 2011), pp. 130–42. 88 P. Fodor, ‘The View of the Turk in : The Apocalyptic Tradition and theLegend­ of the Red Apple in Ottoman-Hungarian Context’, in Les traditions apocalyptiques au

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While they were not as extensive as the Alexander Romance, a large body of later tradition was also assembled around the other participant in the conversation that Rumi describes, the mountain itself. No mention is made in Sura XVIII of a mountain named Qaf or of Dhu al-Qarnayn trav- elling to it. In the Qurʾan as a whole, only one verse might be proposed as a reference to such a mountain, and it is a famously enigmatic verse. The letter qaf that appears at the beginning of Sura L (Qaf) has been assumed by some commentators to refer to the mountain, but the letter by itself is mysterious and a number of other explanations have been offered.89 Al- though mountains are certainly mentioned in verse 7 of the same Sura, the statement is general and therefore tells us little about the meaning of the letter with which the Sura begins. There is no other reference to Mount Qaf in the Qurʾan. While sacred or cosmic mountains appear in many traditions, Qaf appears to be of Iranian origin and to have been a subject of fascination long before the arrival of Islam as well as long after it.90 The mountain was believed to encompass the entire world rather than standing in the east or indeed at any more specific location.91 It was a cosmic mountain that sup- ported the celestial vault, and the emerald of which the mountain was made coloured the sky. As it was understood in cosmological terms, it was also understood in mystical terms, appearing in ‘Attar’s Mantiq al-tayr (Con- ference of the Birds), for example, as the home of the fabulous Simurgh.92 Mustafa Ali does not dwell on the cosmological or mystical signifi- cance of Lala Mustafa Paşa following the path of Alexander to the edge of the earth. His concerns were evidently focused on a more specific question, which was given a spiritual meaning no less intense and no less compelling. Lala Mustafa Paşa would be riding east with the blessing of Rumi. He had

tournant de la chute de Constantinople, ed. B. Lelouche and S. Yerasimos, Actes de la Table Ronde d’Istanbul (13–14 avril 1996) (Paris: L’Harmattan 1999), pp. 91–131. 89 See B. M. Wheeler, Moses in the Quran and Islamic Exegesis (RoutledgeCurzon: Abingdon 2002), pp. 96–98. 90 For a concise summary, see K. Demirci, ‘Kafdağı’, Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslâm Ansiklo­ pedisi, vol. XXIV, pp. 144–45. 91 Wheeler, Moses in the Quran and Islamic Exegesis, pp. 96–98. 92 Perhaps the most extensive and intriguing discussions of the cosmological signifi- cance of Qaf are provided by H. Corbin. Inter alia, see his Spiritual Body and Celes­ tial Earth: From Mazdean Iran to Shī‘ite Iran (Princeton: Princeton University Press 1977), pp. 71–75. Among the many accounts of the Simurgh, one of the most impres- sive is F. Keshavarz, ‘Flight of the Birds: The Poetic Animating the Spiritual in ‘Aṭṭār’s Manṭiq al-ṭayr’, in ‘Aṭṭār and the Persian Sufi Tradition: The Art of Spiritual Flight, ed. L. Lewisohn and C. Shackle (London and New York: I. B. Tauris 2006), pp. 112–34, esp. pp. 124–29.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/10/2021 01:42:53PM via free access cover illustration 35 been assured of the success of his expedition when he visited the Kubbe-i Hadra, despite the machinations of his rivals or enemies in Istanbul. Just as Dhu al-Qarnayn was believed to be Alexander, and just as the Ottoman sultans were presented as the Alexanders of their age, as gazis who fought to ensure the victory of Islam over the armies of the infidel, so too was Lala Mustafa Paşa riding east to fight for his sultan and his faith. For more than a century, Alexander and Dhu al-Qurnayn had been venerated as archetypal gazis. TheMathnawi had now confirmed that Lala Mustafa Paşa too would be victorious.

The painting of the Ottoman field marshal and his private secretary mak- ing their pilgrimage to the tomb of Jalal al-Din Rumi – a day on which they found reassurance among the tombs at the Kubbe-i Hadra, courage for ­battle in the pages of the Mathnawi, and ecstasy as they listened to the ney in the semahane – provides a fascinating glimpse of the place of Rumi and the Mevlevi among the Ottoman elite. It is also a reminder of the role that high culture played in the intrigues at the Ottoman court through which pro- motion and the patronage of the sultan could be secured. Just as Ottoman political history is difficult to understand without reference to ­culturea that was in large part created by the Mevlevi, so too are the Mevlevi difficult to understand if they are approached only as a repository­ of spiritual wisdom or literary brilliance detached from the hard business of empire.93 The Mev- levi were indeed mystical and literary, but just as the Maktubat of Rumi reveal the burden of his responsibilities within the Seljuk­ , so too did the Mevlevi play an essential part in the expansion of Ottoman power.94

Bibliography Afyoncu, Erhan. ‘Rüstem Paşa’, Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslâm Ansiklopedisi, vol. XXXV, pp. 288–90. ——. ‘Sokullu Mehmed Paşa’, Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslâm Ansiklopedisi, vol. XXXVII, pp. 354–57.

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