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Life and Work: Poverty, Wealth and History in the East End of London Part Two: Family and Community: the Social Life of the E

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Life and Work: Poverty, Wealth and History in the East End of London Part Two: Family and Community: the Social Life of the E Life and Work: Poverty, Wealth and History in the East End of London Part Two: Family and Community: The Social Life of the East End Community Resource The Jewish Community in London By Rosemary O’Day, Professor of History and Director of the Charles Booth Research Centre at the Open University By kind permission of Rosemary O’Day In recent times the history of the Jews in London has frequently been seen through the eyes of prejudiced and puzzled, if often admiring, gentiles. Often the surviving sources do not permit us to dispense entirely with this perspective. Moreover, this gentile view does enable us to comprehend the informal ghettoization of London’s jewry. Yet, now, historians are turning ever more to an internal history of the London Jewish community—concentrating on its workaday world, its culture and its politics—to a study of its relations with the gentile world and to a comparative approach. In 1850 British Jews numbered some 35,000; by 1881 their numbers had swollen to 60,000, due both to natural increase and to continuous migration from Germany, Holland and particularly, Poland. Throughout the Diaspora, the Jews who were already settled in England had a reputation for hospitality second to none. Synagogues in Holland, for example, would pay the steamer masters handsomely to export undesirables from their own congregations to those in London, knowing full well that the London Jews would not turn their backs on poor unfortunates. Exodus Jews had long felt insecure within the Russian Empire and, after the assassination of the more tolerant Alexander II, they were driven from the countryside and forced to live in the towns along the Pale of Settlement, excluded from education and from public service. As a result, most Jews belonged to the lowest stratum of the unemployed proletariat or worked as artisans and small masters. Many fled the Russian Empire, mainly without passports, largely to escape poverty, military service and, to a lesser extent, personal violence. Between 1880 and 1914 no Poverty, Wealth and History in the East End of London Part Two: Family and Community: The Social Life of the East End fewer than 2 million Jews made their way to the USA, Canada, the Argentine, France and South -2- Africa. One-hundred-thousand travelled by weekly steamer from Rotterdam, Libau, Hamburg and Bremen to the English ports of Hull, Grimsby and London. This immigration came in waves: the first wave was a response to the crisis of 1881-2 in Russia; the second resulted from the expulsion of Poles from Prussia in 1886; the third was triggered by expulsions from Moscow and Kiev in 1890-1. Finally, the twentieth century brought waves of immigrants escaping from pogroms, war and revolution. Nine-tenths of this immigrant population settled in London. It was the men who arrived first. Only when they had found employment and lodging did the women and children follow. Some Russian Jews, such as the family of the impresarios Lew Grade and Bernard Delfont, prepared well in advance for their settlement in London: My father was away for three months before he finally sent for us. I later found out that he had insisted that my mother learnt to speak Yiddish when he was away, because without any English we’d be lost in the East End of London. At home, you see, we spoke only Russian. Family migration was at the heart of the Jewish influx. However, emigration allowed some men to escape domestic difficulties, and the women they left behind were anxious that temporary separation did not turn into permanent desertion. One Moshe Berman left his wife in Saulen seeking a better life in London. His wife pleaded with him to return, ‘God knows when we will see each other! You are bad off there and I am bad off here, and cannot earn anything. Please let me know if there are any means for you to come back to Saulen...’ Nevertheless, the great waves of migration continued through the Victorian era. The immigrant Jews London’s immigrant Jews were far from an undifferentiated mass. Religious and voluntary associations, such as chevras and friendly societies, had moved with the immigrants from their native lands and helped maintain a certain social and familial separation. Beatrice Potter, then Charles Booth’s associate, described the function of the chevra: The East End Jews of the working class rarely attend the larger synagogues.... For the most part the religious-minded form themselves into associations (Chevras), which combine the functions of a benefit club for death, sickness, and the solemn Poverty, Wealth and History in the East End of London Part Two: Family and Community: The Social Life of the East End rites of mourning with that of public worship and the study of the Talmud. Thirty -3- or forty of these chevras are scattered throughout thwe Jewish quarters.... Usually each Chevras is named after the town or district in Russia or Poland from which the majority of its members have emigrated: it is, in fact, from old associations— from ties of relationship or friendship, or, at least, from the memory of a common home—that the new association springs. Linguistic differences helped to cement these tendencies—while Yiddish was spoken among Jews (and certainly was more prevalent than English) it was not universal. The report of the Lancet medical journal special sanitary commission of 1888 indicated that in practice they were faced by a community which was Jewish ‘in blood and creed’, but ‘to a great extent Polish in their instincts, customs and predilections’. This was a diverse mass of peoples from all over Europe, united by religion and their desire for a better life. Newly arrived Jews knew neither the place nor the language but were desperate for work. They could not work for gentiles because they could not communicate and, more pertinently, because they would not work on the Sabbath (sundown on Friday to sundown on Saturday). They had no alternative but to turn to Jewish ‘sweaters’, small masters (often tailors) who shared the immigrants’ language, culture and religion, but who could and did impose any conditions they wished on their workers. Charles Russell and Harry S.Lewis, authors of The Jew in London (1900), also highlighted the sometimes exploitative nature of the ‘foreign Jew as landlord’. ‘The Chief Rabbi’ they claimed,’in a recent sermon, tells the story of an East-End Jew who exclaimed to him, “Thank God I live under a Christian landlord”’. Organising the immigrants – addressing their poverty There was already a long-established community of Jews in Britain, and especially in London. The prosperous middle-class and elite Jews clustered heavily in the West End of the metropolis, leaving the East End to the poor. Russell and Lewis believed that the line between the English and the foreign Jew was even more marked than that between the English Jew and the gentile. ‘When they come into too much contact there is even mutual hostility and contempt. In Whitechapel the bitterest enemies of the foreign immigrant that I have come across have been English Jews, while the foreigners are commonly shocked and scandalised at the laxity in faith, and the shamelessly “non-observant” lives of their English co-religionists’. The social concerns of the Jewish immigrant community had been regulated from 1858 onwards by the Jewish Board of Guardians. It was dominated by an Anglo-Jewish financial elite who organised and controlled charitable assistance as part of a plan to provide poor immigrant Jews Poverty, Wealth and History in the East End of London Part Two: Family and Community: The Social Life of the East End with marketable skills and allow them to become part of the prosperous Jewish middle class. It -4- acted as a much-needed bridge between the rich and the poor, who were separated physically in the capital city as elsewhere. The Poor Jews’ Temporary Centre was also set up by F.D.Mocatta and others to give the immigrants a bed for the night after they landed, and to point them towards employment. The acculturated leaders of Anglo-Jewry were ultimately horrified by the implications of mass immigration for their position in Britain. They tried to dissuade Eastern European Jews from coming to these islands. They tried to acculturate those who did come. They tried to encourage those who congregated in Whitechapel and Spitalfields to disperse rapidly to London’s suburbia, echoing the concerns of the gentile elite. Tensions and experience However, we should beware of identifying problems within Jewish East London wholly in terms of poverty. A couple of examples can illuminate other tensions relating to the pressures of living in a declaredly Christian society and the fear many Jews felt concerning loss of identity. At times this was heightened by the conflict between proposed national legislation and the desire of Jews to be regarded as good and law-abiding citizens. Proposed reform of the Sunday trading laws in 1906 created a crisis. Lively Sunday markets (such as that of Petticoat Lane) provided a trading outlet for Jews; if these markets were forbidden, many Jews would have to choose between near-starvation or defiance of either the laws of the land or those of their religion. The president of the Board of Deputies, David Lindo Alexander, gave a spirited justification of Jewish grounds for special treatment to the Joint Select Committee on Sunday Trading. But education in state schools also presented opportunities and threats to Jewish identity. These threats were addressed by measures such as the provision of Hebrew classes and special Jewish youth clubs.
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