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“Almost Too Terrible to Believe”: the Camilla, Georgia, Race Riot and Massacre, September 1868

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“Almost Too Terrible to Believe”: the Camilla, Georgia, Race Riot and Massacre, September 1868 “Almost Too Terrible to Believe”: The Camilla, Georgia, Race Riot and Massacre, September 1868 A Thesis submitted to the Graduate School Valdosta State University in partial fulfillment of requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in History in the Department of History of the College of Arts and Sciences May 2012 Joshua William Butler BA, Valdosta State University, 2009 © Copyright 2012 Joshua William Butler All Rights Reserved ABSTRACT Camilla, Georgia, became the site of a racially motivated political riot on Saturday, September 19, 1868. Determined to promote political and social reform with an organized rally, at least 150 freedmen, along with Republican political candidates, advanced toward the town’s courthouse square. Local citizens warned the black and white activists of the impending violence and demanded that they forfeit their guns, even though carrying weapons was customary at the time. The marchers refused to give up their guns and continued to the courthouse square, where local whites fired upon them. This assault forced the Republicans and freedmen to retreat as locals gave chase, killing an estimated fifteen protestors and wounding forty others. The Camilla Massacre was the culmination of smaller acts of violence committed by white inhabitants that had plagued southwest Georgia since the end of the Civil War. Local whites had individually attacked freedmen and white Republicans for three years without repercussion. That lack of punishment assured the perpetrators that violence was a legitimate way to oppose black activism. At the same time, Camilla was part of a broader attempt across the South to keep former slaves and their Republican leaders in line. Contextualizing the event within the framework of other acts of political mob violence during Reconstruction demonstrates that knowledge of no forthcoming punishment, the oppression of blacks’ voting rights and an inherent racist tradition motivated southern whites to retaliate against freedmen, scalawags and carpetbaggers. At times, whites needed no political motive to attack, but this thesis explores instances when southern whites perpetrated violence on blacks and attempted to justify it using politics since a large quantity of violence occurred at campaign speeches or near elections. i Whites who provoked violence used aggression to challenge gains made by blacks with the direct goal of returning the South to a racially oppressive utopia or simply ridding the region of Republicans. Although cut from the same cloth, these people had no recorded affiliation with the Ku Klux Klan, but they orchestrated a systematic pattern of reactionary violence that peaked during certain occasions. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS I. Introduction………………………..………..….…………….….....1 II. “The Colliding Forces: Southwest Georgia Through 1867”..……………………….……..……………....…...17 III. “No Action By Civil Authorities”…………………………...…...44 IV. “‘Damn My Soul To Hell:’ James Johns and the Camilla Massacre”……………………………………………...…...…..…61 V. “‘Almost Too Terrible to Believe:’ The Fallout from the Camilla Massacre”………………...............................................................77 VI. “Reconstruction Political Riots”……………………………………………....……...….......96 VII. Conclusion………………………………………………..….....128 BIBLIOGRAPHY………………………………….………......……......132 APPENDIX A: Acts of Reconstruction Political Race Violence Leading to Camilla……………..……………………….......…143 APPENDIX B: Civil Unrest in Camilla, Georgia, 1868 Players and Places………………………..…....…….…….165 APPENDIX C: Riots …………..……….……………….……..…….….170 iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Writing this thesis has been the most difficult task, albeit the most rewarding, project that I have undertaken thus far in my scholarly career. “Almost too terrible to believe” would have never materialized without the help and encouragement of several people. Primarily, my major professor and friend. Dr. Tom Aiello’s expertise in African American history provided for a strengthened narrative for this work. His insight and encouragement proved helpful throughout the process of constructing this thesis. I can only refer to his guidance as the best assistance that a major professor can offer a graduate student. In addition, members of my committee provided continual feedback and deserve the greatest amount of appreciation. Dr. David Williams carried a young student under his wing for many semesters and will never be forgotten. A very important part of the committee was the addition of Dr. Lee Formwalt, whose suggestions greatly improved the final product. Without his attempts to preserve the history of southwest Georgia, this project would not have been possible. Formwalt’s greatest contribution was the assurance that I would get the information right, and I am extremely grateful that he took the time out of his busy schedule to sit on my committee. Also, Dr. Melanie Byrd’s constant encouragement played a major role in my thesis. Dr. James W. Peterson’s feedback also greatly influenced my final draft. Dr. Thomas Manning’s sense of humor allowed for many unforgettable moments, more importantly his scholarly guidance allowed for a better final version. In addition, I would also like to thank Dr. Dixie Ray Haggard for his guidance in the principles of historiography and historical methods. Dr. Christopher Meyers (whose Georgia history class led me to pursue this topic further) and Dr. Mary Block deserve the upmost gratitude for their great advice and advisement during their times as graduate advisor while I attended Valdosta State. A special thanks is due to Denise Montgomery and the staff of the Interlibrary Loan Office in Odum Library at Valdosta State University. In addition, the kind staff at the Georgia State Archives in Atlanta was extremely helpful in locating documents within their holdings. I would also like to extend appreciation to David Loiterstein with Readex, his kindness opened up access to sources that would have been a lot harder to locate. The Graduate School at Valdosta State, especially Teresa Williams, guided me through the process of preparing this thesis and eased what could have become a most stressful situation. I saved the last thanks for my friends and family, especially my brothers Joseph, Chase and Brandon. Dustin Green was always willing to go on history sabbaticals in search for information on the Camilla Massacre. Without such enthusiasm this project would not have become such a big part of my life. My friends and family members, too numerous to name, created many opportunities to discuss my topic, especially my parents and in-laws. Thus, they never let the riot roam too far from my mind. To all those who have remained nameless in this essay, you are not forgotten in my mind or heart and my greatest appreciation will never be truly expressed with words. iv DEDICATION This thesis is dedicated to the one person who has sacrificed the most in my research and writing, my wife. Meaghan has been able to forgo vacations, a vast number of dinner dates, and most importantly a clean house. Our coffee table has consisted of history books and cluttered paperwork, and she was usually able to overlook such occurrences. Without my wife’s support and patience, I would have never been able to complete any task of this magnitude. I am really looking forward to just being a husband. Thank you for all of your help and assistance. v Chapter I INTRODUCTION Camilla, Georgia, became the site of a racially motivated political riot on Saturday, September 19, 1868. Determined to promote political and social reform with an organized rally, at least 150 freedmen, along with Republican political candidates, advanced toward the town’s courthouse square. Local citizens warned the black and white activists of the impending violence and demanded that they forfeit their guns, even though carrying weapons was customary at the time. The marchers refused to give up their guns and continued to the courthouse square, where local whites fired upon them. This assault forced the Republicans and freedmen to retreat as locals gave chase, killing an estimated fifteen protestors and wounding forty others.1 The Camilla Massacre was the culmination of smaller acts of violence committed by white inhabitants that had plagued southwest Georgia since the end of the Civil War. Local whites had individually attacked freedmen and white Republicans for three years without repercussion. That lack of punishment assured the perpetrators that violence was a legitimate way to oppose black activism. At the same time, Camilla was part of a broader attempt across the South to keep former slaves and their Republican leaders in line. Contextualizing the event within the framework of other acts of political mob violence during Reconstruction demonstrates that knowledge of no forthcoming punishment, the oppression of blacks’ voting rights and an inherent racist tradition 1 Estimates based on Affidavit of John Murphy, 22 September 1868. Governor Rufus Bullock Incoming Correspondence, Record Group 1-1-5, Box 56. Georgia Department of Archives and History, Atlanta, GA. 1 motivated southern whites to retaliate against freedmen, scalawags and carpetbaggers. At times, whites needed no political motive to attack, but this thesis explores instances when southern whites perpetrated violence on blacks and attempted to justify it using politics since a large quantity of violence occurred at campaign speeches or near elections. Whites who provoked violence used aggression to challenge gains made by blacks with the direct goal of returning the
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