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Publisher's Note Publisher’s Note The Defi ning Documents in American History series, government reports, and court cases, among other produced by Salem Press, consists of a collection of genres. An important feature of each essays is a essays on important historical documents by a diverse close reading of the primary source that develops evi- range of writers on a broad range of subjects in Ameri- dence of broader themes, such as author’s rhetorical can history. Defi ning Documents in American History: purpose, social or class position, point of view, and oth- Reconstruction Era (1865-1877) surveys key documents er relevant issues. In addition, the chapter themes high- produced during the Reconstruction era, organized un- light major issues in the period, many of which extend der the following broad themes: across eras and continue to shape American life. Each chapter begins with a brief introduction that explains • Debating Reconstruction the questions and problems underlying the subjects in • Communities in Need the historical documents. A brief glossary, included at • Acts of State the end of each document, highlights keywords impor- • Black Codes & White Lives tant in the study of the primary source. Each essay also • Extreme Reactions includes a Bibliography and Additional Reading section • Reconstruction Moves Ahead for further research. • An Ambiguous Legacy Special Features/Appendixes Historical documents provide a compelling view of this • Chronological List of all documents by year. unique period of American history. Designed for high • Web Resources is an annotated list of web sites school and college students, the aim of the series is to that offer valuable supplemental resources. advance historical document studies as an important • Bibliography lists helpful articles and books for activity in learning about history. further study. Essay Format Contributors Reconstruction Era contains 40 primary source docu- Salem Press would like to extend its appreciation to ments – many in their entirety. Each document is all involved in the development and production of supported by a critical essay, written by historians this work. The essays have been written and signed by and teachers, that includes a Summary Overview, scholars of history, humanities, and other disciplines re- Defi ning Moment, Author Biography, Document lated to the essay’s topics. Without these expert contri- Analysis, and Essential Themes. Readers will appre- butions, a project of this nature would not be possible. ciate the diversity of the collected texts, including A full list of contributor’s names and affi liations appears journals, letters, speeches, political sermons, laws, in the front matter of this volume. viii Editor’s Introduction Reconstruction refers, of course, to the period in U.S. omy. Most historians writing today hold that the radical history immediately following the Civil War, extend- state governments produced some worthy legislative ing from 1865 to 1877. Some historians suggest that achievements, including provisions for the education the Reconstruction era began earlier, in 1863, with of blacks as well as poor whites. It is believed that Re- President Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation (Foner publican governments were no more corrupt than the 1988). In any case, by the end of the war the South was governments preceding or succeeding them (whether in a state of ruin and changes of historic proportions Democratic or not). Lingering racism is identifi ed as were required of it. Battles with Union forces, and the the principle reason why Reconstruction faltered—and advance of the Union Army across the region, had pro- why, once federal troops were pulled out at the end of duced massive physical damage throughout the land. Reconstruction, the rights of blacks were immediately Slavery had been abolished, and with it the old social extinguished (ibid.; Foner 1988). and economic order sustaining the South. Although the North was by no means unaffected by the war, the most Reconstruction Plans under Lincoln urgent problems lay with the Confederate states. Those After proclaiming the emancipation of slaves in January states now had to be brought back into the Union; 1863, President Lincoln began planning for the post- functioning state governments had to be established, war period. Later that year, for example, he developed under wholly new conditions. Moreover, millions of a basic Reconstruction plan for the defeated Confeder- former slaves—freedmen—had to be accommodated ate state of Louisiana. Similar plans were introduced within Southern society. the following year in Tennessee and Arkansas. In be- Given the grand scope of this undertaking, it is not ginning this process, Lincoln hoped to start the work surprising that Reconstruction has been viewed differ- of healing the damage done to the Union and to the ently by different observers over the course of time. South, and also to build up the Republican party in When the fi rst scholarly histories of the subject came the former Confederate states. Thus, in a December out in the early 20th century, the prevailing view was 1863 decree, Lincoln offered amnesty and assistance that the radical Republicans of the winning side (i.e., toward reconstruction for all Confederate areas occu- the most liberal faction of the party of Lincoln) had pied by Union forces. Referred to as the Ten-Percent imposed a punitive military regimen on the South. Plan, the decree provided a pardon to any Confederate Republican-led state governments set up during Re- who pledged allegiance to the Constitution and loyalty construction were said to exhibit unconcealed hostility to the Union. It stated that a Confederate state could toward Southern Democrats and Southern ways and return to the Union when 10 percent of its voters (as of traditions. They set out a Northern-style rule across 1860) took the required oath and established a govern- the South that promoted corrupt practices and did not ment that accepted emancipation. properly address underlying social and economic prob- Lincoln’s Ten-Percent Plan caused the radicals in lems. Reconstruction, in this view, was regarded as a Congress to worry publically that it would grant the tragic blunder, a big mistake. The South, in turn, was Southern aristocracy—the old planter society—a vic- portrayed as fi ghting again for a noble cause, the pres- tory, of sorts, in that the bar for re-entry to the Union ervation of its heritage. Instead of healing wounds left had been raised too low and ways would be found to get by the war, these writers argued, Reconstruction only around or soften the requirements and lower expecta- caused further rifts between the North and the South tions. In response, the radicals passed the Wade-Davis (Baker 2007; Smith and Lowery 2013). Bill (in July 1864), requiring 50 percent of a state’s Another school of thought, emerging in the mid- to voters to take a solemn oath stating that they had not late-20th century and largely accepted today, states that voluntarily acceded to the Confederate cause. Lincoln it was, above all, the racism of the South that prevented used the gambit of a pocket veto—a delay in signing Reconstruction from succeeding. The radicals and their a bill that causes it to expire—to prevent the Wade- idealism, it is argued, should be acknowledged as hav- Davis Bill from becoming law. Instead, he pursued his ing struggled to advance the rights of the freedmen and own plan, without great success. Several states (Loui- as contributing to the restoration of the Southern econ- siana, Arkansas, Tennessee, and Virginia) undertook ix the required course of action, but when the time came Senators and Representatives from the South. Not Congress refused to accept the Senators and Represen- able to abide this, Johnson openly attacked Republican tatives elected from those states. Matters were at an leaders and turned to vetoing their subsequent Recon- impasse when news came of Lincoln’s assassination. struction measures. Johnson’s efforts had the effect of pushing moderate Republicans toward the side of the Reconstruction Plans under Johnson radicals. Thus, legislators passed, over the president’s Andrew Johnson, successor to Abraham Lincoln, ini- veto, the Civil Rights Act of 1866, intended to protect tially satisfi ed the radicals with talk of breaking up the African Americans against harmful legislation such as planter class and punishing the Confederate states. In black codes; and the Freedmen’s Bureau Bill, granting an amnesty proclamation of May 1865, Johnson insti- that organization (the Freedman’s Bureau) more time tuted harsher retributions than did his predecessor. He to do its work. When questions arose regarding the sought to make the property of owners of large plan- constitutionality of the Civil Rights Act, the radicals tations subject to confi scation, and to disenfranchise worked to incorporate many of its provisions into the both those owners and all former military and civil offi - Fourteenth Amendment (ratifi ed 1868), making them cers of the Confederacy. The main objective was to un- permanent. seat the planter class, destabilize its control of politics, Relatively early on in the process (April 1866) the and return state government to small farmers, traders, Joint Committee on Reconstruction issued a report and artisans. stating that the ex-Confederate states were in no con- Johnson took advantage of a congressional recess dition to conduct their own legislative affairs or to rep- (April to December, 1865) to roll his plan out in the resent their citizens in the national government. These South. He appointed a series of provisional governors, states had not held, nor could they be expected to hold, under whom the Southern states held conventions to valid elections. The committee also proposed that Re- set up new governments and new government policies. construction was a matter for Congress to attend to, They elected new legislatures, voided or repealed their not the executive branch.
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