Tuareg Rebellion and Al Qaeda Role
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Territorial Autonomy and Self-Determination Conflicts: Opportunity and Willingness Cases from Bolivia, Niger, and Thailand
ICIP WORKING PAPERS: 2010/01 GRAN VIA DE LES CORTS CATALANES 658, BAIX 08010 BARCELONA (SPAIN) Territorial Autonomy T. +34 93 554 42 70 | F. +34 93 554 42 80 [email protected] | WWW.ICIP.CAT and Self-Determination Conflicts: Opportunity and Willingness Cases from Bolivia, Niger, and Thailand Roger Suso Territorial Autonomy and Self-Determination Conflicts: Opportunity and Willingness Cases from Bolivia, Niger, and Thailand Roger Suso Institut Català Internacional per la Pau Barcelona, April 2010 Gran Via de les Corts Catalanes, 658, baix. 08010 Barcelona (Spain) T. +34 93 554 42 70 | F. +34 93 554 42 80 [email protected] | http:// www.icip.cat Editors Javier Alcalde and Rafael Grasa Editorial Board Pablo Aguiar, Alfons Barceló, Catherine Charrett, Gema Collantes, Caterina Garcia, Abel Escribà, Vicenç Fisas, Tica Font, Antoni Pigrau, Xavier Pons, Alejandro Pozo, Mònica Sabata, Jaume Saura, Antoni Segura and Josep Maria Terricabras Graphic Design Fundació Tam-Tam ISSN 2013-5793 (online edition) 2013-5785 (paper edition) DL B-38.039-2009 © 2009 Institut Català Internacional per la Pau · All rights reserved T H E A U T HOR Roger Suso holds a B.A. in Political Science (Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, UAB) and a M.A. in Peace and Conflict Studies (Uppsa- la University). He gained work and research experience in various or- ganizations like the UNDP-Lebanon in Beirut, the German Council on Foreign Relations (DGAP) in Berlin, the Committee for the Defence of Human Rights to the Maghreb Elcàlam in Barcelona, and as an assist- ant lecturer at the UAB. An earlier version of this Working Paper was previously submitted in May 20, 2009 as a Master’s Thesis in Peace and Conflict Studies in the Department of Peace and Conflict Research, Uppsala University, Swe- den, under the supervisor of Thomas Ohlson. -
Tuareg Music and Capitalist Reckonings in Niger a Dissertation Submitted
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Rhythms of Value: Tuareg Music and Capitalist Reckonings in Niger A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Ethnomusicology by Eric James Schmidt 2018 © Copyright by Eric James Schmidt 2018 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Rhythms of Value: Tuareg Music and Capitalist Reckonings in Niger by Eric James Schmidt Doctor of Philosophy in Ethnomusicology University of California, Los Angeles, 2018 Professor Timothy D. Taylor, Chair This dissertation examines how Tuareg people in Niger use music to reckon with their increasing but incomplete entanglement in global neoliberal capitalism. I argue that a variety of social actors—Tuareg musicians, fans, festival organizers, and government officials, as well as music producers from Europe and North America—have come to regard Tuareg music as a resource by which to realize economic, political, and other social ambitions. Such treatment of culture-as-resource is intimately linked to the global expansion of neoliberal capitalism, which has led individual and collective subjects around the world to take on a more entrepreneurial nature by exploiting representations of their identities for a variety of ends. While Tuareg collective identity has strongly been tied to an economy of pastoralism and caravan trade, the contemporary moment demands a reimagining of what it means to be, and to survive as, Tuareg. Since the 1970s, cycles of drought, entrenched poverty, and periodic conflicts have pushed more and more Tuaregs to pursue wage labor in cities across northwestern Africa or to work as trans- ii Saharan smugglers; meanwhile, tourism expanded from the 1980s into one of the region’s biggest industries by drawing on pastoralist skills while capitalizing on strategic essentialisms of Tuareg culture and identity. -
Roman Algeria, the Sahara & the M'zab Valley 2022
Roman Algeria, the Sahara & the M’Zab Valley 2022 13 MAR – 2 APR 2022 Code: 22203 Tour Leaders Tony O’Connor Physical Ratings Explore Ottoman kasbahs, Roman Constantine, Timgad & Djemila, mud-brick trading towns of the Sahara, Moorish Tlemcen, & the secret world of the Berber M'Zab valley. Overview Join archaeologist Tony O'Connor on this fascinating tour which explores Roman Algeria, the Sahara & the M'Zab Valley. Explore the twisting streets, stairs, and alleys of the Ottoman Kasbah of Algiers and enjoy magnificent views across the city from the French colonial Cathedral of Notre-Dame d'Afrique. Wander perfectly preserved streets at the UNESCO World Heritage sites of Roman Djémila and Timgad, empty of visitors and complete with stunning mosaics, full-size temples, triumphal arches, market places, and theatres. At Sétif gaze upon one of the most exquisite mosaics in all of the Roman world – The Triumph of Dionysus. Engage with Numidian Kings at the extraordinary tombs of Medracen and the 'Tomb of the Christian' along with the ambitions of Cleopatra and Mark Antony at their daughter’s former capital of Caesarea/Cherchell. Explore the Roman 'City of Bridges', Constantine, encircled by the dramatic gorge of Wadi Rummel. Wander the atmospheric ruins of the Roman towns of Tipaza and Tiddis: Tipaza overlooks the Mediteranean, while Tiddis perches on a hillside, overlooking the fertile lands of Constantine. Walk the Algerian 'Grand Canyon' at El Ghoufi: a centre of Aures Berber culture, Algerian resistance to French colonial rule, inscriptions left behind by the engineers of Emperor Hadrian himself, and photogenic mud-brick villages clustering along vertiginous rocky ledges. -
Rwanda 20 and Darfur 10
Rwanda 20 and Darfur 10 New Responses to Africa’s Mass Atrocities By John Prendergast April 2014 WWW.ENOUGHPROJECT.ORG Rwanda 20 and Darfur 10 New Responses to Africa’s Mass Atrocities* By John Prendergast April 2014 COVER PHOTO A young Rwandan girl walks through Nyaza cemetery outside Kigali, Rwanda on Monday November 25, 1996. Thousands of victims of the 1994 genocide are buried there. AP/RICARDO MAZALAN * This Enough Project report expands on an earlier argument advanced in a Foreign Affairs article entitled “The New Face of African Conflict: In Search of a Way Forward,” by John Prendergast, published March 12, 2014. Introduction As commemorations unfold honoring the 20th anniversary of the onset of Rwanda’s genocide and the 10th year after Darfur’s genocide was recognized, the rhetoric of commitment to the prevention of mass atrocities has never been stronger. Actions, unsurprisingly, have not matched that rhetoric. But the conventional diagnosis of this chasm between words and deeds – a lack of political will – only explains part of the action deficit. More deeply, international crisis response strategies in Africa have hardly evolved in the years since the Rwandan genocide erupted. Until there is a fuller recognition of the core drivers of African conflict, their cross-border nature, and the need for more nuanced and comprehensive responses, the likelihood will remain high that more and more anniversaries of mass atrocity events will have to be commemorated by future generations. Conflict drivers need to be much better understood in order to devise more relevant responses. The band of crisis and conflict spanning the Horn of Africa, East Africa, and Central Africa is ground zero for mass atrocity events globally. -
Berberzy Na Marginesie Historii1
SPRAWY NARODOWOŚCIOWE Seria nowa / NATIONALITIES AFFAIRS New series, 50/2018 DOI: 10.11649/sn.1613 Article No. 1613 RySzARd VORbRIch bERbERzy NA mARgINESIE hISTORII1 bERbERS mARgINALIzEd by hISTORy A b s t r a c t The Berbers belong to a group of “nations without state.” They are divided into a number of factions characterized by their own specificity (dialect and way of life), scattered en- demically in Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia, Libya and Egypt (including Tuareg, in Mali, Niger and Mataranka). They all maintain a certain distance to state authorities (especially in Morocco and Algeria), where they are a significant minority, dominated by Arabic-speaking elites. The total number of Berbers is difficult to ascertain be- cause of the ambiguity of the term “Berber” (which results from different degrees of arabization of Berbers). For centu- ries they have been Islamic, living in the shadow of the Arab population. Little is known about the significant contribution of Berbers to the development of ancient cultures of the Medi- terranean and the first centuries of Christianity. Despite their linguistic and cultural Arabization (Islamiza- tion), they have maintained their distinctiveness. Manipulated by colonial France within the framework of the so-called “Ber- ber policy,” they were entangled in conflicts with their Arab ............................... counterparts in Algeria and Morocco. RYSZARD MARIA VORBRICH K e y w o r d s: Berbers; Amazigh; Ibn Chaldun; Arabization; Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza, Poznań colonialism; Berber policy E-mail: [email protected] CITATION: Vorbrich, R. M. (2018). Berberzy na marginesie historii. Sprawy Narodowościowe. Seria nowa, 2018(50). 1 Niniejsze opracowanie stanowi pierwszą część studium doty- https://doi.org/10.11649/sn.1613 czącego historii i współczesnych procesów etnicznych obejmu- jących ten zapoznany lud Afryki Północnej. -
The MLNA's Fight for a Secular State of Azawad
The MLNA's Fight for a Secular State of Azawad By: Anna Mahjar Barducci* On April 6, 2012, the National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad (MNLA) seceded from Mali unilaterally and declared an independent State of Azawad. The MNLA is a secular Tuareg1 movement whose goal is the establishment of a secular state in Azawad that will respect the rights of all ethnic groups in the region (Tuareg, Moors2, Songhai and Peul). The MLNA has declared itself a partner of the West in the war on terrorism. However, despite its secular and pro-Western character, immediately after the secession the MNLA became the target of a smear campaign by international media,3 which tried to paint it as an Islamist movement. The campaign served the interest of the Malian government and of neighboring countries, which want to delegitimize the MNLA's struggle in order to avoid recognition of the State of Azawad. MLNA Seizes Two Historic Opportunities The MNLA seceded from Mali by taking advantage of two historic opportunities. One was provided by the Libyan dictator Muammar Gaddafi. Desperately struggling for his survival, Gaddafi armed the Tuareg population in northern Mali, hoping they would help him quell the uprising against him. However, instead of turning their weapons against the Libyan rebels, the Tuaregs used them to take control of their own country. They were assisted by Tuaregs who immigrated to Libya in the 1960s and 1980s in search for a better life and joined the Libyan army, who defected from the tyrant's army and came to the aid of their brothers in Azawad. -
The Effects of Globalization on the Tuareg Culture and Language
PEOPLE’S DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF ALGERIA MINISTRY OF HIGHER EDUCATION AND SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH UNIVERSITY OF MOSTAGANEM FACULTY OF FOREIGN LANGUAGES DEPARTMENT OF ENGLISH MASTER IN LANGUAGE AND COMMUNICATION The Effects of Globalization on the Tuareg Culture and Language: The case of Malian and Nigerian students’ communities living in Mostaganem Dissertation submitted in partial fulfilment for the requirements of master degree in English Submitted by: Ahmedou AG Mohamed Ibrahim Board of examiners Chairperson: Mrs Hirech Faiza University of Mostaganem Supervisor: Dr Dallel Sarnou University of Mostaganem Examiner: Miss Bahraoui Sofia University of Mostaganem Academic Year: 2018- Dedication This humble research is completely dedicated to my lovely Mother Fatimatou wallet Alfaki, as well as to my Aunt Houkata who encouraged me with her love and pieces of advice toward the light of success. To all my brothers and sisters who are always there for me, giving advice and moral support. My deepest gratitude goes to the people who believed in me, and gave me endless love and support—my parents. No words can ever express my love and appreciation to them. Thank you. My love for you all can never be quantified. God bless you. i Acknowledgements First of all, I should be so grateful and thankful to the God Almighty, the Most Gracious and the Most Merciful for giving me the patience, power and will to complete this work. I would like to express my sincere gratitude and appreciations to my honorable supervisor Dr. Sarnou Dalal for her valuable assistance, advice and support during this period of research. Special thanks to the jury members Mrs Hirech Faiza and Miss Bahraoui Sofia for their contribution and help. -
Mali's Political Crisis and Its International Implications
BULLETIN No. 53 (386) May 22, 2012 © PISM Editors: Marcin Zaborowski (Editor-in-Chief), Katarzyna Staniewska (Executive Editor), Jarosław Ćwiek-Karpowicz, Beata Górka-Winter, Artur Gradziuk, Beata Wojna Mali’s Political Crisis and Its International Implications Kacper Rękawek Civil war and a coup d’état in Mali constitute a serious threat to the stability of Western Africa, a region bordering the “Arab Spring”-engulfed Northern Africa. The European Union should support African efforts aimed at resolving the crisis, and condition future aid for Mali on the results of political mediation organised by the country’s neighbours who are aiming to restore the country back to civilian rule. Mali is a Western African state inhabited by fourteen and a half million people. Up to 65% of Mali’s area is desert and it is one of the poorest countries in the world. However, during the last 20 years it had become a regional leader in democratic transition. The Tuareg Rebellion in Mali. Ten percent of Malians living in the northeast of the country lead nomadic lives. The mostly white Tuareg constitute the largest group of Malian nomads, who have a history of anti-state rebellions (in 1962–1964, 1990–1995 and 2007–2009) against the dominance of the black Mande tribes that inhabit the country’s southern part. The Tuareg rebellions were motivated by unfulfilled promises by the government in Bamako to provide the derelict North with necessary investment. In October 2011, various armed Tuareg groups formed the National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad (MNLA), which aims to create an independent Tuareg state (Azawad) in northeast Mali. -
The Impact of Armed Conflict on Africa of the Democratic Republic of Congo
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by International Institute for Science, Technology and Education (IISTE): E-Journals Research on Humanities and Social Sciences www.iiste.org ISSN (Paper)2224-5766 ISSN (Online)2225-0484 (Online) Vol.5, No.18, 2015 The Impact of Armed Conflict on Africa of the Democratic Republic of Congo Offu Peter Omaamaka, Ph.D. Agudiegwu Moses Ogbonna Department of Political Science, Federal University, Ndufu-Alike Ikwo, P.O. Box 1010, Abakaliki, Ebonyi State, Nigeria Abstract The incidence of armed conflicts in Africa and the consequences on its population have become not only worrisome, negatively impacted on the socio-economic, political resources of Africa but increasingly ideological across the continent. The Study aims to examine the impact of armed conflict on Congo DR as defining instance of African armed conflict. It identifies the major causal factors of conflict as external interference in domestic affairs and gross lack of political will to enforce and abide by regional agreements, anti-corruption measures, non provision of needed political goods, and the overarching impact of DRC natural resources. The consequences are prevalent low human capital development indices, poor socio-economic indicators, escalating national crises- high civilian death rate, sexual abuse, national apathy, displacement and humanitarian crisis. The study proffers effective regional reconciliation plan among other proactive measures for rehabilitating, re- orientating and reintegrating the warring factions as panacea to consolidating DRC leadership and democracy. Keywords: Armed Conflict, Congo DR, Human Development Index, State Failure 1. Introduction The Democratic Republic of Congo has experienced since the beginning of the 21 st century, various sums of national political implosions, regional instability, armed conflicts and proliferation, child soldiering, human and eco terrorism, insurgencies, corruption, poverty, diseases and humanitarian crises. -
Tuareg Nationalism and Cyclical Pattern of Rebellions
Tuareg Nationalism and Cyclical Pattern of Rebellions: How the past and present explain each other Oumar Ba Working Paper No. 007 Sahel Research Group Working Paper No. 007 Tuareg Nationalism and Cyclical Pattern of Rebellions: How the past and present explain each other Oumar Ba March 2014 The Sahel Research Group, of the University of Florida’s Center for African Studies, is a collaborative effort to understand the political, social, economic, and cultural dynamics of the countries which comprise the West African Sahel. It focuses primarily on the six Francophone countries of the region—Senegal, Mauritania, Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger, and Chad—but also on in developments in neighboring countries, to the north and south, whose dy- namics frequently intersect with those of the Sahel. The Sahel Research Group brings together faculty and gradu- ate students from various disciplines at the University of Florida, in collaboration with colleagues from the region. Abstract: This article stresses the importance of history in understanding the cyclical pattern of Tuareg rebellions in Mali. I argue that history and narratives of bravery, resistance, and struggle are important in the discursive practice of Tuareg nationalism. This discourse materializes in the episodic rebellions against the Malian state. The cyclical pattern of the Tuareg rebellions is caused by institutional shortcomings such as the failure of the Malian state to follow through with the clauses that ended the previous rebellions. But, more importantly, the previous rebellions serve as historical and cultural markers for subsequent rebellions, which creates a cycle of mutually retrospective reinforcement mechanisms. About the Author: Oumar Ba is a Ph. -
The Tuareg Rebellion, Islamist Occupation of the North, and Political Upheaval Generated by a March Military Coup Led to a Drast
JANUARY 2013 COUNTRY SUMMARY MALI The Tuareg rebellion, Islamist occupation of the north, and political upheaval generated by a March military coup led to a drastic deterioration in respect for human rights in Mali. The insecurity led to the displacement of some 400,000 northern residents. The worsening human rights, security, and humanitarian situation country-wide generated considerable attention from the international community. Several armed groups—which began operations in January 2012 and by April had consolidated control of the northern regions of Kidal, Gao and Timbuktu—committed often- widespread abuses against civilians. These included sexual abuse, looting and pillage, summary executions, child soldier recruitment, and amputations and other inhumane treatment associated with the application of Islamic law. Islamist groups destroyed numerous Muslim shrines and at least one Dogon cultural site. In January, rebel groups allegedly summarily executed at least 70 Malian soldiers in the town of Aguelhoc. Malian soldiers arbitrarily detained and in many cases tortured and summarily executed alleged rebel collaborators and members of rival military units. There was no meaningful effort to investigate, much less hold accountable, members of the security forces implicated in these incidents. Fears that the occupation of the north by Islamist groups linked to al Qaeda would destabilize West Africa and threaten international security led to considerable diplomatic efforts to resolve the crisis as well as a plan supported by the Economic Community of West Africa States (ECOWAS), African Union, United Nations, European Union, France, and the United States to militarily oust the Islamist groups from the north. While most of these actors widely criticized abuses by groups in the north, there was inadequate consideration of the potential for abuse by Malian security forces and pro-government militias, or the issues, including endemic corruption and ethnic tension, that had given rise to the crisis. -
African Security in 2013: a Year of Disequilibrium? by Morten Bøås with James J
Report April 2013 African security in 2013: a year of disequilibrium? By Morten Bøås with James J. Hentz Executive summary Africa’s security is currently standing at a crossroads. Relatively high African growth rates in combination with the increased institutional strength, credibility and legitimacy of the African Union (AU) and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) have led to greater confidence in Africa’s ability to deal with its security challenges. However, the continent is also confronted with significant security challenges that could have severe ramifications across several countries and regions. This is vividly illustrated by the attack against the gas plant at In Aménas in Algeria. This well- planned attack occurred a few days after the French intervention in the conflict in Mali. As a force for disequilibrium the attack and its tragic consequences have dramatically transformed the security dynamic of the whole Sahel region and the many local conflicts in the area. In 2013 the Sahel could become the epicentre of the next episode in the so-called “war on terror”, and the outcome of the conflict there is far from certain: a decisive military victory is unlikely in this desert and mountainous region. This report analyses the security trends, scenarios and dynamics in Africa, describing and identifying issues and hotspots likely to manifest themselves in 2013 by focusing on five broad and interlinked regional scenarios: West Africa and the Sahel; the Horn of Africa; and Central, East and Southern Africa. The report will to a lesser extent comment on the role, power relations and dynamics of the AU and subregional organisations such as ECOWAS, the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region, the Intergovernmental Authority on Development and the Southern African Development Community in the quest for peace and security on the continent.