the readership of the new mass circula- the space within which he has been of Liberal thought driven from the tion papers and periodicals. Radicals confined may even have been an principle of international interdepend- such as Bright had demonstrated that advantage in cutting to the essentials of ency – where institutions such as the the masses could be mobilised for each issue. Any diligent reader will be League of Nations were held up as the positive political purpose, as opposed well equipped to tackle one of the tools by which the greatest good for the to mob violence, but Gladstone was a more complex biographies such as greatest number could be achieved. pioneer among the ministerial elite in Matthew’s or to dip into any number Whether this was ultimately realisable is harnessing this force and in utilising it of the specialist topics derived from the obviously a moot point. As J. M. Keynes to overcome opposition from the multi-faceted life of the Liberal Party’s made clear, the concept of interdepend- establishment in both Houses of greatest leader. Only the price, at ency could only hold good if a sense of Parliament. Biagini concludes that his nearly p a page, is a deterrent. mutual benefit, equity and ease of true strength was not so much the redress existed. None of these factors To ny Little is the Chair of the Liberal individual reforms he accomplished were found in abundance following the Democrat History Group. but that ‘he found the people who live peace settlement of . One of the in cottages hostile to political parties, 1E Biagini, Gladstone (Macmillan, 2000), pp 11, most interesting sections of this book is and … succeeded in uniting them 13. its chapter on ‘Liberal Thinkers’. In  2 Joseph Butler (1692–1752) English moral with the rest of his countrymen’. philosopher and divine. Gladstone published a direct contrast to its electoral weakness Biagini has created a first-class two-volume edition of his works in 1896. during the inter-war years the broad introduction to one of the most 3 Biagini, Gladstone, p. 13, citing D. W. church of the Liberal Party attracted Bebbington, William Ewart Gladstone: Faith & successful and yet baffling of all Politics in Victorian Britain (1993). some of the biggest intellectual heavy- premiers, with a fine judgment on the 4 Biagini, Gladstone, p. 117, quoting Newcastle weights to its pews. Most notable were key controversies. The limitations of Weekly Chronicle 7 August 1880. figures such as J. M. Keynes, Walter Layton, William Beveridge, Gilbert Murray, Lord Lothian (Philip Kerr) and Ramsay Muir. These individuals made significant contributions to the devel- Internationalism and opment to Liberal policy, in particular in challenging the concept of a belief in interdependency national sovereignty as the basis of long- term security, and in developing the Richard S. Grayson: Liberals, International Relations concept of interdependency. Keynes, and Appeasement (Frank Cass 2001; pp194) Layton, Murray and Muir were also very active in the influential Liberal Reviewed by Ian Hunter Summer Schools, often overlooked by historians, but which are covered in depth in this book and provide signifi- his book proves the proverb Simon. These divisions led to the cant insights into the development of that you shouldn’t judge a Liberal Party being reduced to a rump Liberal thinking up to . book by its cover. The cover is of only seventeen MPs by the late s. Grayson provides a particularly clear T  terrible. The book is very good, if, at Even when the Liberals held the summary of the key role from that only  pages, a little short for the balance of power (during the two the Liberal Party under Sir Archibald’s money. minority Labour Governments of  Sinclair leadership played in leading the Richard Grayson’s latest publication and –) their ability to shape opposition to Chamberlain’s appease- makes a significant contribution to the policy was very limited. Liberalism ment policy. It is often forgotten that history of the British Liberal Party in during this period shifted from being a appeasement was a popular policy with the interwar period. It furthers our coherent, credible political competitor large sections of the British population. understanding of the role that the for government to being almost the Sinclair risked unpopularity and Liberal Parliamentary Party and its brand label for a fragmented pressure accusations of war-mongering with his associated interest groups had in group of non-socialist radicals. It is a sad attacks on Chamberlain’s foreign policy, developing a coherent opposition to the story of lost opportunities and over- but he built a national reputation for policy of appeasement. Its period of looked warnings. But the Liberal Party himself and he enabled the small study is from – and, as such, is, can draw comfort from being broadly parliamentary Liberal Party to punch ultimately, a study in failure. The right when the majority in both the considerably more than its parliamen- Liberals were increasingly marginalised Conservatives and Labour Parties, tary weight of seventeen MPs. after the fall of the Lloyd George certainly up until , were decidedly Grayson makes a critical assessment Coalition in , as a result of the wrong in their opposition to rearma- of the overall practicality of Liberal party’s internal splits between Asquith ment and support for appeasement. policies during the interwar period. He and Lloyd George and then Samuel and Grayson maps out the development questions the party’s approach to issues

42 Journal of Liberal Democrat History 34/35 Spring/Summer 2002 Journal of Liberal Democrat History 34/35 Spring/Summer 2002 43 such as the revision of the Versailles Hitler, Sinclair’s opposition to appease- between the Militants, relying on Treaty and dependency on the League ment was absolutely correct, and it is strong anti-Thatcher sentiments, and of Nations for resolution of interna- an appalling shame that the electoral the Liberals, who sought to highlight tional conflicts during the s. He is facts of life prevented the Liberal the corruption of the Militant regime sceptical about the Liberal belief and policy of opposing German aggression and the damage that they were doing advocacy of collective security as an from being put into practice prior to to the city’s reputation and finances. answer to the aggression of Hitler’s the invasion of Poland in . A number of people who watched Germany. However, as Grayson argues, Alan Bleasdale’s drama about these there was at least as much chance of Ian Hunter is completing a part-time times (GBH) have suggested to me that the Liberals’ policy of peace through doctorate on the Liberal Party and the things could not possibly have been as collective security working as there Churchill Coalition. bad as it portrayed. They were far worse. was of appeasement containing Hitler. The thuggery, intimidation and corrup- Ultimately, on the big issues concern- 1The book is 194 pages long including some tion were very real. It is hard to describe ing international relations during the very useful appendices on the Liberal Summer the damage done to the city when all Schools, Liberal conferences and extracts from s the Liberal Party was more right contemporary documents on Liberal policy. , city council employees were than wrong, which is more than can be 2 Richard Grayson has previously published declared redundant. My wife was a said for either the Tories or the Labour Austen Chamberlain and the Commitment to teacher, whose redundancy notice was Europe: British Foreign Policy, 1924–29 (Frank Party. On the ultimately crucial issue of Cass, 1997). in a package for all the staff thrown through the school kitchen window by one of the many taxi drivers hired to deliver them. Any possible promotion within the city’s education system was clearly blocked as she was a known Labour and Liverpool opponent of the regime and, in com- mon with many professional people, she Peter Kilfoyle: Left Behind: Lessons from Labour’s was amongst those effectively forced to Heartland (Politico’s Publishing, 2000) leave the city. Chris Rennard I still feel resentment that Neil Reviewed by Chris Rennard Kinnock’s Labour Party only started to act against the Militants when their antics became too embarrassing and eter Kilfoyle’s fascinating the debilitating rows within my own electorally damaging to the Labour account of Liverpool Labour party, as its probably too rapid acces- Party elsewhere. Around the time I left Ppolitics has particular interest sion to power meant that the first Liverpool, Peter Kilfoyle returned and for me, as so much of his career Liberal administration included more was put in charge of the Labour Party’s parallels some of my own. His story is than a few members with dubious organisation. His book describes the one of internecine warfare within the backgrounds. Of course, the author tough approach required as he at- Liverpool Labour Party. His account is also recognises the sincerity and tended up to four branch meetings per that of a Labour Party activist, official decency of many of the leading evening, trying to ensure that rules and then MP whose major battles were Liberals of the early ’s, including the were upheld and not exploited by the never as clearly focused on winning late Cyril Carr (who recruited me to Militants and their allies. But it was a over the electorate as they were on the party) and Mike Storey, who battle that was won at least as much by winning internal party battles, most remains a very close friend and who is the courage of the Liberals (and then notably with the Militant Tendency. now proving to be the most formida- Liberal Democrats), who continued to I grew up in the part of Liverpool ble and effective leader that the city has present the only electoral opposition where Focus leaflets first began, in the ever seen. to the Militants, and by the courts, first ward in the city to elect a Liverpool council politics were at who eventually disqualified forty-six Liberal councillor and in the only their most notorious in the Militant members of the Labour group from city in modern times to be governed era, when Labour unexpectedly gained membership of the council when they by the Liberal Party. As a twelve- overall control of the council in , failed to set a legal rate. year-old activist I remember the in what was probably a reaction against Peter Kilfoyle considers his battle sense of excitement on the streets the Thatcher Government and the against the Militants was won when he during the  city elections, when perceived closeness to it of the then was elected as Eric Heffer’s successor in we won  of the  seats on the Liberal Leader, Sir Trevor Jones. For the the  Walton by-election. I think new council. first part of this period, Peter Kilfoyle that he was actually a lucky man, who Peter Kilfoyle describes the opposite had emigrated to Australia. He missed ironically owed his by-election win to emotions about this election, although some of the classic battles in the city’s the Militants. But for a totally false Left Behind also served to remind me of media and in the annual elections impression, in an ignorant media, that

44 Journal of Liberal Democrat History 34/35 Spring/Summer 2002