12 · Itineraries and Town Views in Ottoman Histories

]. M. ROGERS

The illustrated histories of the Ottoman Empire, now foreign styles (the principal works discussed in this chap­ considered to be an outstanding development of Turkish ter are listed in appendix 12.1). In the late fifteenth and miniature painting, also constitute an original contribu­ early sixteenth centuries, distinguished miniature painters tion to cartography. After the conquest of Constanti­ from Persia and Central Asia were brought to work in nople in 857/1453, Sultan Me~med II concentrated his Istanbul, but the Ottoman rulers must also have been policies on consolidating power and securing prestige, familiar with the developing fashion for town views in through the patronage of art and architecture and the Europe. These respective contributions require further production of manuscripts for his imperial library. A sig­ study, however. Likewise, there is some question when nificant aspect of this was the chronicling of the Ottoman such illustrations first came to be included in the histories. dynasty: an official court historian was appointed to Several manuscripts containing nonrealistic representa­ record the lives and achievements of the Ottoman rulers tions survive from the early sixteenth century.3 There in a series of §ahnames (panegyric royal histories). By follows a remarkable forty-year period of experimenta­ about 944/1537, these were coming to be illustrated, and tion in style and technique, characterized by the frequent this pictorial element became an integral part of Ottoman use of maps or plan views to portray historical events. historiography. The images in the Nuzhetill-abbar der sefer-i Sigetvar These histories were designed, above all, to record the might and power of the Ottoman Empire. In the first half This survey would not have been possible without the patient help of the sixteenth century, the Ottomans took advantage of colleagues, in particular Tony Campbell, Helen Wallis, and Norah of the dynastic rivalry between the Habsburgs and the M. Titley of the British Library, Filiz ~agman, librarian of the Topkapi Valois to make extensive territorial gains in Europe and SarayI, Zeren Tanindl of Bursa University, Giinsel Renda, Hacettepe University, Ankara, and John Rowlands, keeper of prints and drawings to control much of the Mediterranean. The Ottomans in the British Museum. The European source material to which they also faced a militant Safavid dynasty whose disruptive have drawn my attention could be considerably expanded, though that, influence in Anatolia required constant vigilance in the I think, would not much alter the conclusions advanced here. The empire's eastern frontier zones.1 The illustrated histories Islamic material is, anyway, less familiar to readers of this work and therefore glorified the political and cultural achievements accordingly takes first place. An attempt has been made to standardize the innumerable variant names of sixteenth-century Italian mapmakers, of these Ottoman campaigns, not only in the visual record but it has not seemed useful to distinguish between authors and pub­ of victories and military conquests they contain, but also lishers, since so much remains unclear or unknown. in depictions of the pomp and circumstance of the Otto­ 1. Adel Allouche, The Origins and Development of the Ottoman­ man court. $afavid Conflict, Islamkundliche Untersuchungen, vol. 91 (Berlin: Klaus A distinctive element of this imperial imagery was its Schwarz, 1983), esp. 130-45. There is no general work on the Ottoman­ Habsburg-Valois rivalry in the sixteenth century. For an overview, the emphasis on the "actuality of contemporary history": the essays in The Cambridge History of Islam, 2 vols., ed. P. M. Holt, realistic depiction not only of the personages involved, Ann K. S. Lambton, and Bernard Lewis, vol. 1, The Central Islamic but also of the landscapes where events took place.2 The Lands (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970), esp. 295-353, itinerary map, the town plan, and the bird's-eye view and The New Cambridge Modern History, 2d ed., vol. 2, The Refor­ incorporated as book illustrations thus became natural mation, ed. Geoffrey R. Elton (Cambridge: Cambridge Uni'/ersity Press, 1984), are recommended. instruments of the palace chronicler. Sultans, viziers, and 2. Eleanor G. Sims, "The Turks and Illustrated Historical Texts," in ambassadors appear as recognizable figures in specific his­ Fifth International Congress ofTurkish Art, ed. Geza Feher (Budapest: torical settings with the architecture, the landscape, and Akademiai Kiado, 1978), 747-72, esp. 750. details characteristic of each particular region. 3. The earliest extant illustrated history, the ~ahname(Book of kings) Of the histories commissioned for imperial libraries, by Melik Ommi (ca. 906/1500), contains seven miniatures by an artist trained perhaps in Shiraz, and the Selimname (History of Sultan Selim approximately thirty extant illustrated manuscripts com­ I) by ~iikri Bidlisi (ca. 931/1525) contains twenty-five miniatures (Istan­ posed in 944-1039/1537-1630 are devoted to the record bul, Topkapi Sarayl Muzesi Kutiiphanesi, H. 1123 and H. 1597-98, of (ontemporary events in a mixture of indigenous and respectively).

228 Itineraries and Town Views in Ottoman Histories 229

(Chronicle of the Szigetvar campaign, composed 976/ to predict; and appropriately specialized painters must 1568-69) by A1).med Ferldun, herald the appearance of have been difficult to find. Even under Murad Ill, when a mature, formalized Ottoman illustrative style, which in the studio was far more thoroughly incorporated into the turn influenced the way maps and topographical views higher bureaucracy and the former na~~a~ba~t (chief were used to portray geographic reality. painter) Hasan was actually granted the distinguished title These illustrated dynastic chronicles reached their apo­ of pa~a, it was not unknown for illustrated manuscripts gee during the reigns of Murad III (982-1003/1574-95) for the sultan to be commissioned and executed outside and Me1).med III (1003-12/1595-1603), at a time when the studio. This seems notably to have been the case both Seyyid Lo~man ibn Huseyin ibn el-cA§uri el-UrmevI held with Mu~tafa CAlI's (948-1008/1541-1600) presentation the post of ~ehniimeci(official court historian). Ottoman copy of his Nu~retname (Book of victories) and with his illustration of this later period shows its growing indebt­ record of imperial festivities in Istanbul, Camic u>l-bulJur edness to European printed views and maps that were der mecalis-i sur. Though this latter work remained un­ circulating freely throughout the empire. With declining illustrated, he evidently intended to have it illustrated in imperial power in the latter part of the seventeenth cen­ Baghdad.5 Such works show the dangers of reading back tury, however, far fewer manuscripts came to be illus­ into earlier sixteenth-century Ottoman Turkey the orga­ trated for the imperial library, and the tradition of illus­ nized bureaucratic structure of the palace studio under trated histories, created for the personal use of the sultan, Murad III. suffered the most serious neglect. Although military maps and sea charts continued to be drawn on vellum for durability, Ottoman illustrated manuscripts were practically always on paper. The THE COMPILATION OF ILLUSTRATED sources refer to paper from Samarkand, India, and Bagh­ HISTORIES dad, but Islamic paper types of the time had no water­ Manuscript illustration in later Muslim cultures has marks, and so far it is impossible to locate the sources always tended to be centralized in palaces. The value of of manufacture with any certainty. Bagdad! paper had a the materials-fine paper, precious pigments, and gold­ standard format, a full sheet being somewhat similar to carried a constant danger of pilferage and close super­ folio size. In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, Otto­ vision was essential. At the same time, the urgency of man manuscripts increasingly came to be written on imperial demand required a concentration of expert European papers, particularly, to judge from the water­ craftsmen-calligraphers, marginators, illuminators, marks, Genoese, although the frequent occurrence of sev­ painters (na~~a~an), and binders-to see the manuscript eral different watermarks in the same manuscript may expeditiously through its production stages from the first indicate that the supply was limited. Alternatively, as draft to finished book.4 account books for manuscript production in this period Some of these individuals advanced to high rank in demonstrate, the paper was doled out to the calligraphers their professions and it is highly probable that they influ­ in very small quantities. enced the organization of the studio. It is nevertheless By the late sixteenth century, the production of illus­ difficult to trace the participation of known individuals trated manuscripts for the palace library was more or less in the fine manuscripts made for the Ottoman palace standardized (plate 17). The chronicler first completed a before the later sixteenth century. Though production in draft, which may have been submitted to the sultan for a palace studio by a permanent salaried staff no doubt represented an ideal in Ottoman bureaucracy, at least 4. N a~~ll§ (Persian; plural na~~ii§lln) is an all-encompassing term na~~ii§ba§t until the death of Suleyman I the Magnificent (r. 926­ applied to the palace painters and decorators with the at their head. The studio where they worked is often known as the na~­ 74/1520-66), the studio had no monopoly of manuscript ~ll§lJllne, though the term does not seem to have been in common use production. Some of the most significant illustrated in the sixteenth century. Important primary sources for the studio are manuscripts of this reign were produced without direct payroll registers (mevllcib defterleri) dated between 932/1526 and 963/ studio supervision. The Suleymanname (History of Sul­ 1556, along with a series of ledgers (inCamat defterleri) that record gifts tan Siileyman) of Fet1).ullah \~rifI ~elebi, for instance, the craftsmen offered to the sultan on the great feasts of the Muslim year and the rewards, gratuities, or honoraria they received in return. may well have been the work of artists specially assem­ For a recent evaluation of their relevance, see J. M. Rogers, "Kara bled for the purpose, and the Mecmuca-i menazil (The Memi (Kara Mehmed) and the Role of the Sernakka§an in the Scrip­ collection of halts) must have been commissioned inde­ torium of Siileyman the Magnificent," Revue du Louvre, in press. pendently by Matral.<~l Na~l11) from craftsmen working 5. The Cllmr lil-bu1}ur der meclliis-i ~ur (The gathering of the seas outside the palace and offered by him to Siileyman the [or meters] on the episodes of the celebrations, dated 994/1585-86) is in Istanbul, Topkapl Sarayl Miizesi Kiitiiphanesi, B. 203. See Cornell Magnificent. There is nothing in the least surprising about H. Fleischer, Bureaucrat and Intellectual in the Ottoman Empire: The this. The palace craftsmen would not be underemployed; Historian Mustafa Ali (1541-1600) (Princeton: Princeton University demand, particularly in innovative genres, was impossible Press, 1986), esp. 105-6 and n. 90. 230 Islamic Cartography approval. The text was then written out by a professional a draftsman accompanied the officials charged with keep­ calligrapher, leaving specified pages, or parts of pages, ing the diary in order to sketch the important sites for blank for chapter headings, illumination, or illustration. historical record, if not for strategic purposes. The inno­ We do not know exactly who dictated this basic layout, vation of sketching in the field may have been Ma!ral.<~l but if it was not the na~~a~ba~t, it could well have been Na~ii1)'s own, although it was coming to be standard the calligrapher himself. As in scriptoria in other later practice in Europe. But the need for such records cer­ Islamic cultures, the illustrations would have first been tainly existed, and he was the first to exploit these sketched in black ink, but since the pigments in a gouache sketches as illustrations for his own work. Though his medium were all opaque, these lie concealed under the campaign history seems largely to have been ignored in paint. For economy of time, mechanical aids to repro­ manuscripts executed in the palace library, Ma!ra1.<~l duction, like pounced stencils, were freely used, and spe­ Na~ii1)'s innovation in realistic portrayal certainly cialization was encouraged. As a result most illustrations reflected the deep Ottoman interest in the depiction of are the joint work of several hands. A master painter and geography in their histories. his apprentices or journeymen would be employed, but since many Ottoman manuscripts lack colophons-and EARLY EXAMPLES OF TOPOGRAPHICAL the ones that do have them normally record only the ILLUSTRATION IN OTTOMAN TEXTS name of the calligrapher-it is often impossible to assign illustrations to known painters. The origins of Ottoman manuscript illustration are com­ A problem arises with Ottoman interest in historical plex, although sixteenth-century sources suggest that an accuracy when the painters were not in immediate con­ imperial studio was established at Istanbul during the tact with the events they were illustrating. We have an reign of Me1)med II (second r. 855-86/1451-81).8 The abundant pictorial record of sixteenth-century Istanbul few extant miniatures in texts of this early period are of from the many European painters and draftsmen who an eclectic nature but reflect little of the Italian artists came there, sketchbooks at the ready, braving the con­ Sultan Me1)med invited to serve at his court. Illustrations stant danger of arrest for espionage. But there is virtually dating from the subsequent reign of Bayezld II (r. 886­ nothing in the way of an Ottoman sketchbook. Never­ 918/1481-1512) were strongly influenced by Persian and theless, there must have been such things, otherwise the Turkoman traditions, resulting from contact with artists accurate historical detail of the later chronicles of Siiley­ from Herat and Tabriz. man's reign, extending beyond the text into the illustra­ Such foreign influences, whether drawn from East or tions, would never have been possible. Who exactly was West, cannot, however, fully account for the emergence responsible for collecting them and putting them at the of an Ottoman interest in the detailed representation of disposal of the painters in the palace scriptorium we do cities and landscapes. With the exception of views of not know, but it is highly probable that the records were Baghdad-occasionally, though not accurately, illusrrated made for the Ottoman general staff and held in the grand in fourteenth- and fifteenth-century copies of RashId al­ vizier's office. Here would have been the siege plans, ele­ DIn Fa~l Allah's Jami c al-tawiirfkh (Collection of chron­ vations of fortresses, and all the other topographical doc­ icles)9 and appearing in an Akkoyunlu anthology made umentation that was essential for the preparation of cam­ paigns on land and sea. This corpus has not survived for 6. But see Jean Louis Bacque-Grammont, "Un plan Ottoman inedit the most part, probably because it would have been dis­ de Van au XVIIe siecle," Osmanlt Ara§ttrmalart Dergisi/Journal of carded as soon as it was out of date, but it clearly existed.6 Ottoman Studies 2 (1981): 97-122; see also chapter It. It isin this military context that we must consider the 7. For a detailed account of the organization of Ottoman campaigns, Matral.<~l Na~ii1) see Gyula Kaldy-Nagy, "The First Centuries of the Ottoman Military Mecmuca-i menazil of (d. 971/1564), Organization," Acta Orientalia: Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae an officer in Siileyman's Janissary corps. This campaign 31 (1977): 147-83. history depicts the sultan's itinerary in a series of maps 8. Esin Atll, "Ottoman Miniature Painting under Sultan Mehmed II," devoid of the human figures that fill other works of the Ars Orientalis 9 (1973): 103-20, and Ernst J. Grube, "Notes on Otto­ historical genre. There are no known precedents, but man Painting in the 15th Century," Islamic Art and Architecture 1 (1981): 51-62. Matral.<~l Na~ii1) was an able chronicler, as shown by the 9. There are two such illustrations, dated ca. 751/1350, in the Diez accounts he produced of the various military campaigns albums (Berlin, Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Diez A, Fol­ conducted by Sultan Suleyman.7 What relation his work iant 70, pp. 4 and 7); see Mazhar Sevket ip~iroglu, Saray-alben: had to the practice of recording campaign itineraries Diez'sche Klebebande aus den Berliner Sammlungen, Verzeichnis der deserves closer examination. The Ottomans did not Orientalischen Handschriften in Deutschland, vol. 8 (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner, 1964), 17-18 and pI. 9. A manuscript of the Jamic al-tawarfkh invent the campaign diary, but works of this sort had a (Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, MS. Suppl. Persan 1113), which also preeminent place in the sixteenth century as a source for depicts the capture of Baghdad by the Mongols in 656/1258, has been the annals of Suleyman's reign. It must be assumed that shown by Basil Gray to be dated to 823-34/1420-30 and shows no Itineraries and Town Views in Ottoman Histories 231 at Shemakhi in Shirvan in 873/1468-691o-urban topo­ below).16 The double-page illustration gives prominence graphy is almost totally ignored within the general con­ to Murano among the islands of the lagoon, but it does text of Islamic painting before the first half of the six­ not show either San Giorgio Maggiore or the Giudecca teenth century. Thereafter we can identify the emergence in recognizable form. To the south, massive walls block of a distinctive Ottoman cartographic element in man­ the lagoon. The waterfront of Venice (to use an anach­ uscript illustration, expressed through the detailed repre­ ronism) shows the darsena (naval arsenal or dockyard) sentation of cities. with its walls and fortified entrance (which is actually Urban topographical illustration first appears in mari­ situated up a canal), a tall campanile with no resemblance time charts in the two versions of the Kitab-i ba~riye to that on the Piazza San Marco, and a generalized church (Book of maritime matters) of MubyIddIn PIrI Re)ls (ca. that likewise bears no resemblance to the Basilica of San 875-961/1470-1554) (fully described on pp. 272-79).11 Marco. Other buildings are then shown in successive Since he was first a corsair and then an officer in the rows split by canals. Although it is clear that Venice is Ottoman navy, the extent of his artistic training or links, represented, the usefulness of this illustration as a guide if any, with the artistic community is unknown. In any to the city is questionable. It possibly was derived from case, the realistic depiction of cities occupied a low prior­ an Italian view of Venice of the late fifteenth century, ity in the Kitiib-i balJriye. The form of the book, closely for it shows little indebtedness to the ]acopo de' Barbari derived from Italian isolarii in its conventions and many map (A.D. 1500), but the prominence given to the lagoon of its illustrations, and its purpose, part manual and part fortifications and to the arsenal strongly suggests the autobiography, were directed to the mariner. This work of a renegade or spy. explains the selection of sites and how they were repre­ With the exception of Ancona, the coasts of Marche, sented.12 Moreover, the treatment of architecture is Apulia, and Calabria show towns reduced to schematic extremely schematic: a fortified tower may stand for a fortifications. The same occurs for Sicily, Sardinia, Cor­ key fortress, a single gabled building for a town or vil­ sica, and even Malta, although mountains on these islands lage.13 PIrl Re)js also indicated ruined sites, sometimes as are indicated. Perhaps the most faithfully represented columns fallen or haphazardly standing, or sometimes as port in the whole volume is Genoa.17 Though less fortified walls with nothing inside, as at Tyre in Leba­ detailed than Ottoman representations after about 952/ non.14 Yet the sheer number of these sites casts doubt 1545, the city is clearly recognizable, depicted in elevation on their having been drawn from firsthand observation. On the Palestinian and Syrian coasts, in particular, right direct acquaintance with the topography of Baghdad; see his "An up to Iskenderun and Ayas (Laiazzo), there are so many Unknown Fragment of the 'Jamic al-tawarikh' in the Asiatic Society of ruined sites that one might be led to conclude PIrl Re)ls Bengal," Ars Orientalis 1 (1954): 65-75. 10. London, British Library, Add. MS. 16561, fo1. 60a; signed by the found these coasts deserted. dervish Na~ir Bukhara)L See Norah M. Titley, Miniatures from Persian' Elsewhere there is an important element of personal Manuscripts: A Catalogue and Subject Index ofPaintings from Persia, experience in PIrl Re)Is's notes to the Kitab-i bal;riye. India and Turkey in the British Library and the British Museum (Lon­ This is reflected in the illustrations, most notably in the don: British Library, 1977), no. 97. The view is reproduced in Thomas first half of the work, beginning with the Dardanelles and W. Arnold, Painting in Islam: A Study of the Place of Pictorial Art in Muslim Culture (1928; reprinted New York: Dover, 1965), fig. II. surveying the Greek islands, the coasts of Albania, and 11. The first version is dated 927/1521. Piri Re)Is prepared an the Adriatic up to Venice and Murano, even when a expanded version dated 932/1526 and dedicated to Sultan Suleyman. derivation from earlier Italian manuals is obvious. Most A manuscript of the second version (Istanbul, Topkapi Sarayl Muzesi of the larger cities like Dubrovnik are shown in elevation KutOphanesi, H. 642) is described in J. M. Rogers and R. M. Ward, from an angle of about sixty degrees. They feature Suleyman the Magnificent, exhibition catalog (London: British Museum Publications, 1988), no. 40. massed-up, gabled houses and churches with square cam­ 12. Rome, for example, is shown merely as a set of conventionalized paniles, often surmounted by crosses or crockets. fortifications along either side of the Tiber (p. 577). Page references for Crowded inside fortified walls, they give an overall the Kitiib-i balJriye follow the pagination in the facsimile of a manu­ impression of settlements climbing a hill. While it would script of the second version (Istanbul, SOleymaniye KOtiiphanesi, Aya­ be difficult to recognize Dubrovnik without a caption, its sofya 2612): see PlrI Re)Is, Kitabt bdhriye, ed. Fevzi Kurtoglu and Hay­ dar Alpagut (Istanbul: Devlet, 1935). harbor fortifications, like those at Ancona, are carefully 13. For example, the fortified tower on Malta; Kitiib-i balJrfye, 509 depicted. IS This emphasis reflects the fundamental inter­ (note 12). est of such ports to a corsair. This was obviously a con­ 14. For Tyre (~aICe-i Sl1r-i 1)arab) and, as another example, Eski Istan­ sideration in making a treatise to present to Sultan Siiley­ bulluk on the island of Lesbos (Mytilene), see Kitiib-i balJrfye, 732 and man in the prosecution of his struggle for supremacy in 146-47 (note 12). 15. For Dubrovnik (Dobrovenedik or Dl1brevnlk) and Ancona the Mediterranean. (Ankona), see Kitiib-i balJrfye, 351 and 442, respectively (note 12). The view of Venice deserves special notice among the 16. For Venice (Venedik), see Kitiib-i balJriye, 428-29 (note 12). depictions in the first half of the work (see fig. 14.13 17. For Genoa (Ceneviz), see Kitiib-i balJriye, 581 (note 12). 232 Islamic Cartography

I~ ;A I I' J. c " . f '.'. ( i••t

FIG. 12.1. VIEW OF CAIRO. From a map in the 932/1526 near the top of the image, must be the Shrine of the Footsteps version of the Kitiib-i baIJrfye. Along the Nile on this south­ of the Prophet that was restored in the reign of the Mamluk oriented image, beside the aqueduct's great intake tower, is Old Sultan Faraj (d. 815/1412) and again in Cumada I 91O/0ctober Cairo, facing the island of RawQah and the Giza pyramids 1504 under Sultan Qan~iih al-Ghawri. beyond. Biilaq lies a shon distance downstream. Shrines nestle Size of the original: 31.8 X 22 em. By permission of TOpkaPI in the adjacent Muqanam Hills. The ziiviye south of Old Cairo, Sarayl Miizesi Kiitiiphanesi, Istanbul (H. 642, fo\. 352). from an angle of about sixty degrees taken from the sea, to study the country while accompanying the grand vizier hence very probably the work of a prisoner, possibly a Ibrahim Pa§a on his punitive expedition of 931/1524­ siege engineer. The remaining coasts of Europe, southern 25, and there is every reason to believe that the detail on France, and Spain, despite an abundance of autobio­ his charts reflects Piri Re'is's own observation. Unfor­ graphical reminiscence by Pili Re'is, are very sketchily tunately, the absence of documentation in the Egyptian covered. Practically the only buildings shown are con­ Mamluk sources or on European plans before the late ventionalized forts to indicate cities-even those as large sixteenth century makes some details difficult to inter­ as Barcelona. pret.20 Alexandria is shown with its walls intact but with From Gibraltar onward, when Piri Re'is's account turns the city inside largely ruined, apart from two minarets eastward, certain changes become apparent, though most attached to unidentified buildings and a windmilL2! The of them are gradual. Ruins once again come to be indi­ cated, like those at Cherchel in Algeria.I8 Principal mos­ 18. For Cherchel (~i~el), see Kitab-i bal}riye, 633 (note 12). ques are shown with tiered minarets (for example, Tunis), 19. For Tunis (Tunus) and Tripoli' (Tarabuliis-i Garb), see Kitab-i and fonifications at Tripoli in Libya have walls with a balJriye, 653 and 655, and 675 respectively (note 12), pronounced batter.I9 When the account comes to Egypt, 20. Regarding European plans, see Vikroria Meinecke-Berg, "Eine however, there is an immediate accumulation of detail. Stadtansicht des mamlukischen Kairo aus dem 16. Jahrhunden," Mit­ teilungen des Deutschen Archiio/ogischen Instituts, Abteilung Kairo 32 West of Alexandria there is even a representation of a (1976): 113-32 and pis. 33-39. military encampment, showing war tents, artillery, and 21. For Alexandria (Iskenderiye), see Kitab-i baqriye, 704-5 (note pennons. Piri Re'is tells us in his notes that he was able 12). Itineraries and Town Views in Ottoman Histories 233

1517, has almost more minarets than Cairo itself. The minarets are multitiered and are recognizably derived from late Mamluk style. We may guess that their prom­ inence at Biilaq was less because of their newness than because there was more space for them on the page. Although as topographical illustration the section devoted to the Nile and Cairo clearly owes much, if not all, to Pin Reis's own observations, the views are no more advanced than, for example, the town views of Wilhelm Pleydenwurff and Michael Wolgemut in Hart­ mann Schedel's Nuremberg Chronicle (published as Liber cronicarum in 1493). The rest of the Mediterranean and the coasts of Pal­ estine and Syria are treated fairly perfunctorily, with most towns and ports shown as deserted when they are not explicitly stated to be ruined. Though little is known of the region around Antioch under Mamluk and then Otto­ man rule, it is most improbable that all there was to see at Iskenderun was ruins, or that the southern coast of Anatolia between Adana and Alanya was practically unin­ habited. It may be that these sections were written up FIG. 12.2. VIEW OF ALANYA ('ALA'IYE). The small port of and illustrated later from inadequate notes. Alanya on the southern coast of Anatolia is one of the most detailed and accurate urban representations in the Kitab-i bah­ The generalization and vagueness that characterizes rlye. A path is shown outside the city walls leading to a sour~e this portion of the Kitab-i baIJrfye is more than com­ of fresh water at a well. pensated for by the view of Alanya that was almost cer­ Size of the original: 31.8 x 22 em. By permission of Topkapi tainly drawn on the spot (fig. 12.2).23 This image dem­ Sarayl Miizesi Kiitiiphanesi, Istanbul (H. 642). onstrates that the concern of Marral.mosque built by Siileyman 24 rent, though largely legendary, Egyptian accounts of the in the upper fortress. Though Alanya is only sporad­ beacon as detailed in later Mamluk chronicles. ically mentioned in Ottoman sources, it is not likely to A section covering the journey up the Nile to Cairo have had much of a population when Piri Re)is saw it, indicates villages, towns, and even isolated shrines in and it is doubtful that the naval dockyard was still in use. sequence.22 In Cairo (fig. 12.1), the relative positions of The reason this city was chosen for such exceptional Biilaq, Cairo, Old Cairo (Mi~r-i 'Atil.<), the island of Raw­ treatment must relate directly to the preparation of the c;lah, and the pyramids of Giza are roughly correct. Indi­ work for presentation to Suleyman himself. vidual monuments, however, are not distinguishable, This discussion confirms that Piri Re)is's originality lies with a few exceptions such as the aqueduct to the citadel more with his sea charts than with the town views they with its great intake tower, the Sabcah Sawaqi built by contain. The latter were strongly influenced by earlier the Mamluk sultan Qan~iih al-Ghawri (d. 922/1516). On Venetian charts and contained many arbitrary simplifi­ close examination one can make out some of the walls cations. Moreover, the views continued to degenerate as and gates of the citadel but not, for example, the mosque contemporary topographical records. Though the Kitab-i of Sultan J:lasan (d. 763/1362)-the most conspicuous baIJn'ye remained very popular into the seventeenth cen­ building of Cairo that appears prominently on seven­ tury, presentation copies, designed more to impress teenth-century European views of the city. Zaviyes patrons than for use by the mariner, were illustrated with (shrines) are shown on the Muqanam Hills, and also the Shrine of the Footsteps of the Prophet (Masjid Athar al­ 22. For the Nile and Cairo (Kahire), see KitiJb-i balJriye, 711-15 (note 12). Nabi) to the south of Cairo. 23. For Alanya ('Alalye), see KitiJb-i balJriye, 763 (note 12). Biilaq, which came into prominence as a port only 24. Seton Lloyd and D. Storm Rice, Alanya ('Ala'iyya) (London: following Sultan Selim I's occupation of Egypt in 923/ British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara, 1958), esp. 7 and 9-18. 234 Islamic Cartography

Black Sea

J) OQazvin SYRIA

Mediterranean PERSIA ODamascus

Sea Olsfahan () oJerusalem ~ o 25 miles I I i I o 25 50km OShiraz

FIG. 12.3. THE ROUTE OF SOLEYMAN'S CAMPAIGN Sultan Suleyman /jan, introduction, transcription, and com­ AGAINST THE SAFAVIDS, 940-42/1534-35. mentary Huseyin G. Yurdaydm (Ankara: Turk Tarih Kurumu, After Matra~\1 Na~iiQ, Beyan-i menazil-i sefer-i (Ira~eyn-i 1976), 174.

elaborate but less original views.25 One seventeenth-cen­ 25. Svat Soucek, "The 'Ali Macar Reis Atlas' and the Deniz kitabl: tury copy of the work, for example, shows Istanbul from Their Place in the Genre of Portolan Charts and Atlases," Imago Mundi the sea, in customary fashion, but with a surprising dis­ 25 (1971): 17-27, esp. 26-27, draws attention to the pseudonymous Nii~, 26 Seyyid whose Deniz kitiibl (Book of the sea) (Bologna, Biblioteca regard for the Islamic monuments. A view from an ear­ Universitaria di Bologna, no. 3609) relies on lavish illustration for its lier, undated copy of the Kitiib-i baIJriye represents Istan­ entertainment value rather than for the accurate representation that bul from a point nonhwest of Galata, with the Genoese would have been essential for a usable portoIan chart. There is no tower, which dominated the city, barely visible in the demonstrable consonance between the views of Istanbul in the various foregroundP Evidently the bird's-eye view was prepared early copies of Piri Re'is's Kitdb-i ba!Jriye and those worked up to illustrate annals written for the library of Murad III. from the top of the tower, a rather obvious expedient, 26. London, British Library, MS. Or. 4131, fol. 195a; see Norah M. but from an illustrative standpoint entirely lacking the Titley, Miniatures from Turkish Manuscripts: A Catalogue and Subject originality of the adapted bird's-eye view in volume 1 of Index of Painting in the British Library and British Museum (London: Lo~man's Hunerniime (Book of accomplishments; com­ British Library, 1981), no. 57 and pI. 46. posed 992/1584-85) (see fig. 12.20). 27. The original manuscript (Berlin, Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Diez A., Foliant 57) was supposedly destroyed in the Sec­ Because of the obvious derivation of Piri Re'is's views ond World War. The view of Istanbul is reproduced in Eugen Ober­ from Venetian models, the label "ponolan style" has hummer, Konstantinopel unter Sultan Suleiman dem Grossen aufge­ been applied to many town illustrations in later Ottoman nommen imJahre 1559 durch Melchior Lorichs aus Flensburg (Munich: texts. There is, however, no historical record of ponolan R. Oldenbourg, 1902), pI. XXII. In this connection, three panoramas chans ever being consulted by illustrators of these chron­ (of Istanbul, Galata, and OskiidarjKadikoy [ScutarijCha;cedon]) are an indication of how the palace craftsmen worked; see Franz Babinger, icles. On the contrary, all the evidence suggests that the "Drei Stadtansichten von Konstantinopel, Galata (,Pera') und Skutari term "ponolan style" is something of a misnomer for aus dem Ende des 16. Jahrhunderts," Denkschriften der Osterrei­ these works. And if there was a direct link between the chischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-Historische work of Pin Re'Is and later Ottoman topographical illus­ Klasse, 77, no. 3 (1959). The panoramas were originally bound in with tration, it was at best tenuous. The view of Alanya in the a miscellany of images, datable on internal grounds to A.D. 1590-93, by an anonymous south German painter for the emperor Rudolf II (r. Matra~~l Na~ii~'s Kitiib-i baIJriye that foreshadows town A.D. 1576-1612) at Prague (Vienna, Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek, views is exceptional and in no way typifies other urban Cod. Vindob. 8626). The city views are by another hand, possibly north representation in the work. The illustrations of towns in Italian, but are likewise datable to the late sixteenth century because Itineraries and Town Views in Ottoman Histories 235 the Kitab-i ba~rfye certainly influenced those of later the period from the Creation up to the thirteenth century Ottoman naval atlases, like the Walters Deniz atlast (see A.D.32 A continuation of this history into Ottoman times plate 23), but these are now so stylized that the vignettes does not exist as a single volume, but the subtitle Tev­ of major Mediterranean and Black Sea cities are of little arf/J-i al-i COsman (The chronicles of the Ottoman more than decorative value. Piri Re)Is provided the first dynasty) that is included in his Mecmuca-i menazi! clear indication of what was to become a distinctive Otto­ strongly suggests that the project was executed as a series man characteristic of manuscript illustration, but it would of discrete parts sometime after 944/1537. The complex be highly misleading to describe the illustrations in chron­ relation of these separate texts, nine in total, to the goal icles like the Mecmita-i menazil as influenced by his of extending al-Tabarr's world history has been studied charts. with great ingenuity by Hiiseyin Yurdaydln. The texts are

TOPOGRAPHICAL ILLUSTRATION IN THE they show none of the works of Sultan A1)med I (r. 1012-26/1603­ MECMOcA-I MENAzIL 17). Istanbul is shown from the north with the Sea of Marmara beyond, suggesting that it may have been drawn from the Genoese tower in The principal work of Ottoman topographical illustration Galata. Galata, showing the dockyard but not the whole of the Golden Horn, and Oskudar are shown in considerably less detail. They all is the Beyan-t menazil-i sefer-i c/ ra~eyn-i Sultan Suley­ suggest, however, that contemporary Ottoman bird's-eye views were in man lfan (The stages on Sultan Suleyman's campaign in fact, as would have been logical, plotted from panoramas. the two Iraqs [modern Iraq and western Iran]), generally 28. The Mecttltta-i menazil was first described by Albert Gabriel, known by its briefer title Mecmuca-i menazil, by "Les etapes d'une campagne dans les deux clrak d'apres un manuscrit Ma!ra~~l Na~uQ. (d. 971/1564).28 This is an account of turc du XVIe siecle," Syria 9 (1928): 328-49. For a complete facsimile Ma!ra~~l Na~ii1), Clra~eyn-i Siileyman the Magnificent's campaign in eastern Anatolia, of the work, see Beyan-i menazil-i sefer-i Sultan Suleyman /jan, introduction, transcription, and commentary Persia, and Iraq against the Safavids in 940-42/1533-35, HOseyin G. Yurdaydln (Ankara: Turk Tarih Kurumu, 1976), with Eng­ which was to result in the occupation of Baghdad and lish summaries and a comprehensive bibliography. In all subsequent Tabriz and bring the Ottomans to the Persian Gulf (fig. footnotes, this facsimile will be referred to simply as Mecmaca-i men­ 12.3). Although this is a remarkably innovative work in azil. There is an unillustrated copy of this work, which may well be Islamic painting, its existence in the library of the palace later, in the Topkapi Sarayl MOzesi Kutophanesi, R. 1286; see Hedda Reindl, "Zu einigen Miniaturen und Karten aus Handschriften MatraqcI of Ylldlz on the Bosporus was unknown to the world Na~t11)'s," in Islamkundliche Abhandlungen, Beitrage zur Kenntnis until the transfer of this collection to the Istanbul Oniv­ Sodosteuropas und des Nahen Orients, no. 18 (Munich: Rudolf Tro­ ersitesi Kutuphanesi in 1924. fenik, 1974), 146-71. Matra1.<~1 Na~uQ was a Janissary officer of Bosnian ori­ 29. Istanbul Oniversitesi KOtuphanesi, TY. 2719. He later revised this cUmdetu)I-~isab, gin, who evidently some time after Sehm I's conquest of work as the of which several copies exist (see below, note 31). Egypt in 923/1517 was posted there in the service of the 30. The work is entitled Tu~fetu)l-guzat (Istanbul, SOleymaniye Kutu­ Mamluk governor Khayr Beg (d. 1524). Early in 1517 he phanesi, Esat Efendi 2206, dated late ~acban 937/late March 1532). wrote a school textbook on arithmetic, the Cemal el­ The sketches of cavalry maneuvers and fortified towers and enceintes kuttab.29 Also while in Egypt he learned sufficient Arabic bear rather more resemblance to illustrated European manuals on for­ tification (such as Roberto Valturio, De re militari [Verona, 1472], ded­ to read and translate the Ta)rfkh al-rusul wa-al-muluk icated to Sigismondo Pandolfo Malatesta) than to illustrated furusiyah (History of prophets and kings) of al-Tabari: (224-25 to manuscripts depicting military maneuvers from Mamluk Egypt. They 311/839-923) and was evidently commissioned by Suley­ may well be Matra~~l Na~ii1)'s own work but, unsurprisingly, had little man I at his accession to continue it up to the present effect on the depictions of fortresses in the Mecmuca-i menazil. See time. He then returned to Istanbul and organized the Hugo Theodor Horwitz, "Mariano und Valturio," Geschichtsbliitter fur Technik und Industrie 7 (1920): 38-40, and John R. Hale, Ren­ games in the Hippodrome celebrating the circumcision aissance Fortification: Art or Engineering? (London: Thames and Hud­ of Siileyman's sons in 936/1530. In a work presented to son, 1977). Me1)med II's library contained a copy of Valturio's De re the sultan, he described and illustrated these cavalry militari, see p. 210. parades and maneuvers based on similar exercises prac­ 31. The commendation is dated late ~il~acde 936/1ate June 1529; ticed in Mamluk Egypt, as well as mock sieges of castles see a copy of this incorporated into a manuscript of the cUmdetill­ ~isab built of wood and cardboard with the use of real artillery (Istanbul, Nuruosmaniye Kutiiphanesi, 2984, fols. 173b-74a). 3D 32. This work is entitled CamiCu)tevaril]. The first two volumes and firearms. For these services he received an imperial record the history of the world up to the reign of the Sassanian ruler commendation and an appointment to court with a Khusrau Aniishlrvan (A.D. 531-78) (Vienna, Osterreichische National­ mu~ahere (monthly stipend).31 bibliothek, Cod. Mixt. 999 and 1187, and Paris, Bibliotheque Nation­ At some point during this period, Matra1.<~1 Na~uQ ale, MS. Suppl. Turc 50, respectively). Huseyin Yurdaydln identified the completed his translation from Arabic into Turkish of third volume of the series, which continues al-TabarI's text beyond the reign of the Abbasid caliph al-Muqtadir (295-320/908-32), where it al-Tabari's world history, with additions from Ptolemy originally broke off, with accounts of the Turks, the Ghaznavids, and and al-Biruni, that seems to have begun about 926/1520. the Seljuks up to the time of Ertugrul, the father of COsman I (Istanbul, The task was accomplished in three volumes, covering Fatih Kitaphgl, MS. 4278). 236 Islamic Cartography shown to have been made out of sequence and in some (with the exception of Ankova and Adana)-may have cases to exist only in rough drafts or preliminary ver­ been left unillustrated by oversight or even that they were sions.33 Not surprisingly, to some extent they are repet­ wrongly bound from the start. This could well have itive or overlap; the author would not necessarily have occurred, because the work contained no overall plan to had access to the previous parts before taking up the pen integrate the illustrated stages into a narrative to explain again. Nevertheless, Matra1.<~1 Na~iib left a fairly com­ the sequence of advance followed by Siileyman and his plete record of the reigns of sultans Bayezld II, SelIm I, vizier IbrahIm Pa~a. This is a considerable drawback, but and Siileyman I, spanning the period from 886/1481 to it doubtless arose from the novelty of the idea of topo­ approximately 958/1551. Only the years 946-48/1539­ graphical illustration in Ottoman painting. 41 are left unaccounted from among these texts, but a The text of Matra!.<\l Na~iib's Mecmuca-i menazil history of the Ottomans from the death of Ertugrul, shows conclusively that he was in Siileyman's suite on cOsman I's father, up to the accession of BayezId II has the Persian campaign and wrote as an eyewitness. Even not been identified and indeed may never have been writ­ more important, the accuracy of much of the illustration, ten. Matra1.<~1 Na~iib embarked on an abridged version particularly for those towns in Ottoman territory, is clear of his al-Tabari translation and continuation sometime about 957/1550, for presentation to the grand vizier Riis­ 33. See YurdaydIn, 128-40, in Mecmaca-i menazil (note 28). The nine tern Pa~a.34 texts are: a Suleymanname recording events from Siileyman's accession Matra1.<~1 Na~ii1).'s productive literary career and works up to his Corfu campaign of 944/1537 and including the Mecmtta-i menazil text (Istanbul, TopkapI Sarayl Miizesi Kiitiiphanesi, R. 1286); show he was a talented amateur. Although the tone of an illustrated text of the Mecmaca-i menazil covering Siileyman's Per­ his writing is suitably panegyric, he was never promoted sian campaign of 940-42/1534-35 (Istanbul Oniversitesi Kiitiiphanesi, to the status of §ehnameci, a position created by Siiley­ TY. 5964); the Fetl}name-i ~arabogdan, completed 23 Cumada II 945/ man for the Azeri versifier cArifi sometime after 954/ 16 November 1538 and recording the Moldavian campaign of the same 1547. It has been claimed that Matra!.<~l Na~iib illustrated year (Istanbul, TopkapI Sarayl Miizesi Kiitiiphanesi, R. 1284/2); the Tari~-i fetl}-i ~a~lavan covering the years 949-51/1542-44 (Istanbul, his works himself, but the style and content of the illus­ Topkapl Sarayl Miizesi Kiitiiphanesi, H. 1608); a Suleymanname frag­ trations differs considerably from volume to volume, and ment covering the years 950-58/1543-51 (Istanbul, Arkeoloji Miizesi perusal of the Mecmuca-i meniizil shows that its illustra­ Kiitiiphanesi, no. 379); a history of the earlier part of the reign of tions are the work of several artists. Moreover, many of Bayezld II, Tari~-i Sultan Bayezid, dated ca. 952-57/1540-50 (Istanbul, the illustrations do not appear to be by a professional Topkapl Sarayl Miizesi Kiitiiphanesi, R. 1272); a history of the latter part of the reign of Bayezld II and of Sellm I, written in Cumada II hand, which suggests that the team of painters he 960/May-June 1553 (London, British Library, Add. MS. 23586); and employed was not from Siileyman's own palace scrip­ an account of Siileyman's second Persian campaign of 1 MUQarram torium. This would also explain why even in the relevant 955-26 Rebt II 956/11 February 1548-23 May 1549 (Marburg, Staats­ sections of cArifl's Suleymiinniime, which deal with bibliothek, MS. Hist. Or. Oct. 955). Siileyman's first Persian campaign and may have been 34. One volume, recently identified by Yurdaydln, covers world his­ tory up to the reign of the Sassanian ruler Bahram Chl1bln (London, illustrated by court artists, the influence of the Mecmuca-i British Library, MS. Or. 12879). Another volume in the set, completed menazil is barely apparent.35 980/1571-72 and long known to scholars, covers Turkish and Mongol The Mecmuca-i menazil is now incomplete. There are history from Oguz Khan up to the Ottoman Empire in 968/1561 some discrepancies between the route as given in the text (Vienna, Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek, Cod. Mixt. 339). An and the sequence of halts as depicted, and the illustrations undated manuscript of this work copied for the library of Sellm II (London, British Library, MS. Or. 12592) continues the history beyond of some stages on the outward march and on the return this to the Ottoman summer campaign of 977/1569 in the Yemen. journey are missing or may never have been executed.36 Since Matra~\1 Na~l1Q died in 971/1564, the author of this addition The margins have been trimmed, possibly more than remains anonymous. The Vienna copy was once attributed, implausibly, once, so that the illustrations, many of them double page, to Riistem Pa~a himself; see Ludwig Forrer, Die osmanische Chronik now cover the entire surface area of the page.37 Many des Rustem Pascha (Leipzig: Mayer und Muller, 1923). A volume cov­ ering the intervening period has not been found. show signs of overpainting, and some identifications are 35. Hanna Sohrweide, "Der Verfasser der als Sulayman-nama later additions. The text is written in careful Nesib in an bekannten Istanbuler Prachthandschrift," Der Islam 47 (1971): 286-89. anonymous nonprofessional hand, assiduously if not 36. The correct sequence may be reconstructed by reference to the always accurately pointed. These features might suggest documents in A1)med Ferldl1n's collection of state papers, Mun§eatu>!­ that it was written by Matra!.<~l Na~iib himself, but in se!atin (Writs of sultans). See Franz Taeschner, "Das Itinerar des ersten Persienfeldzuges des Sultans Siileyman Kanuni 1534/35 nach Matrak\i fact he had a considerable reputation as a calligrapher 'Nasuh: Ein Beitrag zur historischen Landeskunde Anatoliens und der and the text shows numerous faults of dictation, which Nachbargebiete," Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenliindischen Gesell­ therefore rules out this possibility. schaft 112 (1962): 50-93. It is possible that the now unillustrated sections of this 37. A blank page intended for illustration (fo1. 69b) has ruled margins, work-notably from Zenjan westward to Tatvan, Urfa making it likely that the other illustrations were intended to have been in ruled panels too, as would indeed have been standard Ottoman Ak~ehir to Aleppo and back, and Antioch to Ishakh near practice. Itineraries and Town Views in Ottoman Histories 237 evidence for sketches made on the spot. It is conceivable, dently bases for the Florentine statuary brought from though no longer demonstrable, that it was Matra1.<~1 Buda following its surrender to Siileyman in 932/1526.41 Na~ab himself who did these.38 Yet the illustrations cer­ They did not long survive the disgrace and execution of tainly are not free of elements that bear little relation to the grand vizier IbrahIm Pa§a in 942/1536-thus giving the locations they are meant to represent. The volume some indication of the date when this view was com­ contains, for example, a whole series of domed shrines posed.42 The vizier's palace on the Hippodrome is shown shown in the most stylized manner from a source far removed from actual observation, as well as fantastic 38. See Franz Taeschner's comparison between individual elements representations of animal heads carefully integrated into in Ma!ra~\l Na~iib's illustrations and the actual features they represent the rocks of mountainsides. Though the distances in "The Itinerary of the First Persian Campaign of Sultan Siileyman, between stages are precisely given in the text, the illus­ 1534-36, according to Na~iib al-Matraki," Imago Mundi 13 (1956): trations showing more than one stage rarely give an idea 53-55. Interesting evidence for the way the manuscript was illustrated of that. Landscape features like mountains, rivers, lakes, is given on fo1. 23b, which shows the town of Erzurum, as well as the stage before it, Ihca (Ihca-i Erzurum), and two stages after it, Bogaz or passes often bear no clear relation to the towns, for­ and Pasinler (Pasin ovasl), as if the scribe in charge had in mind Tercan tifications, caravansaries, or bridges that form the central and the stages beyond it represented on the preceding folio (fol. 23a). features of the depictions. Not only is there no scale As it happened, this dense succession of stages left no room on the included, it is not even clear that a consistent scale was page for a proper representation of Erzurum itself, and the solution used among different illustrations-though such would was to include Bogaz, incorrectly, inside the walls and place Pasinler just outside the walls. This shows that the caption panels were drawn have been well within the capacities of Siileyman's engi­ first and the illustrations added elsewhere, at a stage where a mistake neers and surveyors. Nor is it easy to decide whether any could not be rectified. It also shows that the town views were too consistent directional viewpoint or orientation was used. important to omit. When accommodation was necessary, as here, it In cases such as Sultaniye (plate 18), we can deduce the was the caption panels that went by the board. direction from the qibla orientation of the buildings 39. Nurhan Atasoy, "Matrak\l's Representation of the Seven-Tow­ ered Topkapl Palace," in Fifth International Congress of Turkish Art, depicted, but the detail is not always sufficiently clear to ed. Geza Feher (Budapest: Akademiai Kiado, 1978), 93-101. On p. 94, determine whether the town or fortress is shown from the author observes that European diplomatic missions arriving by sea the direction of the advancing Ottoman forces. It would were often obliged to anchor for some time off Saray Burnu; see, for be too much to expect consistency in such a pioneering example, Itineraire de Jerome Maurand d'Antibes a Constantinople, work, and sketches made on the spot could anyway have ed. and trans. Leon Dorez (Paris, 1901), which was written and illus­ trated in A.D. 1544. This is also the viewpoint from which the group been altered at a later stage of refinement. The difference of plans of Istanbul by Giovanni Andrea Vavassore (ca. A.D. 1520) are between this work and much contemporary European drawn. I do not follow Walter B. Denny in seeing any influence from cartography is, even so, probably no more than a matter Greek or Slavic icon painting; see "A Sixteenth-Century Architectural of degree, for the idea that a map must eo ipso be a Plan of Istanbul," Ars Orientalis 8 (1970): 49-63. guide, or that an atlas must be a handbook, was far from 40. For a detailed study of early depictions of Istanbul architecture, see Wolfgang Muller-Wiener, Bildlexikon zur Topographie Istanbuls: being universally accepted. Byzantion-Konstantinupolis-Istanbul bis zum Beginn des 17. Jahr­ As far as the urban topography of the Mecmuca-i men­ hunderts (Tubingen: Ernst Wasmuth, 1977). Compare Zeren Akalay, azi! is concerned, the illustrations are not obviously of "Tarihi konularda Turk minyaturleri," Sanat Tarihi ¥zlltgz 3 (1970): European inspiration, except for a bird's-eye view of 151-66. 41. Victor Louis Menage, "The Serpent Column in Ottoman Istanbul/Galata from the southwest, possibly from a ship Sources," Anatolian Studies 14 (1964): 169-73. A print of the Hip­ anchored off Saray Burnu (Topkapl Palace Point) (figs. podrome by the Veronese draftsman Onofrio Panvinio (A.D. 1529-65) 12.4 and 12.5).39 This image is, however, exceptional in shows the spina with numerous obelisks and columns, allegedly as it that it devotes minute attention to the Islamic monu­ was before the conquest in 857/1453. There is, however, no datable ments (Hagia Sophia and Hagia Eirene had of course been European view before the Vavassore group with any real claim to accu­ racy, and Panvinio's Hippodrome is substantially similar to that of the turned into mosques) in their state before the renovations Mecmuca-i menazil. of Siileyman in the mid-sixteenth century. The Topkapl 42. Josef von Karabacek, "Zur orientalischen Altertumskunde, IV: Sarayl is shown in its original fifteenth-century form as a Muhammedanische Kunststudien," Sitzungsberichte der Kaiserlichen seven-towered fortress. The monastery of Saint John, Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien, Philosophisch-Historische which later became the Arslanhane (Menagerie) near Klasse, 172, no. 1 (1913), esp. 82-102 and pIs. X-XI. Plate XI illustrates a page from vol. 1 of the ~ahan§ahnameshowing the celebrations in Hagia Sophia, and the Eski Saray (Old Palace) appear here the Hippodrome of the circumcision of ~ehzade Mu~tafa, the son of 40 for the first and last time in Ottoman illustration. The Suleyman, on 16 ~il~acde 936/12 July 1530. In the foreground of this Hippodrome (Atmeydanl) shows the columned sphen­ illustration is a column with three figures that in Pieter Coecke van done still standing at the south end. The obelisks and Aelst's sketch, dated 12 November 1532, appear as three nudes. This serpent column of the Byzantine spina (the barrier down sketch was later published in Coecke van Aelst's posthumous Les moeurs et fachons de faire de Turcz (Antwerp, 1553). Other contem­ the middle of a Roman racecourse) within the stadium porary visitors identify them as Hercules, Diana, and Apollo. They were are complemented by other columns, which were evi- evidently created for Matthias Corvinus (Matthias I, king of Hungary, 238 Islamic Cartography

FIG. 12.4. VIEW OF ISTANBUL. The map is oriented to the tower. Just visible on the opposite bank, at left bottom, is the east with the Bosporus and the village of Uskiidar (Scutari) on shrine of Eyiip with its cemeteries and mausoleum. The archi­ the Asian side at the top of the image. The left half shows tectural monuments of Istanbul fill the right half of the image. galleys and four "round ships" passing along the Golden Horn Size of the original: 31.6 X 46.6 em. By permission of Istanbul before the waterfront of Galata, a commercial quarter built by Oniversitesi Kiitiiphanesi (TY. 5964, fols. 8b-9a). the Genoese in the Byzantine era and dominated by the Genoese

with its domes, gabled roof, and balconies. On the left­ of Istanbul in the Mecmuca-i menazil admittedly looks hand page, the naval dockyard and part of the shrine similar stylistically to the Alessandro Strozzi drawing of suburb of Eyup are shown along the bottom margin. Rome dated A.D. 1474, which was closely related to the Directly above is Galata with its Genoese tower, although prototype from which Pietro del Massaio made his sim­ the buildings within its walls are shown as churches or plified views and could even be after a similar drawing.43 small houses without any indication of larger buildings But be that as it may, this is a conscious Ottoman adap- like the Genoese Podesta or the Palazzo di Venezia. A.D. 1440?-90) by the Florentine sculptor Giovanni Dalmata from Tro­ There is no living figure in this townscape, but this need gir and stood on Saint George's Square in the citadel of Buda. They not be Islamic prejudice: the jacopo de' Barbari bird's­ were carried off after the sack of Buda by the Turks on 7 .?;il~icce 932/ eye view of Venice is devoid of people too. 14 September 1526 and, according to Archduke Ferdinand of Austria's There is an Italian tradition of views of Constantinople ambassador, Cornelius Duplicius Schepper, were set up on the Hip­ that goes back at least to Cyriaco d'Ancona, well before podrome in Istanbul. They did not, however, survive there very long. Jerome Maurand d'Antibes in 951/1544 found only columns that, he its fall to Mel;1med II, and they regularly recur in a group was told, had borne bronze statuary from Hungary. Since volume 1 of of illustrated Ptolemy manuscripts in Florence associated the !iiJhan~iJhname was not illustrated before 989/1581-82, the per­ with Pietro del Massaio (A.D. 1424-90). However, they sistence of a tradition in accord with the Ottoman historians and Euro­ are less related to the view in the Mecmuca-i menazil pean travelers but not attested to by any earlier Ottoman illustration is remarkable. than might appear at first sight. Earlier European plans 43. Florence, Biblioteca Laurenziana, Redi 77; see Gustina Scaglia, concentrated on the Christian monuments, so that the "The Origin of an Archaeological Plan of Rome by Alessandro Strozzi," secular buildings of the city only rarely appear. The view Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 27 (1964): 137-63. Itineraries and Town Views in Ottoman Histories 239

tural forms are stylized. However, there is little concern -'11[- for the representation of space within the towns, and the plans are often as repetitive as in Pleydenwurff and Wol­ gemut's illustrations in the Nuremberg ChronicIe.48 Sea of Saray The western Anatolian stages that are the first images Bumu Marmara to appear in the work do not confine themselves to town views, and they place some emphasis on landmarks, sometimes even archaeological remains like the dikili ta§ (obelisk) on the way to Tav§anh (fig. 12.6). From Erzurum onward, however (fols. 23b and following), there is a marked change from military objectives and fortresses to sites of cultural and religious significance. The ruins of Erci§ (Arjish) are shown correctly as they were then, par­ tially submerged in Lake Van (fig. 12.7), and the Armenian monastery church of Saint Thaddeus near Khoi in Persian Azerbaijan is quite recognizable with its gabled eaves.49 The Safavid capital of Tabriz shows the no longer extant Shanb-i GhazanI, the walled funerary complex of the 11­ o 1 mile I ' khanid ruler Ghazan Khan (d. 703/1304), with blue o 2km dome, appurtenances, monumental gates, and a large rec­

• MONUMENTS 8. Imperial gate (Bab-I HumayOn) tangular pool. The Arg (Citadel), built on the remains of 1. Cannon foundry 9. Mosque 01 Suleyman the mosque of the I1khanid minister (AlI Shah (d. 724/ 2. Eski Saray (Suleymaniye Camii) 3. Genoese Podesta 10. Palace ot Ibrahim Pa~a 1324), is omitted. In very similar style to Tabriz is the 4. Genoese Tower (Galata Kulesi) (Ibrahim Pa~a Sarayl) 5. Hagia Eirene (SI. Irene Kilisesi) 11. Palazzo di Venezia double-page plan view of Baghdad, surrounded by walled 6. Hagia Sophia (Ayasolya Camii) 12. Topkapi Sarayl gardens and numerous shrines of saints and rulers and 7. Hippodrome (Atmeydanl) 13. Valens Aqueduct

FIG. 12.5. REFERENCE MAP OF ISTANBUL ARCHITEC­ 44. For an early example, Abu al-l;Iasan 'Ali ibn Abi Bakr al-Harawi TURAL MONUMENTS. Oriented with east at the top for (d. 611/1215), Kitab al-ziyarat; see Guide des lieu x de peterinage, trans. comparison with fig. 12.4. Janine Sourdel-Thomine (Damascus: Instimt FranCjais de Damas, 1957). 45. For Herat, see Mu'1n ai-Din Mul)ammad Zamaji Isfizari, Raw~at tation to show the principal Islamic monuments of the al-jannat fi aw~af madinat Hardt (written 897/1491-92),2 vols., ed. K~im A~il Ottoman city. Sayyid Mul)ammad (Tehran, 1959-60); see also ai-Din 'Abd Allah ibn 'Abd al-Ral)man al-l;Iusaynl (d. 1478 or 1479), Risalah-'i The remaining illustrations in the Mecmlta-i menazil, mazardt-i Harat, ed. Fikri Saljuqi (Kabul: Publishing Institute, 1967). which show greater stylistic independence, are as a whole For Shiraz, see Mu'1n ai-Din Abu al-Qasim ]unayd ai-ShiraZi, Shadd al­ not markedly military. When encampments are shown izar fi kharr al-awzar 'an zuwar al-mazar (written 791/1389), ed. they are of nomads, not of soldiers. The stages depicted Mul)ammad Qazvini and 'Abbas Iqbal Ashtiyani (Tehran, 1950). are often, significantly, shrines. In this the images follow 46. For Cairo, notably Mul)ammad ibn Mul)ammad ibn al-Zayyat (fl. 1401), al-Kawakib al-sayyarah fi tartib al-ziyarah fi'l-Qarafatayn the text, which is primarily a shrine book, doubtless al-Kubra' wa-al-$ughril (Cairo, 1907), and Al)mad ibn 'Ali al-Maqrizi, because of Ottoman unfamiliarity with the topography al-Mawa'i>: wa-al-i'tibar bi-dhikr al-khi{a{ wa-al-athar, 2 vols. (Bulaq, of Mesopotamia and northwest Persia and also to empha­ 1857); the last is a general work of urban topography as well. See Yusuf size Soleyman's piety and concern for orthodox religion Ragib, "Essai d'inventaire chronologique des guides a I'usage des peler­ and justify his campaign against the Safavids, who though ins du Caire," Revue des Etudes lslamiques 41 (1973): 259-80. 47. Hence, for example, the duplication of views of the obscure town ShtI were fellow Muslims. Unillustrated shrine books or of Dargazin, north of Hamadan, in two different styles, when it would guides for pilgrims first appeared in Islam in the twelfth plainly have been more economical to settle for one image (Mecmu'a-i century and became widespread in the fourteenth and menazil, fols. 38b and 89b-90a [note 28]). fifteenth centuries.44 However, those produced at Herat 48. Valerian von Loga, "Die Stadteansichten in Hartman Schedels and Shiraz45 no less than at Cair046 are more concerned Weltchronik,"Jahrbuch der Koniglich Preussischen Kunstsammlungen 9 (1888): 93-107 and 184-96. Von Loga considers the low general to name the shrines and locate them than to describe standard of accuracy to result from the Nuremberg block makers' lack their appearance. In this, therefore, the illustrations to of direct acquaintance with the towns they depicted, beyond the the Mecmita-i menazil break new ground. Though some sketches or other firsthand material at their disposal. It is scarcely to of the illustrators worked independently,47 buildings in be expected that the painters employed by Matral!:CjI Na~ul) were in townscapes are generally shown either in elevation from any better position to work up their sketches. 49. As in the case of Dargazin (note 47), it is curious why such a below or from above at an angle of thirty to sixty degrees. militarily insignificant site as the monastery of Saint Thaddeus should Most views give due prominence to urban features like have been selected for duplication (Mecmu'a-i menazil, fols. 27a and citadels and congregational mosques, but many architec- 89a [note 28]). 240 Islamic Cartography depicting curious details like a mosque within the walls where a millstone hangs from the balcony of its minaret (fig. 12.8). Siileyman's arrival in Baghdad was the cul­ mination of the campaign, and the text records his sched­ ule of visits to surrounding shrines and his restorations of important Islamic monuments inside the walls, notably the tomb of the religious scholar Abu l;:Ianlfah (b. 80/ 699). None of the sites, however, is labeled on the plan view, and little attempt is made to show their architec­ tural peculiarities. In the account of the return journey there follows a series of Mesopotamian towns depicted in somewhat similar style (fols. 100a and following). The map of Bitlis shows the fortress and the buildings of the lower town, followed by a double-page rendering of the Bitlis gorge (fig. 12.9). In Diyarbaklr (Amid), the walls and the Great Mosque are shown but not the important bridge across the Tigris below the city. And the Aleppo (Halep) map, clearly the product of careful observation, includes ~ vari­ ety of different approaches to topographical illustration

FIG. 12.7. PLAN VIEW OF ERCIS (AR]ISH). The depiction shows the remains of a towered building partially submerged in Lake Van. A small village lies a short distance beyond. Pos­ session of the towns around Lake Van was essential for Otto­ man control of the eastern Anatolian provinces. Size of the original: 31.6 x 23.3 em. By permission of Istanbul Oniversitesi KOtOphanesi (TY. 5964, fol. 25b).

(fig. 12.10). In style and coloring Aleppo is distinct from other illustrations in the work. The Great Mosque with its conspicuous minaret is not recognizable, but below the citadel are shown curious features resembling umbrel­ las, now difficult to interpret. This considerable variety raises the question of what sources Ma!ral.<~1 Na~ul;1 or the artists under his super­ vision might have taken into account when compiling the work. A possible source of information may have been the European published plans and views that circulated in Turkey from the early sixteenth century.50 Ottoman Istanbul was an important market for Venetian carto­ graphy. That there are no surviving European views of any towns in Anatolia, Iran, or Iraq before the later vol­ umes of Georg Braun and Frans Hogenberg's Civitates FIG. 12.6. THE OBELISK ON THE ROAD TO TAVSANLI. orbis terrarum were published (Cologne, A.D. 1572- Size of the original: 31.6 x 23.3 em. By permission of Istanbul Oniversitesi KOtOphanesi (TY. 5964, fol. 14a). 50. See above, pp. 228-29. Itineraries and Town Views in Ottoman Histories 241

FIG. 12.8. VIEW OF BAGHDAD. The terminus of Sultan into the countryside. In style, the landscape is distinct from Soleyman's campaign was entered peacefully on 24 Cumada II earlier depictions, such as figs. 12.6 and 12.7, but quite similar 941/1 December 1534, and the city was to remain, with only to that in fig. 12.11. short interludes, in Ottoman hands. In this depiction the walled Size of the original: 31.6 x 46.6 cm. By permission of Istanbul and moated city along the Tigris River is joined to the east bank Oniversitesi KOtOphanesi (TY. 5964, fols. 47b-48a). by a single bridge. Two lions face each other on the road leading

1618), decades after the Mecmita-i menazil appeared, traditions of the many diverse cultures adhering to Islam however, makes it unlikely that Matra~~l Na~ii~ could for the inspiration of maps and other illustrations in the have used the prototypes for these for his own work. Mecmita-i menazil. The early period of manuscript illus­ Even less accessible to Ottoman cartographers were the tration at the Ottoman palace studio was characterized many private European collections of maps, plans, charts, by experimentation, using the indigenous traditions of siege plans, and schemes for fortification. These were local artists and imported styles. The influence of Iran held in the naval arsenals or military headquarters of was especially strong since, following his victory over the Europe and generally remained unpublished unless they Safavids at ~aldlran (920/1514), Selim I conscripted were regarded as obsolete for one reason or another. painters from Tabriz to the imperial ateliers. There was There were, in addition, Ottoman siege plans and also probably Syrian and Egyptian influence following the sketches from reconnaissance (see pp. 210-15), but we conquest of Egypt in 923/1517. Matra~~l Na~ii~ must have no record of how systematically the archives of the have drawn on these important artistic traditions, and grand vizier's office or the admiral of the fleet were pre­ possibly also on the work of provincial draftsmen, when serving such material. This suggests that in Ottoman Tur­ collecting the illustrations for his work. key, no less than in Europe, no single archive of topo­ In terms of such influences, three illustrations are of graphical drawings was substantial enough to serve for outstanding importance. First is the view of the already the illustration of campaign journals. largely ruined Ilkhanid capital of Sultaniye in north­ We must therefore look elsewhere among the artistic western Persia (plate 18), which surpasses the other illus- 242 Islamic Cartography

FIG. 12.9. THE COURSE OF THE BITLIS GORGE. A twisting rugged mountain ranges of east-central Anatolia. river spanned by several bridges leads to an apparent impasse. Size of each folio: 31.6 x 23.3 em. By permission of Istanbul The town of Bitlis on the preceding folio (not shown here) was Oniversitesi Kiitiiphanesi (TY. 5964, fols. lOOb-101a). a strategic point in the western approaches to Lake Van in the

trations in style, coloring, and accuracy of detail.s1 The 51. The appearance of the building on fol. 32b, which no longer exists, is remarkably corroborated by a drawing of a ruined building accompanying text states merely that Siileyman set up at Sultaniye by Michel-Fran~ois Preaulx, the official draftsman of the camp at the site on his outward journey, doubtless Gardane mission sent by Napoleon to the Persian ruler Fat~ 'Ali Shah because of the rich summer pastures it afforded his (r. 1211-50/1797-1834) after the treaty of Finckenstein, 4 May 1807. troops. The stay must have given his staff an opportunity The album of his drawings, formerly in the archives of the French for careful observation, but the Mongol city was a ruin Foreign Ministry, can no longer be traced and evidently disappeared in the Second World War. But see Germaine Guillaume, "Influences des with no more than traces of walls. There was evidently ambassades sur les echanges artistiques de la France et de l'lran du a pilgrimage spot in the locality, a rather mysterious XVII'me au debut du XIX'me siecle," in Mbnoires du lIle Congres "Qaydar Payghambar" that TImur visited on his return International d'Art et d'Archeologie Iraniens, Leningrad, Septembre from the 804/1402 Anatolian campaign,S2 but we have 1935 (Moscow: Akademiya Nauk SSSR, 1939), 79-88, esp. 86-87 and no evidence from contemporary Ottoman or Safavid pI. XXXVlII. 52. J. M. Rogers, trans., "V. V. Bartol'd's Article 0 Pogrebenii sources that anyone knew or cared what the monuments Timura ('The Burial of TimOr')," Iran 12 (1974): 65-87, esp. 75, citing were. This is the most technically refined composition in Sharaf ai-Din 'Ali Yazdi's ZafarniJmah. Professor Ann K. S. Lambton the Mecmita-i meniizil. It may have been worked up by kindly informs me that l;iamd Allah ibn Abi Bakr al-Mustawfi Qazvini an accomplished painter, perhaps from the court, as a connected "Qaydar," a son of Isma'il, with Dho al-Qifl (the Islamic model for the otherwise rather less skilled team that Ezekiel), whose ruined tomb had long been a place of pilgrimage for the Jews, although a mosque was built there in Oljeytii's reign (d. 713/ Marra~\l Na~ii~ assembled to illustrate the work. In any 1317); see T iJnkh-i gUZidah, ed. 'Abd al-l;iusayn Nava'i (Tehran, \ 95\1,­ case, the style of the SulranIye plan did not significantly 61), 54. A shrine of Qaydar near Sultaniye also appears to be an lIkhanid influence the other illustrations. foundation, but predating the Mongols' conversion to Islam. It has Itineraries and Town Views in Ottoman Histories 243

FIG. 12.10. VIEW OF ALEPPO. Size of eaeh folio: 31.6 x 23.3 em. By permission of Istanbul Oniversitesi Kl1tl1phanesi (TY. 5964, fols. 105b-106a).

The other two illustrations of interest-views of the the hajj by proxy.54 Notable examples are a scroll in the shrines of al-l;Iusayn at Karbala (Kerbela) (fig. 12.11)53 name of Maymiinah bint MuJ:tammad ibn

ZardalI, dated 836/1432-33,55 and a scroll dated 951/ 1544-45 in the name of ~ehzade Me~med, Suleyman's son who had died the previous year, which shows the Kacba at Mecca and the principal stations of the pilgrim­ age, the shrine at Medina, and the shrines round about or on the road from Mecca (fig. 12.12).56 The monuments are shown partly in elevation and partly in bird's-eye view from an angle of approximately sixty degrees. Though they are obviously not intended to be to scale, consid­ erable trouble has been taken to label the sites and repre­ sent their distinctive features. These scroll images were then adapted to illustrate sixteenth-century verse guides to the hajj, notably the FutU~ al-~aramayn (An encom­ ium of Mecca and Medina) by Mu~yI Lart57 The Najaf and Karbala views, unlike other illustrations in the Mecmlta-i meniizil, share this viewpoint and color scheme along with the distinctive peculiarity that the building walls are shown folded outward to display arcading. Therefore either these depictions of Najaf and Karbala are a deliberate adaptation of the views on these hajj scrolls or, alternatively, these principal shrines of the Shlca developed their own iconographic tradition and this

FIG. 12.12. TOPOGRAPHICAL DETAIL FROM A PILGRIM­ AGE SCROLL. This scroll, prepared in 951/1544-45, depicts the shrines of Jerusalem, Mecca, and Medina, as well as those on the route between them. It commemorates the posthumous proxy pilgrimage of Sehzade Me~med (d. 950/1543). This sec­ tion shows the Aq~a Mosque and the monuments of the J:laram ai-Sharif around the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem. Size of the original scroll: 524 X 46 cm. By permission of Top­ kapl Sarayl Mozesi KOtiiphanesi, Istanbul (H. 1812).

55. London, British Library, Add. MS. 27566; see Richard Etting­ hausen, "Die bildliche Darstellung der Ka'ba im Islamischen Kultur­ kreis," Zeitschrift der Deulschen Morgenliindischen Gesellschaft 87 (1934): 111-37. 56. Istanbul, Topkapi Sarayl Miizesi Kiitiiphanesi, H. 1812; see J. M. Rogers, "Two Masterpieces from 'Siileyman the Magnificent'-A Loan Exhibition from Turkey at the British Museum," Orientations 19 (1988): 12-17, which also illustrates six details from this fine scroll. See also Esin AnI, The Age of Sultan Siileyman the Magnificent, exhibition catalog (Washingron, D.C., and New York: National Gallery of Art and Harry N. Abrams, 1987), no. 23 on pp. 65 and 307. 57. Originally composed 911/1505-6, rhough the earliest illustrated FIG. 12.11. VIEW OF THE SHRINE OF AL-J:lUSAYN AT manuscripts, like that in the British Library, MS. Or. 3633, dated 14 KARBALA. Rama<;lan 951/29 November 1544, appear ro be Ottoman and mid­ Size of the original: 31.6 X 23.3 cm. By permission of Istanbul sixteenth century; see Rogers and Ward, Siileyman the Magni(zcent, Universitesi KOtOphanesi (TY. 5964, fol. 62b). no. 37 (note 11). Itineraries and Town Views in Ottoman Histories 245 came to the notice of Suleyman's painters after he thus come as something of an interruption in the narrative invaded Iraq.58 sequence. The Mediterranean views, mostly from a van­ Islamic campaign journals written on the spot by eye­ tage point at sea, were drawn on the spot by a trained witnesses attached to a ruler's staff are attested at least draftsman (for example, Nice, plate 20), though where as early as Tlmiir's Indian campaign of 801-2/1399.59 crosshatching appears (for example, Toulon) the source Under Suleyman the presence of these chroniclers was may possibly have been a contemporary European evidently taken for granted. We have little idea of who, engraving. An autograph manuscript by Jerome Maurand or even how numerous, they were. Matra1.<~l Na~iib's d'Antibes, the chaplain to the French ambassador who campaign books have pretensions to being more finished accompanied Barbarossa's fleet on its return voyage to productions, and his education and training as cavalry Istanbul in 951/1544, contains numerous autograph officer, courtier, and amateur historian fitted him well for sketches of Italian ports, Mediterranean islands and for­ the role of campaign diarist. But whose idea was it that tresses, and views of Istanbul, some of them very simi­ the Persian campaign should be illustrated, if need be lar.63 with sketches made on the spot? We might see here the One feature of the Hungarian section of the work is influence of Suleyman himself.60 This would explain why Mafra1.<~1 Na~iib's later campaign journals were all evi­ 58. No contemporary scroll of the ShtI shrines of Iraq has yet been dently intended to be illustrated and why topographical identified, nor do I know of any verse panegyric of them corresponding to Mul)yI Lari's Futu~ al-J;aramayn. But there is a later scroll devoted illustration continued to be such an important part of to the shrines of Najaf and Karbala, possibly seventeenth century, in the chronicles of Suleyman's reign written for his suc­ the private collection of Shaykh Na~ir ibn Sabab of Kuwait. I am grateful cessors.61 Yet these important and innovative works, far to Shaykha Hussa for showing it to me. from founding a tradition or establishing the status of 59. Ghiya~ aI-Din YazdI (fl. 1402), Kitab-i ruznamah-'i ghazavat-i campaign illustrators, remained of limited influence. Hindustan (Diary of Timor's trip to India), with an appendix of cor­ responding fragments from the Zafarnamah by Ni~m aI-Din Shami (fl. 1392), ed. L. A. Zimin and V. V. Bartol'd (Petrograd: Tipografiya TOPOGRAPHICAL ILLUSTRATION IN LATER Imperatorskoy Akademii Nauk, 1915). OTTOMAN HISTORIES 60. The parallel with the Habsburg emperor Charles V (r. A.D. 1519­ 56), who took the painter Jan Comelisz. Vermeyen with him on the In the decades following the creation of the Mecmuca-i Tunisian campaign of 1535 in order to record it, is very striking though perhaps coincidental. In each case, however, the desire for glory seems menazil, a period mostly occupied with campaigns in to have stimulated the need for topographical exactitude. Europe, topographical illustration was certainly of 61. An extraordinary, and so far unique, adaptation of this style preeminent importance. Not surprisingly, it was much appears on a blue-and-white Iznik jug of early sixteenth-century type more open to European source material-maps, plans, (Istanbul Arkeoloji Muzesi, no. 7591), excavated in Istanbul in 1955 at ~aramu~tafa and town views, as well as sketches by renegades or pris­ the madrasa of Merzifonlu Pa§a at the <:::ar§l Kapl. The body bears repeated squiggles, evidently stylized rivers or roads, with Mafra1.<~l Na~iib's oners of war. Such is the case with domed buildings and rectangular fa~ades surmounted by twin towers. illustrated Tarfb-i fetIJ-i ~a~lavun (~i~16~) ve Usturgun Pictorial Iznik wares of these decades are exceptionally rare, and the ve Ustunibelgrad (Conquest of Sikl6s, Esztergom, and conclusion that the decoration derives from topographical illustration Szekesfehervar). The first part of this work is an account like that of the Mecmuca-i menazil is inescapable. See the Council of Europe, XVIIth European Art Exhibition, The Anatolian Civilisations, of tIayreddin Barbarossa's naval campaign in 950-51/ Topkapz Palace Museum, 22 May-30 October 1983, exhibition catalog, 1543-44 in alliance with Francis I of France. Intent on 3 vols. (Istanbul: Turkish Ministry of Culture and Tourism, 1983), vol. disrupting Habsburg control of the western Mediterra­ 3: Seljuk/Ottoman, intro. Filiz (agman, trans. Esin AnI, E. 39. nean, Barbarossa besieged ports like Nice that had been 62. According to the text, the Ottoman fleet left Istanbul on 12 lost to the Valois and pillaged the Spanish coast.62 The Mubarrem 950/18 April 1543 and made its way, via Gallipoli, Euboea, and Korone, across the Ionian Sea to capture Reggio di Calabria on ~a~lavun second part of the Tarib-i fetIJ-i records Suley­ the Strait of Messina. From there it besieged and sacked towns and man's land campaign of 949-50/1542-43 that estab­ fortresses all along the Mediterranean coast, as far as Barcelona. The lished total Ottoman control of Hungary, whose throne text omits reference to most of the ports attacked; Nice was captured had been claimed by Ferdinand of Austria (fig. 12.13). on 22 August 1543, but Toulon and Marseilles were left unscathed. A Matra1.<~1 Na~iiQ's manuscript has no colophon, and storm forced the fleet to harbor on the Italian coast at Santa Margherita Ligure and Rapallo. After wintering at Toulon, it started on the return the Hungarian part, which contains bird's-eye views in voyage in the spring of 951/1544. See Jean Deny and Jane Laroche, the style of the FutuIJ al-lJaramayn, is unfinished. Prom­ "L'expedition en Provence de l'armee de mer du Sultan Suleyman sous inence is given to schematic route maps showing encamp­ Ie commandement de l'Amiral Hayreddin Pacha, dit Barberousse (1543­ ments, churches, and fortresses, with labels giving the 1544)," Turcica 1 (1969): 161-211. Their attribution of the text to date of arrival and the distance between the stages in mils Sinan <:::avu§ has been disputed by Yurdaydln in the introduction to Mecmuca-i menazil, 131-34 (note 28), who convincingly argues that it (fig. 12.14). The larger bird's-eye views like Esztergom is a continuation of Matra~~l Na~iiQ's chronicle of the reign of Suley­ (plate 19), Tata, and Szekesfehervar do not indicate the man the Magnificent. distance between the previous or the following stages and 63. Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, MS. Lat. 8957. 246 Islamic Cartography

30° <;130

HOLy KINGDOM OF POLAND

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FIG. 12.13. STRATEGIC SITES IN THE OTIOMAN-HABSBURG RIVALRY FOR HUNGARY.

that some town views in elevation are stylized and some­ the style in Ottoman painting after about 947/1540; it what misleadingly reminiscent of International Gothic was in any case prevalent all over sixteenth-century painting. The archaic appearance is probably the effect Europe. The paucity of early European views of eastern of the vivid color scale chosen. Drawings of town archi­ European towns is thus beside the point. tecture in elevation, however, characterize some of the In Ottoman topographical illustration the Hungarian more faithful illustrations in the Nuremberg Chronicle fortress of Szigetvar occupies a preeminent position. and remained widespread in Europe in the early sixteenth Suleyman the Magnificent died there in 974/1566 shortly century.64 They continue to appear even as late as the first volume of Civitates orbis terrarum published in A.D. 64. Typically in the finely executed work of Duarte de Armas, Livro 1572. Such views are equally persistent in Ottoman illus­ das fortalezas do reino (Lisbon, Arquivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo, tration, continuing through the FutulJat-i cemile (Book Casa forte, no. 159), made for Manuel I of Portugal sometime between 1509 and 1516. It contains, generally, depictions of fortresses in two of five conquests) (fig. 12.15) to the annalistic works of complementary elevations, showing how widespread and deeply the reigns of SelIm II and Murad III. The increasingly entrenched the style already was in early sixteenth-century Europe. stylized forms in the chronicles of Mel;tmed III, Al;tmed Closer to hand are the limestone reliefs on the tomb of the Austrian I, and

FIG. 12.15. STYLIZED DEPICTION OF THE FORTRESS OF TEMESVAR. The cities illustrated in Ottoman histories com­ monly show superficial but probably misleading similarities to town views in European painting of the International Gothic style. This miniature shows an incident during the siege of Temesvar (Timisoara). Illustration from the FutulJat-i cern/Ie of

miinname and volume 2 of the Hunername. Remarkably, not one of the depictions of Szigetvar in these Ottoman annals is a repeat. The three contained in the Nuzhetu'l­ abbar are the most varied:66 a schematic view of the fortifications and the pontoons;67 a view after a European map (fig. 12.16);68 and a panorama somewhat adapted to depict the final stages of the desperate battle within the walls of the commandant Miklos Zrinyi's moated castle. (For another early view of Szigetvar, possibly based on FIG. 12.14. STAGES AND DISTANCES ON THE MARCH TO THE FORTRESS OF ESZTERGOM FROM THE firsthand sketches, see fig. 11.3.) The views in the Suley­ T ARIIj-I FETIj-I SA~LAvON. Inscribed in panels are the miinname are also recognizably after firsthand sketches captions, "On this side of the village of Kestoh [Kesztolc], on or European views, but, not unnaturally, the concentra- 11 Reb!' II 950/13 July 1543, four miles." "Opposite to it Seksar [Szekszard], on 12 Reb!' II 950/14 July 1543, two miles and a half." "The castle of Tona [Tolna], on 13 Reb!' II 950/15 July 66. These are fols. 28a, 32b-33a, and 41 b-42a. All three are repro­ 1543, two miles." duced in Geza Feher, Turkish Miniatures from the Period of Hungary's Size of the original: 26.1 x 17.5 cm. By permission of Topkapi Turkish Occupation, trans. Lili Hahlpy and Elisabeth West (Budapest: Sarayl Miizesi Kiitiiphanesi, Istanbul (H. 1608). Corvina Press and Magyar Helikon, 1978), pis. XL-XLIIA/B. 67. Compare this, for example, with the plan view by Domenico Zenoi (Venice, 1567) in the Antonio Lafreri atlas, vol. 1, pI. 53 (British Library, Maps C. 7. e. 1-2) with a smaller-format example in the Gio­ before it fell, and the reign of his successor, SelIm II, had vanni Francesco Camocio atlas, pI. 79 (British Library, Maps C. b. 41). The Zenoi map is reproduced in Edmond Pognon, "Les plus anciens few comparable triumphs. Panoramas of this siege were plans de villes graves et les evenements militaires," Imago Mundi 22 published in Venice within the year and these images (1968): 13-19, esp. fig. 3. plainly influenced the illustrations to the Nuzhetill-abbiir 68. Rogers and Ward, Su/eyman the Magnificent, no. 46a-b (nore der serer-i Sigetviir (Chronicle of the Szigetvar campaign), 11). There is an early map of Hungary begun by Wolfgang Lazius, the the first Ottoman account of the siege by Al,1med Ferldiin, secretary of Cardinal Tamas Bakocz of Esztergom, and completed by Georg Tannstetter before A.D. 1528; see Laszlo Irmedi-Molnar, "The written for the grand vizier Sokollu Mel,1med Pa§a (d. Earliest Known Map of Hungary, 1528," Imago Mundi 18 (1964): 53­ 987/1579). This account was recapitulated in Lol.

FIG. 12.16. SIEGE OF SZIGETVAR, BASED ON A VENE­ ing the famous siege, and to commemorate this Szigetvar is TIAN PROTOTYPE. This view is from Ahmed Ferjdiin's frequently represented in subsequent Ottoman histories.. account of Sl1leyman's 974/1566 Hungarian ~ampaign in the Size of the original: 39 x 50 em. By permission of Topkapi Nuzhetu'[-al]bar der sefer-i Sigetvar. The great sultan died dur- Sarayl Miizesi Kiitl1phanesi, Istanbul (H. 1339, fols. 32b-33a). tion upon the narrative aspects of the siege leads to a sources available to studio artists.7o The views in the ear­ degree of stylization (fig. 12.17).69 By the time volume 2 liest dated manuscripts postdate the campaign by almost of the Hunerniime came to be illustrated, the immediacy three years, but the buildings of Kars, which was refor­ of the event had passed, and the fortress, barely recog­ tified by the vizier Lala Mu~tafa Pa§a (d. 988/1580), are nizable in panoramic views, has been incongruously clearly recognizable (fig. 12.19).71 Within a couple of squashed into the background of the siege (fig. 12.18). years, however, images of Kars were transformed by the Unlike the painters working under the supervision of copying process into an anonymous fortress type, Matra~~1 Na~iiQ, few if any painters in the palace studio depicted for example on folios 198b-199a in the Istanbul can have known Szigetvar at first hand. The original copy of the N u~retniime of MUHafa (All. This general­ sketches made in 974/1566 cannot have survived long, izing occurred even though, according to its author, a and it was the custom of studio artists to copy the work manuscript of the N u~retniime was illustrated by a team of their colleagues rather than to collect what plans, if any, remained and adapt those. That they would not generally have been encouraged to such a degree of inde­ 69. Five scenes are found on fols. 64b-65a, 70a, 71b, 93b-94a, and 95a. pendence is also suggested by the illustrations of Murad 70. Nurhan Atasoy, "Turk minyaturiinde tariM ger<;ekcilik (1579 da Ill's Transcaucasian campaign of the late 1570s. Here Kars)," Sanat Tarih; Yliilg, 1 (1964-65): 103-8. there was no European material to supplement the 71. Lo~man, Sahan~ahname, vol. 1, fol. 127b. Itineraries and Town Views in Ottoman Histories 249

fit;. IL.lll. ::II ILILt:U VIt:W vr ::ILlut:l Vl"K rKVIVI LVI\.­ de~­ FIG. 12.17. VIEW OF SZIGETVAR, PROBABLY BASED ON MAN'S HONERNAME. In this miniature, executed two FIRSTHAND SKETCHES, FROM LOKMAN'S SOLEYMAN­ ades after the siege, the distinctive shape of the fonress is barely NAME. Although the view was compl~ted thineen years after recognizable. The image extends beyond the right margin. The the siege, the fonress clearly remains the focus of the work. foreground shows an elaborate tent pitched in advance of Sultan Size of the original: 37.8 X 26 em. Reproduced courtesy of the Siileyman's arrival. Trustees of the Chester Beatty Library, Dublin (MS. 413, fol. Size of the original: 33 X 22.5 em. By permission of T opkapi 65). Sarayl Miizesi Kiitiiphanesi, Istanbul (H. 1524, fol. 277b). of painters from the sultan's scriptorium under \~.lI'S per­ Andrea Vavassore (fl. A.D. 1510-72) onward, it is taken sonal supervision. It is possible that in organizing the from the south, and accordingly Galata is shown small work (AlI consciously followed the example of Matral.<~1 and with minimal detail. An innovation, however, is the Na~u~, though he evidently lacked the latter's adminis­ careful depiction of the buildings on the Golden Horn, trative ability or his concern for topographical accuracy.72 with the naval arsenal and the shrine of Eyiip at its head,74 After about 988/1580, although townscapes and archi­ 72. Fleischer, Bureaucrat and Intellectual, 110-11 (note 5). 'All in tecture continued to figure prominently in the illustration his Na~i!Jatu'l-muluk goes on to describe the fees paid to calligraphers, of Ottoman historical chronicles, they only rarely cor­ illuminators, and painters of the book as excessive and even accuses responded to the actual places. Nevertheless, these bird's­ the goldbeaters of embezzlement; Istanbul, Topkapi SaraYI Muzesi Kutuphanesi, R. 406. But this treatise was intended to persuade Sultan eye panoramas show real invention and interest in topo­ Murad III of 'All's zeal for economy and reform, and his report may graphical illustration, even if part of their originality may be little more than window dres~ing. result from the lack of camere ottiche or other optical 73. The standard account of European techniques is Juergen Schulz, aids that Italian executants in this genre had at their dis­ "The Printed Plans and Panoramic Views of Venice (1486-1797)," posal.73 Volume 1 of the H unername contains an unhis­ Saggi e Memorie di Storia dell'Arte 7 (1970): 9-182, esp. 17-18, citing Eugen Oberhummer, "Der Stadtplan, seine Entwickelung und geogra­ torical bird's-eye view of Istanbul to illustrate its con­ phische Bedeutung," Verhandlungen des Sechszehnten Deutschen Ceo­ quest by Me~med II in 857/1453 (fig. 12.20). As with graphentages zu Nurnberg 16 (1907): 66-101. many northern Italian views of the city from Giovanni 74. Muller-Wiener, Bildlexikon, 29-71 (note 40). 250 Islamic Cartography

the device of a rotating axis. The sultan, who is shown seated in the colonnade that fronts the Treasury apart­ ments, must obviously be depicted the right way up, and so most of the buildings are in bird's-eye view. In con­ trast, the harem buildings are shown in elevation though in a vertical, not horizontal series, perhaps because it was thought to be dangerously indiscreet to show the apart­ ments with their courtyards open to the public gaze. There were certainly European topographical drafts­ men in later sixteenth-century Istanbul, notably Melchior Lorichs (A.D. 1527-90), in the suite of the Habsburg ambassador Ogier Ghislain de Busbecq between A.D. 1554 and 1562. Lorichs's panorama of Istanbul is a val­ uable topographical record of the city in the reign of Siileyman the Magnificent.76 However, it is striking that the pervasive European influence that later sixteenth-cen­ tury illustrated Ottoman annals exhibit owes virtually nothing to European draftsmen and virtually everything to printed sources, mostly Venetian. By the end of the reign of Murad III (1003/1595), the fashion for bird's-eye views was virtually dead, and the topographical element in illustrated annals began to wane. The period is notable for an interest in the archi­ tecture of individual buildings that occasionally shows through in the illustrations of the Mecmaca-i menazil but appears more frequently after 988/1580. A notable example is the depiction of Siileymanlye (the mosque of Siileyman in Istanbul) that was evidently based on a FIG. 12.19. VIEW OF KARS FROM THE SAHANSAH­ detailed model of the mosque.7? NAME. Shows the completed refonification of the city under­ taken by Murad Ill's general, Lala Mugafa Pa§a (seated in the 75. See fols. 15b (outermost court) to 231 b-232a (innermost). Rather foreground). This city was a base for the Ottoman campaigns carelessly, the outer gate on fol. 15b is labeled not the Bab-I Hiimayiin in Transcaucasia between 986/1587 and 989/1590 against the (Imperial gate), as it ought to be, but the Babii'I-Se'adet (Gate of felicity). Safavids. 76. Oberhummer, Konstantinopel, passim (note 27). See also Semavi Size of the original: 24.5 x 14.5 em. By permission of Istanbul Eyice, "Avrupa'h Bir Ressamm Gazii ile Kanuni Sultan Siileyman," in Oniversitesi Kiitiiphanesi (FY. 1404, fo!. 125b). Kanunf Armagam (Ankara: Tiirk Tarih Kurumu, 1970), 129-70. There is also a short account of Istanbul in an album now at Trinity College Library, Cambridge (MS. O. 17.2), depicting the mosque of Sehmiye in Edirne and Sehm II's tomb in Istanbul, as well as the Hippodrome and in marked contrast to the view of the city in the a standard series of the classical monuments according to Gilles's guide Mecmaca-i menazil (see fig. 12.4 above). The problem of to the antiquities of the ancient city (Pierre Gilles, De topographia depicting relief was treated by regular clockwise shifts of Constantinopoleos [Lyons, 1561]). See Edwin Hanson Freshfield, "Some the axis, so that the northern half of Istanbul, including Sketches Made in Constantinople in 1574," Byzantinische Zeitschrift 30 (1929-30): 519-22 and pI. 2. A drawing from this album is repro­ most of the great sixteenth-century mosques, is upside duced together with a sketch of the mosque of Siileymaniye in Istanbul down. with a German text describing its inauguration in 964/1557 (Berlin, In the same volume is a series of views of the Topkapi Staatliche Museen Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Kunstbibliothek Hdz Sarayl, attributable to the painter Velican, from the out­ 4168) in Museum fiir Kunsthandwerk, Turkische Kunst und Kultur aus ermost court with the church of Hagia Eirene to the osmanischer Zeit, exhibition catalog, 2 vols. (Recklinghausen: Aurel 5 Bongers, 1985), 1:226 (no. 1/48) and 233 (no. 1/55). A note on one of innermost (fig. 12.21).7 Though they allegedly represent the pages of the Freshfield album suggests that it was executed by a the palace from the reign of Sellm I (r. 918-26/1512­ member of the suite of David Ungnad von Sonneck, the imperial ambas­ 20), recognizable features date from that of Murad III (r. sador at Istanbul in the mid-1570s. It appears that by this time the larger 982-1003/1574-95)-doubtless a tactful reference to the diplomatic missions regularly brought their own draftsmen with them. fact that the Hunername was written to celebrate not Otherwise one might have expected some European contact with the Ottoman palace atelier. Selim's but Murad's exploits. The panorama of the inner­ 77. Two illustrations of the model are known: one in the Surndme­ most court, with the gardens both inside and outside the i Humilyun shows the model being carried by the corporation of walls and various pavilions on the Marmara, again uses masons parading before Murad 1lI in the Hippodrome; the second, in Itineraries and Town Views in Ottoman Histories 251

FIG. 12.20. PLAN OF ISTANBUL FROM THE HONER­ Size of the original: 49.2 X 63 em. By permission of Topkapl NAME. Sarayl Miizesi Kiitiiphanesi, Istanbul (H. 1523, fols. 158b-159a). Let me say in conclusion that the force of this chapter palace was fully open to European influence and had its may have been to deprive the Ottomans of a claim to own corpus of maps, portoIan charts, town views, and persistent interest in topographical representation. Yet plans or surveys of fortresses. In this, sixteenth-century the importance of their work in relation to the sixteenth­ Istanbul must have been quite comparable to the Cologne century European tradition is real, even if difficult to of Braun and Hogenberg, Orte1ius, and Hoefnagel. assess. At its best the Ottoman work was fully up to the quality of the best being done in contemporary Italy and Germany. The experimental techniques of the Mecmtta-i Lol.

Title Author

Jami' al-tawarfkh RashId ai-Din Fa~l Allah (Collection of chronicles) (RashId ai-DIn TabIb, A.D. 1247?-1318)

FutulJ al-lJaramayn (An MUQyI UrI (d. 932/1526­ encomium of Mecca and 27) Medina, composed 911/ 1505-6) Kitab-i balJrfye (Book of PIri Re'Is (MuQyIddIn PIri maritime matters, 1st version Re'Is, ca. 875-961/ca. 1470­ 927/1521; 2d version 932/ 1554) 1526) Beyan-i menazil-i sefer-i Marra~~1 Na~ilQ (Na~ilD al­ 'lra~eyn-i Sultan Suleyman SilaQI [or al-Sala\:lI] al­ ljan (The stages on Sultan Marra~I, d. 971/1564) Siileymi1n's campaign in the two Iraqs; also known as Mecmu'a-i menazil, A collection of the halts) FetlJname-i ~arabogdan (Book of the conquest of ~arabugdan [Moldavia]) Tarfl.J-i fetfJ-i ~a~lavun Marra~~1 Na~il\:l (formerly (~i~lo!i) ve Usturgun ve US!­ attributed to Sinan <;avu~) unibelgrad (Conquest of Sikl6s, Esztergom, and Szekesfehervar; also known as Suleymanname)

FIG. 12.21. WEST SIDE OF THE THIRD COURT AND Tarfl.J-i Sultan Bayezfd ADJOINING GARDENS IN THE TOPKAPI SARAYI FROM (History of Sultan BayezId) THE HUNERNAME. Buildings represented include the apart­ ments housing the sacred relics and blessed mantle of the Prophet, the hall of the pages of the privy chamber, and apart­ ments of the harem. In a garden outside the wall, the sultan, Tarfl.J-i Sultan Bayezfd ve seated before the Yah Ko~kii (Shore Kiosk), is entertained by Sultan Selfm (History of pages. Sultan BayezId and Sultan Size of the original: 44 x 55 cm. By permission of Topkapi SelIm) Sarayl Miizesi Kiitiiphanesi, Istanbul (H. 1523, fol. 232a).

Suleymanname (History of Sultan Siileyman)

-Illustrated manuscripts of the Jami' al-tawilrikh held at Edinburgh, London, and Istanbul do not show the capture of Baghdad, as they record history far removed from its fall in A.D. 1258. bA second version is held at the Topkapi Sarayl Miizesi Kiitiiphanesi, Istanbul, R. 917. cPiri Re'is, Kitabl bahriye, ed. Fevzi Kurroglu and Haydar Alpagut (Istanbul: Devlet, 1935); see also appendix 14.2, pp. 290-91. dMarra~\1 Na~ii~, Beyiln-i menazil-i sefer-i Clril~eyn-i Sul~n Su(ey­ miln /jan, introduction, transcription, and commentary, Hiiseyin G. Yurdaydm (Ankara: Turk Tarih Kurumu, 1976). 253

RELATED TO OTTOMAN HISTORIES

Date of Transcription Content/Description Location

ca. A.D. 1307-40 General history of the world as known to the Staatsbibliothek Mongol court; various leaves from a Preussischer Kulturbesitz, dispersed copy; "The capture of Baghdad" Berlin, Diez A, Foliant 70a (pp. 4 and 7). 951/1554 An illustrated verse guide to the hajj British Library, London, dedicated to the sultan of Gujarat, Mu~affar MS. Or. 3633b ibn Mal)miid; 50 fols., 15 illus. late sixteenth century Maritime guide to the Mediterranean, with Topkapi Sarayl Muzesi maps and text illustrating islands, coasts, and Kutuphanesi, Istanbul, H. harbors. 421 fols., 215 illus. 642c

ca. 944/1537-38 Siileyman's first campaign against the Safavids Istanbul Oniversitesi (940-42/1534-35), resulting in the capture of Kutuphanesi, TY. 5964d Baghdad and Tabriz; 109 fols., 128 illus. (number of illus. can only be approximated)

945/1537-38 Siileyman's campaign into Moldavia in 945/ Topkapi Sarayl Muzesi 1537-38 is described on fols. 105b-122b of a Kiituphanesi, Istanbul, R. volume of miscellany; no illus. 1284/2e ca. 952-57/1545-50 Account of tIayreddln Barbarossa's Topkapi Sarayl Muzesi Mediterranean naval campaign (950-51/ Kutuphanesi, Istanbul, H. 1543-44) and Siileyman's Hungarian campaign 1608f (949-50/1542-43); 146 fols., 32 illus.

ca. 952-57/1545-50 Illustrates fortresses and harbors occupied by Topkapi Sarayl Miizesi Bayezid II during the period of his rivalry Kutuphanesi, Istanbul, R. with Prince Cern (886-87/1481-82); 82 fols., 1272g 10 illus. 960/1553 Chronicles the period from the accession of British Library, London, Bayezld II (886/1481) to the accession of Add. MS. 23586 Siileyman the Magnificent (926/1520); copied by Salal) ibn Hasan el-KonevI; 191 fols., no illus. n.d. Siileyman's second campaign against the Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin, Safavids (955-56/1548-49), in which the Orientabteilung Ottomans recaptured Tabriz, Van, and most Hs. Or. Oct. 955h of Georgia; though allotted space, illustrations were not executed; 157 fols., no illus.

eA. Decei, "Un 'Fetih-name-i Karabogdan' (1538) de Nasuh Karten aus Handschriften Matraqcl Na~ub's," in Islamkund­ Marra1.<~l," in Fuad Koprulu Armagant (Istanbul: Osman liche Abhandlungen, Beitrage zur Kenntnis Siidosteuropas Yal~ln, 1953), 113-24. und des Nahen Orients, no. 18 (Munich: Rudolf Trofenik, fTwelve illustrations of the Hungarian campaign are repro­ 1974), pIs. 4, 5, 7, and 8. duced in Geza Feher, Turkish Miniatures from the Period gThree views are reproduced in Reindl, "Zu einigen Min­ of Hungary's Turkish Occupation, trans. Lili Halapy and iaturen und Karten," pIs. 1-3 (note f). Elisabeth West (Budapest: Corvina Press and Magyar Heli­ hBarbara Flemming, T urkische H andschriften, Verzeichnis kon, 1978). Four views of the Mediterranean campaign are der Orientalischen Handschriften in Deutschland, vol. 13, pt. reproduced in Hedda Reindl, "Zu einigen Minaturen und 1 (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner, 1968), 113. APPENDIX 12.1-continued

Title Author Date of Transcription Content/Description Location

CamiCu)t-tevarfb (A Matral.<\l Na~iil) (1) post-957/1550; Abridged version of al-TabarI's history British Library, London, collection of histories) (2) completed 980/ compiled for the grand vizier Riistem Pa§a: (1) MS. Or. 12879 and MS. 1571-72 up to the reign of the Sassanian king Bahram Or. 12592i Chubln, 430 fols., no illus.; (2) from the legendary ruler Oguz Khan to the Ottoman campaign of 1569 in the Yemen, 230 fols., no illus. Futu/Jat-i cemfle (Book of \~rifl (Fetl)ullah cArifi <::elebi, 964/1556-57 The 958/1551-52 Hungarian campaign led by Topkapi Sarayl Miizesi five conquests) d. 969/1561-62) the viziers Sokollu Mel)med Pa§a and Al)med Kutuphanesi, Istanbul, Pa§a against the fortresses of Temesvar, Pecs, H.1592i Lipva, and Eger; 31 fols., 7 illus. Suleymanname (History of (Arifl 965/1558 Reign of Siileyman between 926/1520 and Topkapi Sarayl Miizesi Sultan Siileyman) 962/1555; the culmination of a projected Kiitiiphanesi, Istanbul, five-volume ~ahname-i al-i (Osman (Book of H. 1517k the kings of the family of Osman); 617 fols., 69 illus. attributed to five different artists N uzhetu)l-abbar der sefer-i A1)med Ferldiin (Ferldun 976/1568-69 The 974/1566 Hungarian campaign, including Topkapi Sarayl Miizesi Sigetvar (Chronicle of the Beg, d. 991/1583) Siileyman's death and Sellm II's accession Kutuphanesi, Istanbul, Szigetvar campaign) ceremonies. Text was presented to the grand H. 13391 vizier Sokollu Me~med Pa§a; 305 fols., 20 illus. Suleymanname (History of Lol.

iMatra~~1 Na~t1l:t's name is mentioned in the preface of Miizesi Kiitiiphanesi suggests it was a copy for the sultan. This chronicle has also been attributed to cAla ai-Din Man~iir volume 1 (fol. 4b). The second volume, titled T ariJ]-i ogu­ Eight illustrations are reproduced in Feher, Turkish Minia­ Shirazi, an individual who remains obscure, in Fehmi Edhem ziyan ve c;ingiziyan ve Selcu~iyan ve cOsmaniyan but lack­ tures (note f). [Karatay] and Ivan Stchoukine, Les manuscrits orientaux ing a colophon, was copied for the library of Selim II. The mVladimir Minorsky, The Chester Beatty Library: A Cat­ illustres de la Bibliotheque de I'Universite de Stamboul (Paris: final section, which records Ottoman history beyond the alogue of the Turkish Manuscripts and Miniatures (Dublin: E. de Boccard, 1933), 3-6, and Aydin Saylh, "cAla al Din al death of Riistem Pa~a in 1561, was completed by an anony­ Hodges Figgis, 1958), 19-21 and pis. 5-12. Man~ur's Poems on the Istanbul Observatory," Belleten mous author. nA second version is held at the British Library, London, (Tiirk Tarih Kurumu) 20 (1956): 429-84. iSix illustrations are reproduced in Feher, Turkish Mini­ MS. Or. 7043. pA second version dated 990/1582-83 is held at the Top­ atures (note f). o Authorship of the ~ahan§iihniimeis somewhat disputed. kapi Sarayl Miizesi Kiitiiphanesi, Istanbul, H. 1365. kEsin Aul, Suleymanname: The Illustrated History of I follow the attribution to Lo~man given in Hanna Sohr­ qNigar Anafarta, H unername Minyaturlert ve Sanat~tlart Suleyman the Magnificent (Washington, D.C., and New weide, "Lu~man b. Sayyid l:Iusayn," in The Encyclopaedia (Istanbul, 1969). Fourteen illustrations are reproduced in York: National Gallery of Art and Harry N. Abrams, 1986). of Islam, new ed., 5:813-14, and Fehmi Edhem Karatay, Feher, Turkish Miniatures (note f). 'Although the text was presented to the grand vizier, the Topkapt Sarayt Muzesi Kutuphanesi: Fars~a Yazmalar rFour illustrations are reproduced in Feher, Turkish Min­ presence of this illustrated volume in the Topkapl Sarayl Katalogu (Istanbul: Topkapi Sarayl Miizesi, 1961), no. 792. iatures (note f).