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De L'usage De L'histoire Romaine Par Sylla: Inventions Ou Réélaborations?

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De L'usage De L'histoire Romaine Par Sylla: Inventions Ou Réélaborations? De l’usage de l’histoire romaine par Sylla : inventions ou réélaborations ? Michel Humm To cite this version: Michel Humm. De l’usage de l’histoire romaine par Sylla : inventions ou réélaborations ?. Il tempo di Silla, M. T. SCHETTINO & G. ZECCHINI, Mar 2017, Roma, Italie. hal-02564686 HAL Id: hal-02564686 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-02564686 Submitted on 11 May 2020 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. DE L’USAGE DE L’HISTOIRE ROMAINE PAR SYLLA : INVENTIONS OU RÉÉLABORATIONS ? RÉSUMÉ De l’usage de l’histoire romaine par Sylla : inventions ou réélaborations ? Dans son action politique comme dans son œuvre de « propagande », Sylla se présen- tait comme un dirigeant fondamentalement « républicain », même si son « républi- canisme » renvoyait à une République profondément aristocratique: c’est dans cette optique qu’il faut comprendre ses références à Romulus, à Servius Tullius, à Titus Larcius ou au dictateur Camille... Mais l’usage qu’il fi t de l’histoire romaine pour jus- tifi er ses réformes constitutionnelles « conservatrices », parfois d’inspiration archaï- sante, permet aussi de nous éclairer sur la réalité des plus anciennes institutions de la République romaine. Mots clés: historiographie antique, idéologie, institutions romaines, propagande, ré- publicanisme ABSTRACT Sulla’s use of Roman history: invention or reframing? In both his political action and his «propaganda» work, Sulla portrayed himself as a fundamentally «republican» leader, although his «republicanism» referred to a pro- foundly aristocratic Republic: his references to Romulus, Servius Tullius, Titus Lar- tius and the dictator Camillus, among others, should be viewed from this perspective. But his use of Roman history to justify his «conservative» and sometimes archaistic reforms also sheds light on the reality of the Roman Republic’s earliest institutions. Key words: ancient historiography, ideology, roman institutions, propaganda, repub- licanism L’époque qui a suivi l’épisode des Gracques a vu une fl oraison de tra- vaux historiographiques, soit sur le passé de Rome (des Annales), soit sur l’histoire récente ou contemporaine (des Historiae)1. Dans l’« annalistique 1 CHASSIGNET 2004, pp. VII-IX et pp. LXXXVI-LXXXVII ; ARNAUD-LINDET 2001, pp. 04-113 ; ZECCHINI 2016, pp. 60-81. MMONCERDACONCERDAC 444.indd4.indd 223333 001/07/20181/07/2018 116:54:056:54:05 234 MICHEL HUMM récente », on compte notamment, vers la fi n du IIe ou le début du Ier siècle, des auteurs comme Q. Lutatius Catulus, Q. Claudius Quadrigarius, L. Cornelius Sisenna, C. Licinius Macer et Valerius Antias2. Ces auteurs ont écrit des Annales, voire des Historiae, souvent fortement conta- minées par les débats politiques et idéologiques contemporains, et qui seront exploitées par l’historiographie augustéenne, notamment par Tite- Live et par Denys d’Halicarnasse dont les œuvres monumentales fi niront par supplanter, dans les bibliothèques et dans la tradition manuscrite, les travaux de l’annalistique républicaine. Les « annalistes récents » témoi- gnaient d’un intérêt renouvelé pour le passé romain, un intérêt qui était alors partagé par la plupart des membres de la classe dirigeante romaine, dont certains de ces annalistes faisaient d’ailleurs partie, comme le syl- lanien Cornelius Sisenna. Cet intérêt renouvelé pour le passé de Rome et la valorisation de son histoire est représenté, par exemple, par l’évo- lution des thèmes choisis par les magistrats monétaires pour illustrer les pièces de monnaie frappées à partir du début du Ier siècle3. On voit en effet apparaître des scènes mythiques empruntées au passé légendaire de Rome et présentées comme des situations historiques réelles : ainsi en 89, le triumvir monetalis L. Titurius Sabinus fait-il frapper des deniers qui portent, au droit, la fi gure du roi sabin (Titus Tatius) Sabin(us), et au revers, une représentation de l’enlèvement des Sabines (RRC 344/1) ou de la lapidation de Tarpeia (RRC 344/2). On voit aussi apparaître des effi gies d’ancêtres mythiques qui évoquent les origines soit disant roya- les ou divines de telle ou telle gens de l’aristocratie dirigeante : en 88, le triumvir monetalis C. Marcius Censorinus fait représenter aux droits de ses monnaies les têtes jumelées d’Ancus Marcius et de Numa, dont sa gens prétendait descendre (RRC 346/1). Un monétaire issu d’une autre gens numaïque, L. Pomponius Molo, a également représenté le roi Numa sur un denier frappé entre 97 et 91 (RRC 334/1), car Numa Pompilius était censé avoir été le père d’un certain Pompo, à l’origine de la gens Pomponia4. Derrière les ascendances gentilices mythiques revendiquées 2 CHASSIGNET 2004, pp. XVI-CIV ; CORNELL 2013, vol. 1, pp. 271-273 (Lutatius Catulus ; cf. pp. 341-343 pour l’auteur de la Communis historia, ou des Communes historiae, attribuées à un autre Lutatius) ; pp. 288-292 (Claudius Quadrigarius) ; pp. 293-304 (Valerius Antias) ; pp. 305-319 (Cornelius Sisenna) ; pp. 320-331 (Licinius Macer). 3 BALBI DE CARO 1993, pp. 79-113 ; DEPEYROT 2006, pp. 18-22. 4 Sur la prétendue ascendance numaïque des Marcii et des Pomponii, voir HUMM 2005, pp. 551-552. MMONCERDACONCERDAC 444.indd4.indd 223434 001/07/20181/07/2018 116:54:056:54:05 DE L’USAGE DE L’HISTOIRE ROMAINE PAR SYLLA 235 peuvent également apparaître des revendications politiques ou idéologi- ques clairement assumées, comme la concordia, incarnée par la fi gure pythagoricienne de Numa, ou la libertas, symbolisée par la fi gure du silène Marsyas, représenté sur un denier de L. Marcius Censorinus en 82 (RRC 363/1)5. L’époque voit donc un intérêt accru pour le passé de Rome de la part de personnages qui jouent un rôle, ou espèrent pouvoir jouer un rôle, dans la vie publique de la République: le passé romain est alors revisité en fonction des préoccupations politiques et idéologiques du moment. Emilio Gabba, repris plus récemment par Silvia Marastoni, a montré que la fi gure de Ser- vius Tullius, par exemple, a reçu à cette époque une double interprétation complètement contradictoire sur le plan politique et idéologique6: d’une part, une interprétation popularis, promue notamment par Licinius Macer, qui aurait attribué à Servius Tullius des traits « tribuniciens » et anti-séna- toriaux inspirés des Gracques7; et d’autre part, une interprétation optimatis qui proviendrait d’historiens syllaniens, qui auraient fait de Servius Tullius un monarque éclairé, gouvernant en consultant un Sénat qu’il aurait re- nouvelé et rendu plus nombreux par l’introduction de plébéiens méritants. Sylla lui-même semble avoir personnellement pris part à cet intérêt pour le plus vieux passé romain, parce qu’il y a trouvé des éléments susceptibles de justifi er ou de légitimer certaines de ses décisions ou de ses réformes8. Le contexte général poussait en ce sens : le contexte politique intérieur (après l’épisode des Gracques) et extérieur (après la Guerre sociale, et avec les guerres mithridatiques) conférait au Sénat un rôle central qu’il n’avait ja- mais eu auparavant, mais que Sylla affi rmait vouloir restaurer ; Sylla avait par ailleurs été le chef de guerre qui a utilisé la nouvelle armée profession- nelle, issue des réformes mariennes, pour marcher sur Rome en 88, mais il a aussi été le leader de la faction optimatis qui défi t les populares au cours de la guerre civile de 83-82 et qui donna une nouvelle organisation consti- tutionnelle à Rome au cours des deux années successives. La tentation a donc été grande, pour lui-même et pour ses partisans, de réécrire l’histoire de Rome depuis les débuts de la République, voire depuis les origines de la cité, afi n de créer des précédents auxquels les mesures prises par Sylla 5 HUMM 2005, pp. 547-554 ; p. 621 ; COARELLI 1985, pp. 104-105. 6 GABBA 2000 [1961] ; MARASTONI 2009. 7 Cf. aussi RICHARD 1987. 8 ZECCHINI 2016, pp. 60-61. MMONCERDACONCERDAC 444.indd4.indd 223535 001/07/20181/07/2018 116:54:056:54:05 236 MICHEL HUMM pouvaient se référer pour y trouver une légitimité rétrospective. G. Zecchini a d’ailleurs souligné le rôle d’inspirateur joué par Sylla dans la production historiographique optimatis contemporaine, comme celle de Lucullus, de Lucceius, d’Hortensius Hortalus, et surtout de Cornelius Sisenna9. La question est dès lors de savoir si Sylla a effectivement trouvé, dans le plus ancien passé romain, des informations de nature historique qui pou- vaient correspondre à ses réformes politiques et institutionnelles, ou s’il a manipulé ces informations pour rendre le passé historique conforme au projet de société qu’il entendait imposer. Autrement dit, Sylla a-t-il joué un rôle personnel dans la réécriture de l’histoire du passé romain ? Inversement, dans quelle mesure l’histoire réelle du passé romain a-t-elle pu servir de « modèle » à Sylla, et en quoi les mesures prises par le dictateur peuvent- elles nous éclairer sur les plus anciennes institutions de la République ? SYLLA ET LA RÉÉCRITURE DU PASSÉ ROMAIN: LES INSTITUTIONS DE ROMULUS ET DE SERVIUS TULLIUS. D’après Appien, après avoir pris Rome de force en 88 et après en avoir chassé Marius et ses partisans, le consul Sylla et son collègue Pompeius Rufus convoquèrent l’assemblée du peuple et lui auraient fait voter en ur- gence une première série de lois qui concernaient essentiellement l’organi- sation des procédures législatives aux comices centuriates et aux comices tributes (les leges Corneliae Pompeiae de comitiis centuriatis et de tribu- nicia potestate), donc des questions de droit public10 : ἅμα δʼ ἡμέρᾳ τὸν δῆμον ἐς ἐκκλησίαν συναγαγόντες ὠδύροντο περὶ τῆς πολιτείας ὡς ἐκ πολλοῦ τοῖς δημοκοποῦσιν ἐκδεδομένης, καὶ αὐτοὶ τάδε πράξαντες ὑπʼ ἀνάγκης.
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