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2016 Elections in Somalia - The Rise of the New Somali Women's Political Movements The Somali Institute for Development and Research Analysis (SIDRA) Garowe, Puntland State of Somalia Cell Phone: +252-907-794730 Email: [email protected] Website: http://www.sidrainstitute.org This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution Non Commercial License (CC BY-NC 4.0) Attribute to: Somali Institute for Development & Research Analysis 2016 A note of Appreciation Many Somali women freely provided their time to take part in the surveys, focus group discussions and interviews for this study and thereby helping us collect quality data that allowed us to make sound scientific analysis. Without their contributions, this study would not have reached its findings. This study was self funded by SIDRA and would not have materialized without the sacrifice of keeping aside other cost to allocate resources for this study. Finally, this study would not have come to be without the tireless efforts of SIDRA staff through the direction of Sahro Koshin, SIDRA Head of Programmes and leadership of Guled Salah, SIDRAs Executive Director. Many other people supported this study in different ways and made it a success. SIDRA whole heartedly appreciates all these people. Page | 2 2016 Elections in Somalia - The Rise of the New Somali Women's Political Movements Table of content EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ...................................................................................................................................6 CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION AND -
Uganda 1 – 31 January 2021
OPERATIONAL UPDATE Uganda 1 – 31 January 2021 The Ugandan borders have remained These movements cannot be fully verified The cumulative number includes closed for asylum since March 2020 due and accounted for. 14,114 recoveries, 372 of whom were to COVID-19. However, spontaneuos refugees and 229 humanitarian movements to/from South Sudan and COVID-19 UPDATE workers. the Democratic Republic of the Congo Cumulatively, as of 31 January 2021, Deaths reported were 318 since March (DRC) continued via unofficial crossing there were 39,314 confirmed cases of 2020, six of whom were refugees and points, owing to the dire humanitarian COVID-19, of whom, 381 were refugees one humanitarian worker. situation in these countries. and 277 humanitarian workers. cannot be fully verified and accounted 1,450,317 UNHCR’S FINANCIAL REQUIREMENTS 2021: Number of refugees and asylum seekers as of 31 January USD 344.8 million 2021. UNHCR Funding (as of 31 January 2021) 1,424,325* Total refugees in Uganda as of 31 January 2021. 25,992 Total asylum-seekers in Uganda as of 31 January 2021. *Increase in number is attributed to the registration backlog Unfunded 89% - 307.6 M and new-borns. Funded 11 % - 37.2 M POPULATIONS OF CONCERN Refugees and Asylum-Seekers by Nationality Senior four students at Valley View Secondary School, Bidibidi settlement, Yumbe district attend class after schools re-opened. Photo ©UNHCR/Yonna Tukundane www.unhcr.org 1 OPERATIONAL UPDATE > UGANDA / 1 – 31 January 2021 A senior four candidate at Valley View Secondary School, Bidibidi settlement, Yumbe district, studies in preparation for his final examinations. -
Somalia Country Report BTI 2012
BTI 2012 | Somalia Country Report Status Index 1-10 1.22 # 128 of 128 Political Transformation 1-10 1.27 # 128 of 128 Economic Transformation 1-10 1.18 # 128 of 128 Management Index 1-10 1.51 # 127 of 128 scale: 1 (lowest) to 10 (highest) score rank trend This report is part of the Bertelsmann Stiftung’s Transformation Index (BTI) 2012. The BTI is a global assessment of transition processes in which the state of democracy and market economy as well as the quality of political management in 128 transformation and developing countries are evaluated. More on the BTI at http://www.bti-project.org Please cite as follows: Bertelsmann Stiftung, BTI 2012 — Somalia Country Report. Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Stiftung, 2012. © 2012 Bertelsmann Stiftung, Gütersloh BTI 2012 | Somalia 2 Key Indicators Population mn. 9.3 HDI - GDP p.c. $ - Pop. growth1 % p.a. 2.3 HDI rank of 187 - Gini Index - Life expectancy years 51 UN Education Index - Poverty3 % - Urban population % 37.4 Gender inequality2 - Aid per capita $ 72.4 Sources: The World Bank, World Development Indicators 2011 | UNDP, Human Development Report 2011. Footnotes: (1) Average annual growth rate. (2) Gender Inequality Index (GII). (3) Percentage of population living on less than $2 a day. Executive Summary Over the last two years, Somalia experienced ongoing violence and a continuous reconfiguration of political and military forces. During a United Nations brokered peace process in Djibouti, the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) reconciled with one of its opponents, the moderate Djibouti wing of the Alliance for the Re-liberation of Somalia (ARS-D). -
HAB Represents a Variety of Sources and Does Not Necessarily Express the Views of the LPI
ei January-February 2017 Volume 29 Issue 1 2017 elections: Making Somalia great again? Contents 1. Editor's Note 2. Somali elections online: View from Mogadishu 3. Somalia under Farmaajo: Fresh start or another false dawn? 4. Somalia’s recent election gives Somali women a glimmer of hope 5. ‘Regional’ representation and resistance: Is there a relationship between 2017 elections in Somalia and Somaliland? 6. Money and drought: Beyond the politico-security sustainability of elections in Somalia and Somaliland 1 Editorial information This publication is produced by the Life & Peace Institute (LPI) with support from the Bread for the World, Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida) and Church of Sweden International Department. The donors are not involved in the production and are not responsible for the contents of the publication. Editorial principles The Horn of Africa Bulletin is a regional policy periodical, monitoring and analysing key peace and security issues in the Horn with a view to inform and provide alternative analysis on on-going debates and generate policy dialogue around matters of conflict transformation and peacebuilding. The material published in HAB represents a variety of sources and does not necessarily express the views of the LPI. Comment policy All comments posted are moderated before publication. Feedback and subscriptions For subscription matters, feedback and suggestions contact LPI’s regional programme on HAB@life- peace.org For more LPI publications and resources, please visit: www.life-peace.org/resources/ ISSN 2002-1666 About Life & Peace Institute Since its formation, LPI has carried out programmes for conflict transformation in a variety of countries, conducted research, and produced numerous publications on nonviolent conflict transformation and the role of religion in conflict and peacebuilding. -
A Foreign Policy Determined by Sitting Presidents: a Case
T.C. ANKARA UNIVERSITY GRADUATE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES DEPARTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS A FOREIGN POLICY DETERMINED BY SITTING PRESIDENTS: A CASE STUDY OF UGANDA FROM INDEPENDENCE TO DATE PhD Thesis MIRIAM KYOMUHANGI ANKARA, 2019 T.C. ANKARA UNIVERSITY GRADUATE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES DEPARTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS A FOREIGN POLICY DETERMINED BY SITTING PRESIDENTS: A CASE STUDY OF UGANDA FROM INDEPENDENCE TO DATE PhD Thesis MIRIAM KYOMUHANGI SUPERVISOR Prof. Dr. Çınar ÖZEN ANKARA, 2019 TABLE OF CONTENTS TABLE OF CONTENTS ............................................................................................ i ABBREVIATIONS ................................................................................................... iv FIGURES ................................................................................................................... vi PHOTOS ................................................................................................................... vii INTRODUCTION ...................................................................................................... 1 CHAPTER ONE UGANDA’S JOURNEY TO AUTONOMY AND CONSTITUTIONAL SYSTEM I. A COLONIAL BACKGROUND OF UGANDA ............................................... 23 A. Colonial-Background of Uganda ...................................................................... 23 B. British Colonial Interests .................................................................................. 32 a. British Economic Interests ......................................................................... -
Democracy Or Fallacy: Discourses Shaping Multi-Party Politics and Development in Uganda
Journal of African Democracy and Development Vol. 1, Issue 2, 2017, 109-127, www.kas.de/Uganda/en/ Democracy or Fallacy: Discourses Shaping Multi-Party Politics and Development in Uganda Jacqueline Adongo Masengoa Abstract This paper examines the discourses shaping the introduction of multi-party politics in Uganda and how it is linked to democracy and development. The paper shows that most Ugandans prefer multi-party politics because they link it to democracy and development. This is why when the National Resistance Army/Movement (NRA/M) captured power in 1986 and multi-party politics was abolished, there was pressure from the public to reinstate it through the 2005 referendum in which the people voted in favour of a multi- party system. The paper also examines the role played by Ugandan politicians and professional middle class such as writers and literary critics (local agency) in the return of multi-party politics in Uganda. It explores their contribution of in re-democratising the Ugandan state and argues that despite the common belief that multi-party politics aids democracy and development, it might not be the case in Uganda. Multi-party politics in Uganda has turned out not to necessarily mean democracy, and eventually development. The paper grapples with the question of what democracy is in Uganda and/ or to Ugandans, and the extent to which the Ugandan political arena can be considered democratic, and as a fertile ground for development. Did the return to multi- party politics in Uganda guarantee democracy or is it just a fallacy? What is the relationship between democracy and development in Uganda? Keywords: Multi-party politics, democracy, Fallacy, Uganda 1. -
State Fragility in Somaliland and Somalia: a Contrast in Peace and State Building
AUGUST 2018 State fragility in Somaliland and Somalia: A contrast in peace and state building Mohamed Farah Hersi Mohamed Farah Hersi is the Director of the Academy for Peace and Development in Hargeisa, Somaliland About the commission The LSE-Oxford Commission on State Fragility, Growth and Development was launched in March 2017 to guide policy to combat state fragility. The commission, established under the auspices of the International Growth Centre, is sponsored by LSE and University of Oxford’s Blavatnik School of Government. It is funded from the LSE KEI Fund and the British Academy’s Sustainable Development Programme through the Global Challenges Research Fund. Front page image: Mohamed958543 | Wikipedia 2 State fragility in Somaliland and Somalia: A contrast in peace and state building Contents Introduction 4 The rise and fall of pan-Somalism 6 The nexus between state legitimacy, and security and conflict 9 Political compromise and conflict: Undermining state effectiveness 13 Risky business: Private sector development amid insecurity 16 Living on the edge with few safety nets 19 Somali state fragility: Regional and international dynamics 20 Conclusion 23 Bibliography 25 3 State fragility in Somaliland and Somalia: A contrast in peace and state building Introduction The region inhabited by Somali-speaking people covers the northeast tip of Africa. During colonialism, this area was divided between European powers, separating the Somali people into five territories: Italian Somalia (today’s 1 Somalia), British Somaliland (today’s Somaliland), French Somaliland (today’s Djibouti), and notable Somali enclaves in Ethiopia’s Ogaden region and Kenya’s North Eastern province. Pan-Somali nationalism long hoped to overcome these colonial divides and unite all Somali peoples in a single nation. -
The Lord's Resistance Army in Central Africa
The Lord’s Resistance Army in Central Africa A short timeline May 2009 Yoweri Museveni, leader of AP Photo Alice Lakwena, a young Acholi woman from northern the National Resistance 1986 Uganda declares herself to be under the orders of Christian Army, overthrows President spirits, creates the rebel group the Holy Spirit Mobile Forces, Milton Obote and becomes and declares war against Museveni’s government. president of Uganda. After taking power, President Another rebel group, the Uganda People’s Democratic Army, Museveni, a southerner, or UPDA, launches a rebellion against Museveni. Joseph begins systematically President Yoweri Museveni Kony, reportedly a cousin of Alice Lakwena, serves as a rooting out ‘enemies’ hailing Catholic preacher to the UPDA. from the Acholi ethnic group of northern Uganda. Kony, despite claiming to AP Photo defend the rights of the Lakwena is defeated, and she flees to Kenya. Kony recruits her 1987-88 Acholi in northern Uganda remaining forces and forms the Uganda People’s Democratic by waging war against the Christian Army, which later becomes the Lord’s Resistance Ugandan government, Army, or LRA. 1991 launches a campaign of extreme brutality against them, murdering and LRA Leader Joseph Kony IRIN The Sudanese government mutilating civilians, pillaging begins to provide direct villages, and abducting children to fill his ranks. support to the LRA. In return, the LRA supports 1993-4 Khartoum’s war against the Sudan People’s Liberation IRIN Army in southern Sudan. SPLA Rebels in Southern Sudan 1996 The U.S. government Protected village in northern Uganda places the LRA Stating its intent to prevent looting and abductions by the on a list of terrorist LRA, the Ugandan government forces more than two million organizations. -
Peace Negotiations in Africa
2. Peace negotiations in Africa • Thirteen peace processes and negotiations were identified in Africa throughout 2020, accounting for 32.5% of the 40 peace processes worldwide. • The chronic deadlock and paralysis in diplomatic channels to address the Western Sahara issue favoured an escalation of tension at the end of the year. • At the end of 2020, the parties to the conflict in Libya signed a ceasefire agreement and the political negotiations tried to establish a transitional government, but doubts remained about the general evolution of the process. • In Mozambique, the Government and RENAMO made progress in implementing the DDR program envisaged in the 2019 peace agreement. • The first direct talks were held between the government of Cameroon and a part of the secessionist movement led by the historical leader Sisiku Julius Ayuk Tabe to try to reach a ceasefire agreement. • In Sudan, the government and the rebel coalition SRF and the SLM/A-MM signed a historic peace agreement that was not endorsed by other rebel groups such as the SPLM-N al-Hilu and the SLM/A-AW. • In South Sudan, the transitional government was formed and peace talks were held with the armed groups that had not signed the 2018 peace agreement. This chapter analyses the peace processes and negotiations in Africa in 2020. First, it examines the general characteristics and trends of peace processes in the region, then it delves into the evolution of each of the cases throughout the year, including references to the gender, peace and security agenda. At the beginning of the chapter, a map is included that identifies the African countries that were the scene of negotiations during 2020. -
Amin: His Seizure and Rule in Uganda. James Francis Hanlon University of Massachusetts Amherst
University of Massachusetts Amherst ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst Masters Theses 1911 - February 2014 1974 Amin: his seizure and rule in Uganda. James Francis Hanlon University of Massachusetts Amherst Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/theses Hanlon, James Francis, "Amin: his seizure and rule in Uganda." (1974). Masters Theses 1911 - February 2014. 2464. Retrieved from https://scholarworks.umass.edu/theses/2464 This thesis is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. It has been accepted for inclusion in Masters Theses 1911 - February 2014 by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. For more information, please contact [email protected]. AMIN: HIS SEIZURE AND RULE IN UGANDA A Thesis Presented By James Francis Hanlon Submitted to the Graduate School of the University of Massachusetts in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS July 1974 Major Subject — Political Science AMIN: HIS SEIZURE AND RULE IN UGANDA A Thesis Presented By James Francis Hanlon Approved as to style and content by: Pro i . Edward E. Feit. Chairman of Committee Prof. Michael Ford, member ^ Prof. Ferenc Vali, Member /£ S J \ Dr. Glen Gordon, Chairman, Department of Political Science July 1974 CONTENTS Introduction I. Uganda: Physical History II. Ethnic Groups III. Society: Its Constituent Parts IV. Bureaucrats With Weapons A. Police B . Army V. Search For Unity A. Buganda vs, Ohote B. Ideology and Force vi. ArmPiglti^edhyithe-.Jiiternet Archive VII. Politics Without lil3 r 2Qj 5 (1970-72) VIII. Politics and Foreign Affairs IX. Politics of Amin: 1973-74 C one ius i on https://archive.org/details/aminhisseizureruOOhanl , INTRODUCTION The following is an exposition of Edward. -
Security Council Distr.: General 18 February 2005
United Nations S/2005/89 Security Council Distr.: General 18 February 2005 Original: English Report of the Secretary-General on the situation in Somalia I. Introduction 1. The present report is submitted pursuant to the statement of the President of the Security Council of 31 October 2001 (S/PRST/2001/30), in which the Council requested me to submit reports on a quarterly basis on the situation in Somalia. The report focuses on developments regarding the national reconciliation process in Somalia since my previous report, of 8 October 2004 (S/2004/804). It also provides an update on the security situation as well as the humanitarian and development activities of United Nations programmes and agencies in Somalia. II. The formation of the Transitional Federal Government 2. The Somali National Reconciliation Conference concluded on 14 October 2004 with the swearing-in of Colonel Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed as the President of Somalia. He was elected by the members of the Transitional Federal Parliament of Somalia on 10 October 2004 after three rounds of voting. In the final round, Colonel Yusuf obtained 189 votes while the runner-up candidate, Abdullahi Ahmed Addow, obtained 79 votes. Mr. Addow accepted the outcome and pledged to cooperate with the President. Prior to the vote, all 26 presidential candidates signed a declaration to support the elected President and to demobilize their militias. 3. On 3 November, President Yusuf appointed Ali Mohammed Gedi, a veterinarian and member of the Hawiye clan, predominant in Mogadishu, as Prime Minister of the Transitional Federal Government of Somalia. 4. During the first week of December, Prime Minister Gedi announced the appointment of some 73 Ministers, Ministers of State and Assistant Ministers. -
Security Council EOSG / CENTRAL
United Nations J/2004/115 Security Council Distr.: General 12 February 2004 Original: English Report of the Secretary-General on the situation ii/Somalia I. Introduction 1. In its presidential statement of 31 October 2001 (S/PRST/2001/30), the Security Council requested me to submit reports, at least every four months, on the situation in Somalia and the efforts to promote the peace process. 2. The present report covers developments since my previous report, dated 13 October 2003 (S/2003/987). Its main focus is the challenges faced and the progress made by the Somali national reconciliation process, which has been ongoing in Kenya since October 2002 under the auspices of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), with support from the international community. The report also provides an update on the political and security situation in Somalia and the humanitarian and development activities of United Nations programmes and agencies in the country. II. Somali national reconciliation process 3. By mid-September 2003, developments at the Somalia National Reconciliation Conference at Mbagathi, Kenya, led to an impasse over the contested adoption of a charter (see S/2003/987, paras. 13-18). Some of the leaders, including the President of the Transitional National Government, Abdikassim Salad Hassan, Colonel Barre Aden Shire of the Juba Valley Alliance (JVA), Mohamed Ibrahim Habsade of the Rahanwein Resistance Army (RRA), Osman Hassan Ali ("Atto") and Musse Sudi ("Yalahow") rejected the adoption, and returned to Somalia. On 30 September, a group of them announced the formation of the National Salvation Council consisting of 12 factions under the chairmanship of Musse Sudi.