Ḥamās: the Islamic Resistance Movement

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Ḥamās: the Islamic Resistance Movement Chapter 16 Ḥamās: The Islamic Resistance Movement Shaul Bartal Allāh is our goal. The prophet is our leader. The Qurʾān is our law. Jihād is our way. Death in the way of Allāh is our exalted hope. Article Eight, Hamas Covenant (1988)1 ∵ 1 Introduction Ḥamās (or Hamas) is one of the better-known and the largest of several Palestinian Islamist groups.2 Ḥamās, the Islamic Resistance Movement (Ḥarakat al-Muqāwama al-Islāmiyya), is one faction of the Muslim Brotherhood in Palestine. It was founded on 14 December 1987 at the beginning of the first intifāḍa by Shaykh Aḥmad Ismā‘īl Ḥasan Yāsīn (also Yassin, 1937–2004). Other opinions believe that it already existed in 1986 (Yousef 2010: 19–20). Ḥamās is usually described as a case study of political entities and, as such, employs and interprets doctrines and beliefs in a flexible and incentive manner. Ḥamās’ call to jihād has been cast in nationalist hues and ‘customised’ to the specific Palestinian milieu (Dalacoura 2011: 66; Dunning 2016). After a brief overview of the history of the movement and the role of women, this chapter will turn its focus to the ideology of Ḥamās. Palestinian (Arab-Islamic) nationalism, the elimination of not just Israeli but specifically Jewish control over Palestinian territory, and both specific and geo-political, and broader theological and cultural, holy war are all essential features of the group’s outlook. Ḥamās sees itself as a movement of the people that is 1 “Hamas Covenant 1988: The Covenant of the Islamic Resistance Movement,” Avalon Project. At https://avalon.law.yale.edu/20th_century/Hamas.asp. Accessed 06/07/2020. This phrase has also been used as a slogan and appears on other Muslim Brotherhood sites. See also ʿAzzām (1989: 25). 2 This study is based on my book, Jihad in Palestine, Political Islam and the Israeli-Arab Conflict. See Bartal (2016: 44–83). © Shaul Bartal, 2021 | doi:10.1163/9789004435544_021 This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license.Shaul Bartal - 9789004435544 Downloaded from Brill.com09/24/2021 04:16:26AM via free access 380 Bartal responsible to all of the Palestinian public. The establishment of Ḥamās by Shaykh Aḥmad Yāsīn during the first intifāḍa heralds a new decisive stage, one where the Muslim Brotherhood activists began to carry out their world- view in relation to an Arab-Islamic Palestinian state established in the land of Palestine. This chapter will touch on events such as Ḥamās’ 2006 electoral victory and its connection to the Islamic Movement in Israel to provide further contextualisation for the rise of influence of this religio-political group. 2 The Ideology of Ḥamās Ḥamās is an offshoot of the Muslim Brotherhood which was established in Egypt in 1928. Ismail Haniyeh, chairman of the Ḥamās Political Bureau since May 2017, (and the Ḥamās ex-prime minister of the Palestine Authority 2006–2014), has described it as the “Jihad movement of the Brotherhood with a Palestinian face” (Coughlin 2015: 163). Ḥamās was deeply influenced by the Muslim Brotherhood’s jihād ideology of Ḥasan al-Bannā, Sayyid Quṭb, ʿAbdallāh ʿAzzām, Sa’ad Hava, and other less familiar philosophers (Lajna al- Thaqafiya al-Aama et al. 2013a: 26, 58–59, 82–85, 91–93). The main source of Ḥamās’ philosophy can be seen in the Ḥamās Covenant which was published by Aḥmad Yāsīn on 18 August 1988 (Hamas Covenant 1988). The principles of the charter emphasise that ideologically this is an Islamic revivalist movement with a militant dimension. The two main pillars of Ḥamās ideology are: Palestinian nationalism and Arab Islamism (Gleis and Berti 2012: 134–143). In May 2017, Ḥamās published “A Document of General Principles and Policies” emphasising the nationalistic character of the move- ment (Hamas 2017). According to Ḥamās, the Jews do not have a right to any portion of Palestinian land. The derogation of the Jewish people in Ḥamās rhetoric and strategy has lead scholars like Meir Litvak to propose antisemi- tism as a third pillar of the Ḥamās ideology (Litvak 2005: 41), and jihād, with an end goal of “the destruction of Israel and the elimination of the Jews,” as the fourth (Litvak 2010: 716). 2.1 Arab-Islamic Nationalism On each Palestinian memorial day, such as the day that the Balfour Declaration was issued, the day the State of Israel was established, or the anniversary of the decision to partition Palestine, Ḥamās takes pains to explain its allegiance to only one political solution in all of Palestine and that is that Palestine can- not be divided in any way, shape or form. Take as an example the anniversary Shaul Bartal - 9789004435544 Downloaded from Brill.com09/24/2021 04:16:26AM via free access Ḥamās 381 of the sixty-third year of the UN resolution of the partition of Palestine (Resolution 181 from 29 November 1947): Palestine from the sea to the river belongs only to the Palestinian nation. This decision [Resolution 181] is cancelled legally and politically. Palestine from the sea to the river is the private property of the Palestinian nation and an inseparable part of the Arab homeland and the Islamic nation. One must adhere to the rights of the Palestinians which include full return of all of the Palestinians to all of the Palestinian land.3 The recognition of Israel by the PLO and its cooperation on security issues with Israel during the period of the agreements, even for a short time, have caused ongoing tension with Ḥamās. According to Ḥamās, in order for the PLO to return and become a leading factor in the Palestinian society, it must retract its recognition of Israel, stop its security coordination with Israel, and re-adopt the armed struggle approach while redefining the supreme aim—the liberation of all of Palestine (Levy and Madzini 2011). Using Ḥamās’ Covenant and its summary of Ḥamās history, Ḥamās’ refusal to recognise Israel can be seen as a natural progression of its ideology based upon its radical view against the Jews.4 2.2 Antisemitism The slogan that Shaykh Yāsīn coined during the first intifāḍa—Khaybar, Khaybar Ya Yehud, jaysh Muḥammad Sawf Ya’ud (“Khaybar, Khaybar, Oh Jews, the army of Muḥammad will return,” quoted in ʿAzzām 1989: 41)—gives an indication of how anti-Jewish attitudes neatly segue with Ḥamās’ religio- nationalistic agenda. A theological right to land is embedded in Ḥamās ide- ology, for example, Ḥamās prisoner, Fahmi ‘Aid Ramadhan al-Mashaira, who called himself Abu ʿUbayda al-Muqaddasi,5 wrote the following explanation of the first verses of Sura 17, according to Ḥamās commentators: 3 A public statement by Ḥamās from a Palestinian information site affiliated with the move- ment, 28 November 2010. At www.palestine-info.info. 4 It is no surprise that Muslim Brotherhood leader Sayyid Quṭb’s book, Marakatuna maa al- Yahud or Our Struggle Against the Jews, became a best seller among members of Ḥamās. 5 Fahmi ‘Aid Ramadhan al-Mashaira, from Jabel Mukaber, Jerusalem, was arrested together with his brother Ramadan in July 2002. The two planned and carried out a terrorist attack at the Pat Junction in Jerusalem where 19 people were murdered. In addition, according to the indictment where they were found guilty, the two also planned on blowing up a cruise ship in the Gulf of Eilat. The brothers are currently serving out life sentences in an Israeli jail. During Shaul Bartal - 9789004435544 Downloaded from Brill.com09/24/2021 04:16:26AM via free access 382 Bartal The Jews corrupted the land, the first time in Medina and al-Hijaz before and after the messenger and his fellows arrived. They succeeded with the grace of God to remove this corruption. The second time of their [the Jews] corruption is here in our land, in Palestine. As this is clarified by modern commentators … ‘You will surely cause corruption on the Earth twice’ [Qurʾān 17:4]. Abu ʿUbayda al-Muqaddasi 2012: 3 The second corruption mentioned is Israel’s existence. In Ḥamās’ Covenant, the Jews are the presented as a hidden source of evil on earth, continuing a long history of antisemitic themes (Bartal and Rubinstein-Shemer 2018; Patterson 2015: 101–103). In Article 7 of the Hamas Covenant (1988) the war with the Jews, like Muslim Brotherhood leader Sayyid Quṭb said, is eternal (Coughlin 2015: 123–125; Quṭb 1954: 37–38). In Ḥamās’ first proclamation in the intifāḍa, the following words were said: Hey! the al-Murabitun (the defenders) on Palestine, the pure and the loved land. Hey! All ye residents, men and women. Hey! Children of ours. Here are the Jews, the brothers of monkeys, the murderers of the proph- ets, the bloodsuckers, the war agitators—murdering you, depriving you of your life after they have stolen the Motherland and your home. Only Islam can break the Jews and destroy their dream: Therefore, they proclaimed in their faces, ‘Allāhu akbar, Allāhu akbar’ [‘Allāh is great’] from their army, ‘Allāhu akbar’ from their planes and from their weapons. Take into account that when you are fighting with them to ask one of two favors: The martyr’s death or victory over them and their rout. Mishal and Aharoni 1989: 199 According to a short film which appears in the Ḥamās educational curriculum from 2007, for Ḥamās the first intifāḍa lasted up until the year 2000, while the second intifāḍa began in September 2000 and continues up until today. The period of the agreements, from September 1993 until July 2000, is considered, in the eyes of the movement, a cynical but successful attempt by Israel to divide Palestinian society and to cause a fitna—a war between brothers.
Recommended publications
  • Exploring Emerging Religious-Political Groups in Israel and Palestine Three Field-Trip Reports from Israel and the West Bank
    October 2011 NOREF Report Religion, territory and violence: exploring emerging religious-political groups in Israel and Palestine Three field-trip reports from Israel and the West Bank Jacob Høigilt, Tilde Rosmer and Hanne Eggen Røislien Executive summary This report is the result of fieldwork carried out in the occupied Palestinian territories; 2) a strong by the authors in Israel, the West Bank and Islamic identity – especially among the young – Gaza in November 2010. Written sources were is increasingly expressed in ultra-conservative consulted and key actors were interviewed religious trends, and specific trends that need to on three tendencies and their role in terms of be watched are the evolution of Salafism and the religious ideology, territory and violence: 1) the growing influence of the secretive Hizb al-Tahrir; Islamist Movement in Israel (IMI); 2) the changing and 3) the claims of a growing presence of radical nature of Islamist activism in the West Bank; Jewish settlers in the IDF need to be analysed and 3) the presence of members of the Jewish in terms of the wider issue of to what extent settler movement in the Israeli Defence Forces extremist national-religious trends are gaining a (IDF). Conclusions in each area are as follows: greater foothold and exerting greater influence in 1) the IMI represents a trend that increases the Israeli society as a whole. In all three areas, more internal Jewish-Palestinian divide and decreases research is needed. the distance between Palestinians in Israel and Jacob Høigilt is a Middle East researcher with the Fafo Institute for Applied International Studies, Oslo.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Islam in Contested Jerusalem: the Emerging Role of Islamists from Within Israel
    Divided Cities/Contested States Working Paper No. 12, 2009 Political Islam in Contested Jerusalem: The Emerging Role of Islamists from within Israel Mick Dumper, Department of Politics, University of Exeter Craig Larkin, Department of Politics, University of Exeter Conflict in Cities and the Contested State: Everyday life and the possibilities for transformation in Belfast, Jerusalem and other divided cities UK Economic and Social Research Council Large Grants Scheme, RES-060-25-0015, 2007-2012. Divided Cities/Contested States Working Paper Series www.conflictincities.org/workingpapers.html Editor: Prof James Anderson Associate Editors: Prof Mick Dumper, Prof Liam O'Dowd and Dr Wendy Pullan Editorial Assistant: Dr Milena Komarova Correspondence to: [email protected]; [email protected] THE SERIES 1. From empires to ethno-national conflicts: A framework for studying ‘divided cities’ in ‘contested states’ – Part 1, J. Anderson, 2008. 2. The politics of heritage and the limitations of international agency in divided cities: The role of UNESCO in Jerusalem’s Old City, M. Dumper and C. Larkin, 2008. 3. Shared space in Belfast and the limits of A Shared Future, M. Komarova, 2008. 4. The multiple borders of Jerusalem: Policy implications for the future of the city, M. Dumper, 2008. 5. New spaces and old in ‘post-conflict’ Belfast, B. Murtagh, 2008 6. Jerusalem’s ‘City of David’: The politicisation of urban heritage, W. Pullan and M. Gwiazda, 2008. 7. Post-conflict reconstruction in Mostar: Cart before the horse, J. Calame and A. Pasic, 2009. 8. Reconstructing and deconstructing Beirut: Space, memory and Lebanese youth, C.
    [Show full text]
  • Table of Contents
    Issue no. 4, February 2015 Table of Contents From the Editors’ Desk ......................................................................... 2 Nohad Ali/ Are We All Mohammeds or Ahmeds? – The Birth Pangs of the Joint Arab List and Arab Public Opinion .................................. 4 Wadea Awawdy / The Joint List on the Deck of the Titanic ............... 8 Manal Hreib / The Joint Arab List in 2015 Elections: Joint Action is a Necessity of the Times ....................................................................... 11 Background Data: Voting Patterns of the Arab Public in Israel ...... 13 Knesset Election Turnout 1996-2013 ...................................................................13 Election Turnout in Arab and Druze Localities 2003-2013....................................13 Breakdown of voting for the 19th Knesset elections (2013) by geographic area .....14 - 2 - From the Editors’ Desk We are pleased to present a new issue of Bayan, a quarterly on the Arab society in Israel. Bayan is published by the Konrad Adenauer Program for Jewish-Arab Cooperation at the Moshe Dayan Center for Middle Eastern and African Studies at Tel Aviv University, in conjunction with the Program for the Study of Arabs in Israel, which is supported by the Neubauer Family Foundation of Philadelphia and the Institute for National Security Studies (INSS). This issue of Bayan, which is devoted to a discussion of the Arab public’s preparations for the elections, appears three weeks before the 20th Knesset elections, which are scheduled to be held on March 17, 2015. According to the Central Bureau of Statistics, 835,000 eligible Arab and Druze voters constitute 15% of all the eligible voters currently residing in Israel.1 Based on figures from official sources, this group includes 760,000 eligible voters who live in Arab and Druze settlements, while the remaining 75,000 live in mixed cities and other localities throughout Israel.
    [Show full text]
  • IATF Fact Sheet: Knesset Elections, January 22, 2013
    1 FACT SHEET iataskforce.org Topic: Knesset Elections, January 22, 2013 Updated: June 2014 2013 Election Results The Arab sector had a voter turnout of 56% of the eligible voters, as compared with 63.7% of eligible voters from the population as a whole.2 The number of votes needed for a party to pass the electoral threshold and enter the Knesset was 73,000 in 2013.3 Christian Arabs (mostly in the Northern District) had the highest voter turnout rate at 60.4%, Druze turned out at around the average rate (55.9%), and Bedouins had the lowest rate at 46.9%. Within the Bedouin population, the least likely to vote were residents of unrecognized villages, as 30.4% of eligible voters exercised their right. Voting Results in Arab and Druze Localities in 2009 (18th Knesset) and 2013 (19th Knesset)4 Arab and Jewish-Arab 2009 2013 Parties RA’AM-TA’AL-MADA5 32.1% 32.0% HADASH6 27.5% 23.2% BALAD7 22.3% 21.8% DA’AM8 0.2% 0.2% Totals 82.1% 77.2% 1 Compiled by Prof. Elie Rekhess, Associate Director, Crown Center for Jewish and Israel Studies, Northwestern University 2 Ha'aretz, January 23, 2013. Ynet News, January 22, 2013. 3 Ha'aretz, January 23, 2013. 4 Konrad-Adenauer Center for Jewish-Arab Cooperation “Arab Politics in Israel: The 19th Knesset Elections”,’ volume 3 [Hebrew], 2012. 5 RA’AM-TA’AL-MADA stands for a coalition of the parliamentary faction of the United Arab List (UAL – RA’AM), the Arab Movement for Renewal (AMR –TA’AL) and the Arab Democratic Party (ADP – MADA).
    [Show full text]
  • The Islamic Movement in Israel: Walking the Tightrope
    THE INSTITUTE FOR MIDDLE EAST STUDIES IMES CAPSTONE PAPER SERIES THE ISLAMIC MOVEMENT IN ISRAEL: WALKING THE TIGHTROPE KIVANC OZCAN MAY 2010 THE INSTITUTE FOR MIDDLE EAST STUDIES THE ELLIOTT SCHOOL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS THE GEORGE WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY COPYRIGHT OF THE AUTHOR, 2010 TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction Research Questions Methodology Background of the Islamic Movement in Israel Threat or Opportunity: Walking the Tightrope Conclusions 2 THE ISLAMIC MOVEMENT IN ISRAEL: WALKING THE TIGHTROPE INTRODUCTION After the 1949 armistice agreements the minority population in Israel, which was mainly composed of Arabs, was 156,000. Today, the latest Israeli Central Bureau of Statistics reports indicate that Arab citizens of Israel make up 20 percent of the Israeli population. Israel’s total population is 7.5 million, with the Arabs constituting of 1.5 million of this figure.1 Geographically, Galilee is the hub of Arabs in Israel. Although their population is dispersed throughout the country, the majority of Arabs in Israel live in the cities, towns and villages of the Galilee such as Nazareth, Haifa, and Umm al-Fahm. With having the highest population growth rate in Israel, Arabs are seen as a growing strategic threat to the Jewish character of the State of Israel by many.2 The Arab demographic growth has become a source of fear for some Israeli strategic planners and has provided fuel for conspiracy theories. However, International Crisis Group states that Arab citizens of Israel are largely cut off from the geographical, cultural, economic and political mainstream.3 The problems the Arabs face can be considered a threat to Israeli democracy.
    [Show full text]
  • The Unexplored Option: Jewish Settlements in a Palestinian State
    Penn State International Law Review Volume 25 Article 4 Number 1 Penn State International Law Review 7-1-2006 The nexU plored Option: Jewish Settlements in a Palestinian State David Morris Philip Follow this and additional works at: http://elibrary.law.psu.edu/psilr Recommended Citation Philip, David Morris (2006) "The nexU plored Option: Jewish Settlements in a Palestinian State," Penn State International Law Review: Vol. 25: No. 1, Article 4. Available at: http://elibrary.law.psu.edu/psilr/vol25/iss1/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Penn State Law eLibrary. It has been accepted for inclusion in Penn State International Law Review by an authorized administrator of Penn State Law eLibrary. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Unexplored Option: Jewish Settlements in a Palestinian State David Morris Phillips* I. Introduction The withdrawal of Israeli settlers and soldiers from the Gaza Strip in August and September 2005 inevitably focused both Israeli and world attention upon the fate of Jewish settlements on the West Bank.' World focus only intensified with formation of a new Israeli government led by the Kadima party and its head, Prime Minister Ehud Olmert,2 following Hamas' victory in the Palestinian National Authority elections.3 In accord with prior campaign pledges,4 0 lmert announced his intention to * Professor of Law, Northeastern University School of Law. This article was presented at faculty seminars at Touro Law School and Northeastern University School of Law. The author would like to thank Darleen Cantelo, Sholom Fine and Stacey Dippong, Northeastern University law students, and Sue Zago, Sharon Persons, and Alfreda Russell, Northeastern University law librarians, for their invaluable research assistance.
    [Show full text]
  • El Islam Político En La Minoría Palestina En Israel El Debate Sobre La Integración Institucional Limitada
    Revista CIDOB d’Afers Internacionals, núm. 93-94, p. 179-200 El islam político en la minoría palestina en Israel El debate sobre la integración institucional limitada Isaías Barreñada Bajo Profesor asociado de Relaciones Internacionales, Universidad Complutense de Madrid [email protected] RESUMEN El islam político es un componente más del escenario político de la minoría palestina en Israel, junto a comunistas, nacionalistas árabes y formaciones tradicionalistas locales. Tiene raíces comunes con las orga- nizaciones islamistas de Cisjordania y Gaza y, al igual que ellas, combina una doctrina tradicionalista con reivindicaciones nacionales que, a su vez, comparte con las demás fuerzas palestinas. Tras una década de experiencia en la política municipal, desde 1996 una rama del Movimiento Islámico (MI) concurre a las elecciones legislativas y participa en las instituciones estatales (Parlamento) israelíes, mientras que otra se ha decantado por limitar su acción en la política extraparlamentaria. La primera se ha convertido en la opción más votada entre los palestinos israelíes desde 2006, la segunda es una de las más activas en la reivindica- ción de los derechos de los palestinos y en la defensa de lo musulmán en la Palestina histórica. Palabras clave: Islam político, Palestina, Israel Los palestinos israelíes (también denominados “palestinos con ciudadanía israelí, palestinos del 48 o árabes israelíes”) son la población árabe autóctona del territorio sobre el que se estableció el Estado de Israel y constituyen su principal minoría étnica con un volumen que se estima en torno al 17% de la población1. Por diversas razones, estos 1. A principios de 2010, la oficina central de estadísticas israelí contabilizaba 1.535.600 árabes, de los cuales 1.235.400 eran ciudadanos israelíes de iure, lo que supone cerca del 17% de la población.
    [Show full text]
  • Iron Domes: Desecuritization in the 2014 Israeli-Palestinian Conflict and the Battle for Identities
    Iron Domes: Desecuritization in the 2014 Israeli-Palestinian Conflict and the Battle for Identities by Arel Jarus-Hakak A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Affairs in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Master of Arts In Political Science- Political Theory Carleton University Ottawa, Ontario © 2018 Arel Jarus-Hakak Abstract This thesis investigates the Israeli-Palestinian conflict; specifically, the empirical study centers on the 2014 military conflict. The objective of the study was to determine the optimal courses of action actors could take in their desecuritization efforts, within the Jewish Israeli context. This was achieved through the investigation of the intersubjective mechanisms that the Israeli government relied upon during this time, as well as the various strategies used by human rights organizations, Knesset members and other actors in their work to counter the securitization process. Theoretically, this work aims to bridge the gap between existing securitization literature, and critical theory, and further expand on existing literature. This thesis argues that desecuritizing agents should incorporate socio-cultural motifs in their arguments in front of Jewish Israeli audiences, as well as pivot towards international audiences to succeed in desecuritization. Table of Contents !"#$%&'$()*+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++*$* ,%-)(./"#01")'2*++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++*$$*
    [Show full text]
  • Bedouin in the Negev Updated: June 2014
    FACT SHEET1 iataskforce.org Topic: Bedouin in the Negev Updated: June 2014 Demographics, Socio-Economic Status and Politics At the end of 2011, 204,700 Bedouin lived in the Negev, accounting for approximately one 2 third of the population in the region. In addition, 60,000 Bedouin live in the Galilee and close to 10,000 in central Israel.3 The term “Bedouin” defines various groups of traditionally pastoral nomadic, desert- dwelling Arabs (exclusively Muslims). Since the 1950s, the Bedouin in Israel have undergone a process of sedentarization with an emphasis on agricultural production The Negev Bedouin have one of the highest natural growth rates in the world, 3.6% in 2011. This means that the population doubles once every 19 years.4 The Israel Land Administration projects that the Negev Bedouin population will reach 300,000 by 2020.5 6 Demographic Features (2011) Negev Bedouins Muslims – General Jews Natural growth rate 3.6% 2.4% 1.5% Fertility rate 5.55 3.51 2.98 Ages 0-19 60.9% 49.2% 33.3% Median age 15.1 20.4 31.5 Infant mortality (per 1000) 11.6 6.6 2.6 The Bedouin who live in the Negev are by far Israel’s most disadvantaged community in terms of per capita income, unemployment, poverty rate, education and public infrastructure. 1 Compiled by Prof. Elie Rekhess, Associate Director, Crown Center for Jewish and Israel Studies, Northwestern University 2 CBS, Statistical Abstract of Israel, 2012, table 2.6. 3 Yosef Ben David, The Bedouin in Israel: Social and Land Aspects (Jerusalem: Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies, 2004).
    [Show full text]
  • Ḥamās: the Islamic Resistance Movement
    Chapter 16 Ḥamās: The Islamic Resistance Movement Shaul Bartal Allāh is our goal. The prophet is our leader. The Qurʾān is our law. Jihād is our way. Death in the way of Allāh is our exalted hope. Article Eight, Hamas Covenant (1988)1 ∵ 1 Introduction Ḥamās (or Hamas) is one of the better-known and the largest of several Palestinian Islamist groups.2 Ḥamās, the Islamic Resistance Movement (Ḥarakat al-Muqāwama al-Islāmiyya), is one faction of the Muslim Brotherhood in Palestine. It was founded on 14 December 1987 at the beginning of the first intifāḍa by Shaykh Aḥmad Ismā‘īl Ḥasan Yāsīn (also Yassin, 1937–2004). Other opinions believe that it already existed in 1986 (Yousef 2010: 19–20). Ḥamās is usually described as a case study of political entities and, as such, employs and interprets doctrines and beliefs in a flexible and incentive manner. Ḥamās’ call to jihād has been cast in nationalist hues and ‘customised’ to the specific Palestinian milieu (Dalacoura 2011: 66; Dunning 2016). After a brief overview of the history of the movement and the role of women, this chapter will turn its focus to the ideology of Ḥamās. Palestinian (Arab-Islamic) nationalism, the elimination of not just Israeli but specifically Jewish control over Palestinian territory, and both specific and geo-political, and broader theological and cultural, holy war are all essential features of the group’s outlook. Ḥamās sees itself as a movement of the people that is 1 “Hamas Covenant 1988: The Covenant of the Islamic Resistance Movement,” Avalon Project. At https://avalon.law.yale.edu/20th_century/Hamas.asp.
    [Show full text]
  • EL ISLAM POLÍTICO EN EL MEDITERRÁNEO RADIOGRAFÍA DE UNA EVOLUCIÓN Editor Fe R R a N Iz Q U I E R D O Br I C H S Universitat Autònoma De Barcelona
    EL ISLAM POLÍTICO EN EL MEDITERRÁNEO RADIOGRAFÍA DE UNA EVOLUCIÓN Editor FERRAN IZQU I ERDO BR I CHS Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona Contribuciones de IGNAC I O ÁLVAREZ -OSSOR I O Universidad de Alicante ISAÍAS BARREÑADA BAJO Universidad Complutense de Madrid RA F AEL BUSTOS Universidad Complutense de Madrid MAR I ÉN DUR Á N CEN I T Universidad de Granada JOHN ETHER I NGTON Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona LAURA FEL I U Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona AM A I A GOENAGA SÁ NCHEZ Observatorio Electoral del Taller de Estudios Internacionales Mediterráneos, Universidad Autónoma de Madrid ATH I NA LA M PR I D I -KE M OU Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona JUAN A. MACÍAS AM ORETT I Universidad de Granada GUADALUPE MARTÍNEZ FUENTES Universidad de Granada FERNANDO NAVARRO Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona – ICIP RAQUEL OJEDA GARCÍA Universidad de Jaén NAO M Í RA M ÍREZ Universidad Autónoma de Madrid JAV I ER TRAVÍN Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona FRANC I SCO VE I GA RODRÍGUEZ Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona Interrogar la actualidad, n.º 34 FERRAN IZQUIERDO BRICHS (ed.) EL ISLAM POLÍTICO EN EL MEDITERRÁNEO Radiografía de una evolución © 2013 para cada uno de los trabajos: Ignacio Álvarez-Ossorio, Isaías Barreñada Bajo, Rafael Bustos, Marién Durán Cenit, John Etherington, Laura Feliu, Amaia Goenaga Sánchez, Ferran Izquierdo Brichs, Athina Lam- pridi-Kemou, Juan A. Macías Amoretti, Guadalupe Martínez Fuentes, Fernando Navarro, Raquel Ojeda García, Naomí Ramírez, Javier Travín, Francisco Veiga Rodríguez © 2013 CIDOB para todos los créditos Elisabets, 12, 08001 Barcelona http://www.cidob.org e-mail: [email protected] Foto de cubierta: Graffiti que reproduce el rostro de la activista egipcia Samira Ibrahim Distribuido por Edicions Bellaterra, S.L.
    [Show full text]
  • Israeli Democracy and Politics • the Zionist Movement Has Always Included a Broad Range of Political Opinions from Left
    Israeli Democracy and Politics The Zionist movement has always included a broad range of political opinions from left- wing socialists to right-wing nationalists. Despite existential security threats, Israel has been a pluralistic, democratic state since independence. Proportional representation means divisions in Israeli society are reflected in a vibrant, multi-party system. The original Zionist movement represented a broad range of opinions. Liberal Zionism represented the broad middle ground of the Zionist movement. Some of its most important leaders, such as Theodor Herzl and Chaim Weizmann, can be identified with this tendency. The mainstream faction of the Zionist movement with which these leaders identified became known as the General Zionists. Although they promoted settlement in Palestine, they also placed great stress on diplomacy with the various great powers with interests in the Middle East. Labour Zionism stressed the need to build the land as a socialist country. They believed that Jewish social structure had become distorted as a result of exile, and that Jews had to become farmers and manual workers in their own land in order both to revive the land of Israel and to restore normalcy to Jewish national life. The kibbutzim, or collective farms, were one of the distinctive expressions of this approach, as was the Histadrut (the Jewish trade union federation). Labour Zionism was strong among the Jews of Russia and Eastern Europe, where socialist ideas were widespread. David Ben-Gurion, subsequently the first Prime Minister of Israel, came from this tendency. A more nationalist approach was that of the Revisionist organisation led by Vladimir Jabotinsky.
    [Show full text]