R2P and the US Intervention in Paul Tang Abomo R2P and the US Intervention in Libya

Foreword by Carter Ham Paul Tang Abomo Political Science Hekima Institute of Peace Studies and International Relations Nairobi, Kenya

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This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer International Publishing AG part of Springer Nature The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland To Brad Schaeffer, SJ and To Brian Paulson, SJ Two of the best mentors and friends any one could ever dream of Foreword

If we’d gone in sooner, I believe we could have saved at least a third of the lives that were lost … it had an enduring effect on me. President Bill Clinton speaking to CNBC News in 2013 about the 1994 genocide in Rwanda The Kigali Genocide Memorial Centre leaves an indelible mark on all who visit. It is a somber site, perched atop one of Kigali’s many ver- dant hilltops. I frst visited the Memorial in 2011 during my frst visit to Rwanda as Commander, United States Africa Command. One cannot help but be moved to quiet refection in that place. Similar to the regret recounted by President Clinton and others over our belated action, I confess I felt some sense of national guilt over what happened in Rwanda in 1994. I am not alone. In the passing of years, indeed decades, since 800,000 were brutally murdered in tiny, land-locked Rwanda, much has been written and spo- ken of about genocide—what causes people to abandon their humanity and slaughter others simply because they are not like themselves? What triggered such rapid escalation in Rwanda that resulted in so many being killed in such a short period of time? Who is to blame? Where were Rwanda’s neighbors and why did they not act? Why did the United Nations fail to stop the bloodshed? And, for us Americans, why did we choose to not intervene? Of course, Rwanda is far from the only place where brutality was visited on a vulnerable population on a large scale. Hutu–Tutsi,

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Serb–Kosovar, Nazi–Jew, Japanese–Korean, and so many other ethnic, racial, or religious segregations have led to one group seeking to exert its near total control over another. Sadly, there is little in our history that leads one to sense that such hatred, such actions, such brutal murder is a thing of the past. One need only look at recent headlines—the slaughter of Christians by the so-called Islamic State, or its imprisonment and sub- jugation into slavery of the small Yazidi population in Northern Iraq—to quickly realize that what happened in Rwanda in 1994 may, sadly, not at all be an anomaly of human behavior.

I promised never to let the Rwandan Genocide die because I knew the Rwandans didn’t have much power internationally and certainly didn’t have the resources. I felt it was my duty having witnessed it, and having stayed to witness it, that I had to talk about it and keep it going. Retired Canadian Lieutenant General Romeo Dallaire, former Force Commander for the United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda.

General Dallaire took his role as witness to the atrocities in Rwanda most seriously. He and others thought, studied, wrote, and spoke about the Rwanda genocide. What is the proper role for international organ- izations such as the United Nations or the International Committee of the Red Cross to prevent or respond to potential or ongoing widespread killing? What responsibility do other states bear? Not only those which may be directly proximate to the violence, but others, and to be direct I mean the USA and other states with the capability to make a difference. If a state possesses the ability to prevent mass killings, does it bear a legal, ethical, or moral responsibility to intervene? There are both principled and pragmatic issues, often in tension, which make such decisions among the most complicated for national-level leaders. I must admit that such seemingly esoteric deliberation seemed distant to me. After all, I grew up as an Infantry offcer in the American Army. A benefciary of a Jesuit education at John Carroll University in Ohio, I felt that I had a solid grounding in ethical behavior and critical reasoning. As a mid-grade offcer, I even led my unit during a United Nations mission in the Balkans in the mid-1990s, frankly just as the Rwandan genocide was taking place. Like my peers, I annually refreshed my understanding of the Laws of Armed Confict and our responsibilities as individual sol- diers and as leaders to conduct ourselves properly even in close combat, the most uncivil circumstance one can imagine. I read and kept a copy of Foreword ix

Michael Walzer’s Just and Unjust Wars on my shelf, occasionally refer- ring to that masterful work over many years. But, my thought, my focus, was almost exclusively on preparing myself and my unit to fght and win on some future battlefeld, but to do so in a morally responsible manner. I gave scant thought to a Rwanda-like scenario. Across the US military, I suspect my behavior was common. But, others, both in and out of government in the USA and else- where, like Lieutenant General Dallaire, were thinking differently. Human rights groups and advocates, among others, were advancing the notion that states did, indeed, bear responsibility for the prevention or response to genocide. In 2001, Samantha Power wrote “Bystanders to genocide: Why the United States Let the Rwandan Tragedy Happen” for The Atlantic Monthly. Her piece not only laid bare US Government doc- uments related to Rwanda, but she sparked wide-ranging introspection and refection about who we are as a nation. What do we believe in and for what do we stand? Do our actions match our statements? As a young offcer, I served in a unit whose regimental motto was, Deeds, Not Words. A fair question to ask ourselves as Americans. In early 2011, this matter quite suddenly became no longer an aca- demic one. I had only newly been assigned as Commander, US Africa Command, one of six American commands responsible for US military activities in regions around the globe. Muammar Ghaddaf, the strong-armed leader of Libya, had postured his military forces around Benghazi where, in the aftermath of early protests across North Africa and the Arab world, Libyan citizens were bristling under the regime’s rule. Ghaddaf’s words rang familiar—referring to those in Benghazi as cockroaches or vermin that needed to be hunted down and extermi- nated. Ghaddaf’s rhetoric, combined with his history and with the pres- ence of his military capability to actually do what he said he might do, caused the international community to act. This was “Responsibility to Protect” in implementation. Father Paul Tang Abomo, a Jesuit priest, has undertaken a thorough study of this implementation of “R2P” as it relates to the military inter- vention into Libya in 2011. First, a US-led “Coalition of the Willing” then a NATO-led effort, operations in Libya offer an instructive case study of how “R2P” plays out in the real world. It’s never clean in exe- cution, even if the underlying principles are solid. Father Paul’s work ought to cause us all to think seriously about the moral, ethical, legal, x Foreword and operational implications of Responsibility to Protect doctrine and methodology. Wish as we may for a more peaceful, stable global security environ- ment, our human history instructs us to conclude that some men will always seek to dominate others, particularly those who differ in color, nationality, belief, or other factors. The real question is what do we choose to do about that?

Arlington, VA Carter Ham General, U.S. Army Retired Former Commander U.S. Africa Command Acknowledgements

This book is based on the doctoral dissertation I defended at Loyola University Chicago. Though the memory of most favors fades in a short time, that is not the case with my gratitude to all those who helped me bring this work to fruition. I would like to thank my Dissertation Committee, Prof. Peter Schraeder, Prof. Vince Mahler, and Prof. Alex Grigorescu. Contradicting current wisdom about the relation between disciple and masters, our discussions made me read in unfamiliar felds and thus lured me in new directions. It is impossible to imagine more supportive advisors and rigorous critics. I’m also grateful to Michael Garanzini, SJ, and Tom Regan, SJ, for their tireless support in peacetime but especially in times of doubts and trouble. I would also like to express my appreciation to Eugene Goussekindey, SJ, Jim Prehn, SJ, Kevin Flaherty, SJ, and to all the Loyola University Jesuit Community. A special word of thanks to Seamus Murphy, SJ, Garett Gundlach, SJ, Steve Nicholson, SJ, Matt Ippel, SJ, and Dan Everson, SJ, for their corrections and comments on the frst draft of this work, and so many others. A special note of atten- tion to John Cunningham, SJ, for his friendship and the encourage- ment he showed to this work, which belongs to him as well. I also owe a debt of gratitude to Neil House where I stayed during the period of interviews and research on Capitol Hill and the Library of Congress in Washington, DC. I remember with fondness the night Tim Kesicki, SJ, took me out to watch Lebron James at the Verizon Center. The Cavaliers were playing the Wizards.

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Next I owe a special debt of gratitude to my family. Eva Onogo is my inspiration and my light. She is a constant reminder that there is so much in the world that is good and ought to be protected. Her presence in my life means to me more than I can even begin to say. The Mvogo Family are the best parents an (often) desk-bound and over-opinionated brother could ask for. Bernadette, Nancy, Angela, Neil, Patrick, and Willy are always ready to lend a hand and offer quiet, steadfast support, with- out concern for themselves. The Onana Family, man mot, Pat, Grace, Ben, and Emmanuelle have been a source of generosity and encourage- ment. Marie Paule, mon mbombo, is a source of wonder, and her love of life is a joy to behold. I owe debts of a different kind to my parents, Leonard Abomo and Odile Edzoa. Their sacrifces have made possible much of my education. Their visit in Chicago triggered the intellectual push I desperately needed. My sister Mireille Menyeng has been tireless in pushing me to fnish this work. My brother Serge Ahanda and his fam- ily offered me countless and careful suggestions as successive drafts were produced. Yolande Batia has been a source of support and help in times of need. Many other people helped me create a fourishing environment which could restore some pleasure to book-writing when my doubts and second thoughts gained the upper hand. It is my pleasure to record my thanks to Gervais Yamb, Manuela Mbena Nama, Philippe Nga Ayissi, Francois Akono Ambella, SJ, Loic Mben, SJ, Michel Taptue, SJ, Toussaint Kafarhire, SJ, and Peter Otieno, SJ. Contents

1 Introduction 1

2 The Responsibility to Protect: The History of a Growing Norm 7

3 Theory and Methods 39

4 US Foreign Policy in the Context of Humanitarian Intervention 63

5 Historical Context of US-Libyan Relations (Prior to 2011) 97

6 R2P Norm of “Prevention” in US Foreign Policy Toward the Libyan Civil War 133

7 R2P Norm of “Reaction” in US Foreign Policy Toward the Libyan Civil War 169

8 R2P Norm of “Rebuilding” in US Foreign Policy Toward the Libyan Civil War 215

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9 General Conclusion: R2P After Libya 239

Bibliography 253

Index 283 About the Author

A Jesuit, Paul Tang Abomo holds a Master in Philosophy (Gregorian University, Rome), a Master in Theology (Weston Jesuit School/Harvard Divinity School, Cambridge, MA, USA), and a Ph.D. in Political Science (Loyola University Chicago, USA). He has taught at Loyola University Chicago and is now teaching at Hekima College, Jesuit Institute of Peace Studies and International Relations (Nairobi, Kenya).

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