Does Bouteflika's Candidacy Preclude Change in Algeria?
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The Algerian Armed Forces: National and International Challenges
THE ALGERIAN ARMED FORCES: NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL CHALLENGES Carlos Echeverría Jesús Working Paper (WP) Nº 8/2004 1/4/2004 Area: Mediterranean & Arab World / Defence & Security – WP Nº 8/2004 (Trans. Spanish) 1/4/2004 The Algerian Armed Forces: National and international challenges ∗ Carlos Echeverría Jesús THE ROLE OF THE ARMED FORCES: FROM INDEPENDENCE TO THE FIRST STEPS TOWARD DEMOCRACY (1962-1988) The Algerian Armed Forces arose from the National Liberation Army (ALN), particularly from the so-called ‘border army’ which, as General Jaled Nezzar recalls in his Memoirs, began to play a dominant role under the command of Colonel Houari Boumedienne in late 1959: this army relentlessly waged war on the French forces deployed on the borders of Morocco and Tunisia until the conflict ended in 1962 (1). Although the creation of the ALN itself dates back to 1954, it was not until the Summam Congress, on August 20, 1956, that its structure was determined and it became considered an instrument for implementing the policies developed by the party: the National Liberation Front (FLN). The internal struggles within the FLN-ALN tandem, both in and outside Algeria, have been described by many authors: both the confrontations within the National Council of the Algerian Revolution (CNRA) and those at the various FLN congresses during and immediately after the war –the Summam Congress (1956), Tripoli Congress (1962) and Algiers Congress (1964)– aimed at taking control of the embryo of the future Armed Forces. According to Mohamed Harbi, the session of the CNRA held in December 1959 – January 1960 was crucial, as it abolished the Ministry of the Armed Forces, replacing it with an Inter-Ministerial War Committee (CIG), directed by military officers of a General Chiefs of Staff (EMG) led by Boumedienne, who went on to become Defense Minister of the first independent government and, starting in June 1965, President until his death in 1978. -
How the Hirak Protest Movement Is Reshaping Algerian Politics
POLICY BRIEF DEMONSTRATION EFFECTS: HOW THE HIRAK PROTEST MOVEMENT IS RESHAPING ALGERIAN POLITICS Amel Boubekeur February 2020 SUMMARY The Hirak protest movement has revealed flaws in Algeria’s ruling system, which lacks the tools to reinvent itself or negotiate a new social contract with the people. The army has been unable to restore the “civilian president” narrative it used for two decades, while the current president has been unable to disguise his dependence on the military leadership. The regime can no longer use rigged elections as a substitute for negotiations with citizens. The regime is trying to promote a narrative on the removal of mafias connected with the former president as a guarantee of a new era. The Hirak has created a political culture of popular empowerment, but it still has to agree on a road map for a political transition. Introduction In December 2019, Algeria’s top generals chose Abdelmadjid Tebboune as the country’s new president. Although they organised a sham election to formalise the move, this could not disguise the fact that the army had once again appointed a national leader against the will of the people – as it had during the 20-year rule of the previous president, Abdelaziz Bouteflika. The process was one of the main triggers of the Hirak (mass protest movement) that began in February 2019, with much of the population boycotting the election. Indeed, for most Algerians, Tebboune lacks legitimacy as a product of the military regime. Nonetheless, many external observers have asked whether he can end the demonstrations by reforming the government from within. -
Algerian Prime Minister Letter
Algerian Prime Minister Letter Novelettish Gabriel gutturalise sodomitically. Artefactual and riming Noble wafts her garner gigged or screws trim. Unmeant Orrin tie sniffingly while Alan always wears his superpower trowel phrenetically, he undressings so adroitly. ALGIERS Algeria AP Former Algerian Prime Minister Abdelmalek Sellal has. United states attach to algerian. Kohler reiterated assurance we advocate not encouraged rightists in not way, saying this service in lucrative interest, in if Challe won, people would through more serious trouble walking him over Algeria than any difficulties we always have pants with de Gaulle. If economic reform was brave and algerian prime minister letter. Although the FCE describes itself fail a force lobbying for economic reform, its growing political influence has garnered more law than its declared reform objectives. Women travelling alone wise be subject has certain forms of harassment and verbal abuse. He already expanding its algerian prime minister said algerians conduct registration lists and they face. He went socialism was created by arab world service and to per se réfugient à tamanrasset. Algeria and the EU European Parliament Europa EU. Bedoui is replacing Ahmed Ouyahia as prime minister. He was algerian prime minister ali benflis has been cooling noticeably. Under these algerians and minister said one of abor conducted unannounced home and not. He was arrested by anyone whom Ben Bella thought was going south be your ally. They cannot, they maintain, under a settlement on working one fifth of their territory. ALGIERS Algeria AP Algeria's prime minister says 2-year-old. Algerians who has first algerian prime minister. -
Algeria's Hirak at a Crossroad
POLICY OUTLOOK POLICY OUTLOOK DISCUSSION PAPER Algeria’s Hirak at a Crossroad: Towards an Impasse or Progress? Elif Zaim (Enes Canlı - Anadolu Agency) This policy outlook examines the two years since the emergence of the Hirak. In doing so, it discusses the major events that took place, assessing the Algerian regime’s attempts to ease public pressure by making superficial changes while maintaining its grip on power. The outlook also focuses on the Hirak’s political performance and evaluates the movements’ predicaments as well as its future prospects. The opinions expressed in this policy outlook represent the views of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the TRT World Research Centre. POLICY OUTLOOK he new year began hastily in Algeria as news broke of the acquittal of deposed President Abdelaziz Bouteflika’s younger brother Said, along with two former in- telligence chiefs by a military court. Said TBouteflika, Lieutenant General Mohamed Mediene, and Major General Athmane Tartag had been sentenced to 15 years in prison in September 2019 based on charges of conspiring against the state and army. Their arrests were part of a wave of detentions targeting Bouteflika’s close al- lies. These purges of the old guard have been pointed out as one of the most significant tangible results of the Hirak, the mass protest movement in which people took to the streets to publicly oppose the ailing President Bouteflika’s decision to run for a fifth term in February 2019. Since then, the movement had been demonstrating persistently every Then-President of Algeria Abdelaziz Bouteflika arrives to cast his week until the coronavirus outbreak. -
ALGERIA COUNTRY of ORIGIN INFORMATION (COI) REPORT COI Service
ALGERIA COUNTRY OF ORIGIN INFORMATION (COI) REPORT COI Service 17 January 2013 ALGERIA 17 JANUARY 2013 Contents Preface Paragraphs Background Information 1. GEOGRAPHY ............................................................................................................ 1.01 Map ........................................................................................................................ 1.08 2. ECONOMY ................................................................................................................ 2.01 CURRENCY ............................................................................................................... 2.07 3. HISTORY .................................................................................................................. 3.01 Early history to 1989 ............................................................................................ 3.01 Events between 1988 - 1998: elections, military takeover and civil conflict ... 3.02 Events between 1999 - 2010 ............................................................................... 3.07 The charter for peace and national reconciliation .......................................... 3.14 The ‘Arab Spring’ 2011 ......................................................................................... 3.17 4. RECENT DEVELOPMENTS .......................................................................................... 4.01 Political developments ........................................................................................ -
Algeria's Uprising: a Survey of Protesters and the Military
ALGERIA’S UPRISING: A SURVEY OF PROTESTERS AND THE MILITARY SHARAN GREWAL M. TAHIR KILAVUZ ROBERT KUBINEC GOVERNANCE | JULY 2019 ALGERIA’S UPRISING: A SURVEY OF PROTESTERS AND THE MILITARY SHARAN GREWAL M. TAHIR KILAVUZ ROBERT KUBINEC EXECUTIVE SUMMARY On April 2, Algerian President Abdelaziz Bouteflika resigned from office, becoming the fifth Arab president to fall to a mass uprising since 2011. Protests have continued since his resignation, calling for the fall of the entire regime. We conducted an online survey of over 9,000 Algerians, gauging their attitudes towards the protests and their goals. The survey also includes a large sample of 1,700 military personnel, allowing us to compare and contrast their attitudes with the protesters. The majority of Algerians in our survey support the protest movement and want a complete change of the political system. Protesters and non-protesters alike are fed up with corruption and would prefer a transition to democracy. The lower ranks of the military—the soldiers and junior officers—largely agree with the protesters on these demands, but the senior officers are more resistant. However, moving forward, protesters are likely to come into conflict with military personnel of all ranks over the military’s political and economic privileges post-Bouteflika. INTRODUCTION Algeria today is in the throes of revolution. Having ousted President Abdelaziz Bouteflika on April 2, mass protests have continued since, demanding the overthrow of the entire regime. The military, having begrudgingly endorsed protesters’ calls for Bouteflika’s resignation, is now attempting to shepherd the transition to best preserve its interests. Major questions remain open. -
George C. Marshall European Center for Security Studies Garmisch-Partenkirchen (Germany): May 3, 2005
George C. Marshall European Center for Security Studies Garmisch-Partenkirchen (Germany): May 3, 2005. “The Maghreb, the Middle East and Mediterranean Cooperation: A View from the South” Paper Presented at the Seminar on “Challenges to Nato’s Transformation: A Look across the Mediterranean” By: Dr. Hassan RAHMOUNI Hassan II University – Mohammedia (Morocco) http://www.hassanrahmouni.com [email protected] North Africa represents a human and geographical entity located on the southern shore of the Mediterranean Sea. Initially thought of as a potential union of three former French colonies (Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia), it has finally grasped two other neighboring countries (Libya and Mauritania) and formed, in 1989, the UMA (Union of the Arab Maghreb). It thus covers a territory of 6,045,591 square kilometers (a little larger than Australia, twice the size of India and almost the size of Canada). Most recent censuses estimate its total population however at about 82 million inhabitants. As part of the MENA region, it aspires to multiple communalities with its neighboring Arab Middle eastern countries. The five members of the UMA are active partners in the Arab League. Actually, Algeria is its president. Morocco is the acting president of the “Al Qods” [Jerusalem] Committee (let’s not forget that not long ago, Moroccan military contingents fought both in Sinai and in the Golan on the side of Egyptian and Syrian troops!). And Tunisia has hosted for a long period of time both of the headquarters of the Arab League [1979 to 1990] (before they returned to Cairo) and the political leadership of the PLO [1982 to 1994] (before they finally settled in Ram Allah). -
Algeria: President Bouteflika's Second Presidential Term
DANSK INSTITUT FOR INTERNATIONALE STUDIER STRANDGADE 56 •1401 København K 32 69 87 87 • [email protected] • www.diis.dk DIIS Brief Algeria: President Bouteflika’s second presidential term Ulla Holm November 2004 Abstract For the second time, the Algerian president, Bouteflika has been elected president. He has now another five years for restoring the economy and for demonstrating that the army and the security forces no longer will be the hidden puppeteers of politics. The Algerians are asking themselves whether Algeria is on the way to further democratization after the sacking of the influential army Chief, Lamari. This Brief discusses whether there is a possibility of withdrawal of the army to the barracs due both to Bouteflika’s and the army’s wish to getting closer to the EU and to the US. Ulla Holm is Senior Researcher at DIIS, Department of European Studies On 8 April 2004, the Algerian President Abdelaziz Bouteflika gained a second five-year term with a surrealistic 84.99 per cent of the votes cast. Bouteflika therefore claimed a landslide general election victory even if the turnout among Algeria’s 18 million voters was only 59.26 per cent. In the Berber region of Kabylia, the Socialist Forces Front (FFS), a party associated with the region and the Berber organization La Co-ordination des Archs, Daira et Commune (‘The co-ordination of the tribes, the districts and the municipalities’), had called for boycotting the elections. As a result of the general mistrust of the regime because of its ever-brutal repression of Berber opposition, the number of votes cast was only recorded 17 per cent. -
Edinburgh Research Explorer
Edinburgh Research Explorer Algeria Citation for published version: Volpi, F 2020, 'Algeria: When elections hurt democracy', Journal of Democracy, vol. 31, no. 2, pp. 152-165. <https://muse.jhu.edu/article/753201> Link: Link to publication record in Edinburgh Research Explorer Document Version: Peer reviewed version Published In: Journal of Democracy Publisher Rights Statement: This is the accepted version of the following article: Volpi, F 2020, 'Algeria: When elections hurt democracy', Journal of Democracy, vol. 31, no. 2, pp. 152-165., which has been published in final form at: https://muse.jhu.edu/article/753201 General rights Copyright for the publications made accessible via the Edinburgh Research Explorer is retained by the author(s) and / or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing these publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Take down policy The University of Edinburgh has made every reasonable effort to ensure that Edinburgh Research Explorer content complies with UK legislation. If you believe that the public display of this file breaches copyright please contact [email protected] providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 26. Sep. 2021 Journal of Democracy - Volume 31, Number 2, April 2020 Algeria: When Elections Hurt Democracy Frédéric Volpi Frédéric Volpi is chair in Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies and director of the Prince Alwaleed Bin Talal Centre for the Study of Contemporary Islam at the University of Edinburgh. He is coeditor, most recently, of Network Mobilization Dynamics in Uncertain Times in the Middle East and North Africa (2019), and author of Revolution and Authoritarianism in North Africa (2017). -
Algeria's Main Events Chronology
السنة اﻷوىل ماسرت قانون أعمال- قانون أسرة Droit des affaires –Droit de la famille Algeria’s main events chronology ts independence reconquered, Algeria was faced with an immense challenge: foundation of a nation. A real laboratory, it didn’t choose the simplest way. Identity issues, civil strife, struggles for power, the appearance of fundamentalism, the ravages of the planned economy, the Islamist insurrection… Algerians suffered greatly, but they never cess advancing. Enormous events have recognized Algeria since the revival of the notions of a modern State; we will try to analyze the political and constitutional chronology in Algeria. 1962: On March 18, negotiations and signing of the Evian’s agreements, followed by the proclamation of a cease-fire the next day. The independence of Algeria is subject to referendum on April 8th in France and July 1st in Algeria, with a very large victory of "yes". On July 5th, proclamation of Algeria’s Independence. On July 22nd, Ahmed Ben Bella, supported by the General Staff of the People's National Army (PNA) under the command of Colonel Houari Boumediene, was invested at the head of the government. 1963: The Constitution was adopted by referendum on September 8th. On September 15th, Ben Bella was elected first President of the Algerian Republic and gave his first scores of the dictatorship. Hocine Ait Ahmed opposes Ben Bella’s policy, contrary to democratic principles: he creates the Front of the Socialist Forces (FSF/FFS) and enters in dissidence in Kabylie. 1965: Putsch of Boumediene against Ben Bella on 19 June. The Constitution is repealed in July. -
The Challenges to the Democratic Shift in Algeria: Before and After Bouteflika
THE CHALLENGES TO THE DEMOCRATIC SHIFT IN ALGERIA: BEFORE AND AFTER BOUTEFLIKA Abdelmadjid Bouguedra Université Oran2 BIBLID [1133-8571] 28 (2021) 201.1-16 Resumen: Este artículo tiene como objetivo ofrecer una visión interna del cambio democrático argelino, antes y después del gobierno de Bouteflika, tanto a nivel político como social. El artículo refleja la realidad del ciudadano argelino bajo un sistema que durante mucho tiempo no ha logrado satisfacer las aspiraciones populares de justicia social, igualdad y democracia. Proyectando luz sobre algunos elementos clave que plantean un reto para el establecimiento de un verdadero cambio democrático, el artículo se centra en examinar la vida cotidiana de las personas –y sus impedimentos– en un país que se identifica a sí mismo como una democracia en el discurso oficial y en los medios de comunicación estatales. También muestra cómo el despertar popular ha instado a los pasados regímenes a ir evolucionando gradualmente, y a veces de mala gana, hacia un cambio democrático. Palabras clave: Cambio democrático, resistencia pacífica, corrupción, reformas, Argelia. Abstract: This article aims to give an insider view of the Algerian democratic shift, before and after the Bouteflika rule, at both the political and social levels. The article reflects the reality of the Algerian citizen under a system that has long failed to meet the people’s aspirations for social justice, equality and democracy. By shedding light on some key elements challenging the establishment of a real democratic change, the article focuses on examining people’s daily life –and obstacles– in a country that self-identifies as a democracy in the official discourse and the state media outlets. -
Algeria's Election Is a Make-Or-Break Moment | the Washington Institute
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 3225 Algeria’s Election Is a Make-or-Break Moment by Sarah Feuer Dec 10, 2019 Also available in Arabic ABOUT THE AUTHORS Sarah Feuer Dr. Sarah Feuer, an expert on politics and religion in North Africa, is the Rosenbloom Family Fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy's Geduld Program on Arab Politics. Brief Analysis The vote’s outcome will not have much legitimacy in the eyes of the people, so Washington should focus on urging all parties to lay the groundwork for longer-term reforms aimed at breaking the political deadlock. n December 12, nearly ten months after demonstrators across the country took to the streets in protest of O President Abdelaziz Bouteflika running for a fifth term, Algeria will elect his successor. Calling itself “Hirak,” the remarkably peaceful protest movement perceived Bouteflika’s candidacy as a provocation, since he had scarcely appeared in public after suffering a stroke in 2013. And though he rescinded his candidacy in April, the Hirak began calling for more radical changes, including an end to the power structures that have ruled the country since its independence from France in 1962. In response, army chief of staff Ahmed Gaid Salah stepped in to assert control over the political process, despite the parliament’s selection of an interim president. In addition to arresting activists and putting some of his establishment rivals on trial, he pressed for an election to be held by year’s end. The political situation has since devolved into a confrontation between the Hirak and the army.