Dividing the Spoils: the War for Alexander the Greats Empire Free
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T C K a P R (E F C Bc): C P R
ELECTRUM * Vol. 23 (2016): 25–49 doi: 10.4467/20800909EL.16.002.5821 www.ejournals.eu/electrum T C K A P R (E F C BC): C P R S1 Christian Körner Universität Bern For Andreas Mehl, with deep gratitude Abstract: At the end of the eighth century, Cyprus came under Assyrian control. For the follow- ing four centuries, the Cypriot monarchs were confronted with the power of the Near Eastern empires. This essay focuses on the relations between the Cypriot kings and the Near Eastern Great Kings from the eighth to the fourth century BC. To understand these relations, two theoretical concepts are applied: the centre-periphery model and the concept of suzerainty. From the central perspective of the Assyrian and Persian empires, Cyprus was situated on the western periphery. Therefore, the local governing traditions were respected by the Assyrian and Persian masters, as long as the petty kings fulfi lled their duties by paying tributes and providing military support when requested to do so. The personal relationship between the Cypriot kings and their masters can best be described as one of suzerainty, where the rulers submitted to a superior ruler, but still retained some autonomy. This relationship was far from being stable, which could lead to manifold mis- understandings between centre and periphery. In this essay, the ways in which suzerainty worked are discussed using several examples of the relations between Cypriot kings and their masters. Key words: Assyria, Persia, Cyprus, Cypriot kings. At the end of the fourth century BC, all the Cypriot kingdoms vanished during the wars of Alexander’s successors Ptolemy and Antigonus, who struggled for control of the is- land. -
Hrabanus Maurus’ Post-Patristic Renovation of 1 Maccabees 1:1–8
Open Theology 2021; 7: 271–288 Research Article Christian Thrue Djurslev* Hrabanus Maurus’ Post-Patristic Renovation of 1 Maccabees 1:1–8 https://doi.org/10.1515/opth-2020-0160 received April 26, 2021; accepted June 01, 2021 Abstract: In this article, I examine Hrabanus Maurus’ exegesis of the opening verses of 1 Maccabees, which preserves a concise account of Alexander the Great’s career. My main goal is to demonstrate how Hrabanus reinterpreted the representation of the Macedonian king from 1 Maccabees. To this end, I employ transfor- mation theory, which enables me to analyze the ways in which Hrabanus updated the meaning of the biblical text. I argue that Hrabanus turned the negative Maccabean narrative of Alexander into a positive representation that was attractive to contemporary readers. I support this argument by focusing on Hrabanus’ recourse to Latin sources, primarily the late antique authors Jerome, Orosius, and Justin, an epitomist of Roman history. I find that Hrabanus challenged Jerome’s interpretations, neutralized much of Orosius’ negative appraisal of Alexander, and amplified the laudatory passages of Justin, which generated a new image of the ancient king. The present article thus contributes to three fields: medieval exegesis of biblical texts, Carolingian reinterpretation of the patristic heritage, and the reception of Alexander the Great. Keywords: Alexander the Great, biblical scholarship, medieval exegesis, “Carolingian Renaissance”, historio- graphy, historical text reuse, transformation theory 1 Prelude: What is the point of reception? Miriam De Cock, the prime mover behind this special issue of Open Theology, invited contributors to reflect on how and why we conduct research into the “reception history”¹ of biblical and patristic heritage. -
The Antigonids and the Ruler Cult. Global and Local Perspectives?
The Antigonids and the Ruler Cult Global and Local Perspectives? 1 Franca Landucci DOI – 10.7358/erga-2016-002-land AbsTRACT – Demetrius Poliorketes is considered by modern scholars the true founder of ruler cult. In particular the Athenians attributed him several divine honors between 307 and 290 BC. The ancient authors in general consider these honors in a negative perspec- tive, while offering words of appreciation about an ideal sovereignty intended as a glorious form of servitude and embodied in Antigonus Gonatas, Demetrius Poliorketes’ son and heir. An analysis of the epigraphic evidences referring to this king leads to the conclusion that Antigonus Gonatas did not officially encourage the worship towards himself. KEYWORDS – Antigonids, Antigonus Gonatas, Demetrius Poliorketes, Hellenism, ruler cult. Antigonidi, Antigono Gonata, culto del sovrano, Demetrio Poliorcete, ellenismo. Modern scholars consider Demetrius Poliorketes the true founder of ruler cult due to the impressively vast literary tradition on the divine honours bestowed upon this historical figure, especially by Athens, between the late fourth and the early third century BC 2. As evidenced also in modern bib- liography, these honours seem to climax in the celebration of Poliorketes as deus praesens in the well-known ithyphallus dedicated to him by the Athenians around 290 3. Documentation is however pervaded by a tone that is strongly hostile to the granting of such honours. Furthermore, despite the fact that it has been handed down to us through Roman Imperial writers like Diodorus, Plutarch and Athenaeus, the tradition reflects a tendency contemporary to the age of the Diadochi, since these same authors refer, often explicitly, to a 1 All dates are BC, unless otherwise stated. -
The Making of the Hellenistic World
Part I THE MAKING OF THE HELLENISTIC WORLD K2 cch01.inddh01.indd 1111 99/14/2007/14/2007 55:03:23:03:23 PPMM K2 cch01.inddh01.indd 1122 99/14/2007/14/2007 55:03:23:03:23 PPMM 1 First Steps 325 300 275 250 225 200 175 150 125 100 75 50 25 June 323 Death of Alexander the Great; outbreak of Lamian War 322 Battle of Krannon; end of Lamian War 320 Death of Perdikkas in Egypt; settlement of Triparadeisos 319 Death of Antipater 317 Return of Olympias to Macedonia; deaths of Philip Arrhidaios and Eurydike 316/15 Death of Eumenes of Kardia in Iran 314 Antigonos’ declaration of Tyre; fi rst coalition war (Kas- sander, Lysimachos, and Ptolemy against Antigonos) 312 Battle of Gaza; Seleukos retakes Babylon 311 Treaty ends coalition war 310 Deaths of Alexander IV and Roxane I From Babylon to Triparadeisos The sudden death of the Macedonian king Alexander, far away from home at Babylon in Mesopotamia on June 10, 323, caught the world he ruled fully unprepared for the ensuing crisis. Only two of the men who founded the dynas- ties of kings which dominated the history of the Hellenistic world were even present at Babylon when he died, and only one of them was suffi ciently promi- nent among the offi cers who assembled to debate the future to be given an independent provincial command: Ptolemy, now in his early forties, was appointed to distant Egypt (though with Alexander’s established governor, Kleomenes, as his offi cial deputy). Seleukos, also present at Babylon, but some K2 cch01.inddh01.indd 1133 99/14/2007/14/2007 55:03:23:03:23 PPMM 14 PART I THE MAKING OF THE HELLENISTIC WORLD ten years younger, became cavalry commander in the central government, a post which under Alexander had been equivalent to the king’s deputy but now was envisaged as being purely military. -
Alexander's Successors
Perdiccas, 323-320 Antigonus (western Asia Minor) 288-285 Antipater (Macedonia) 301, after Ipsus Lysimachus (Anatolia, Thrace) Archon (Babylon) Lysimachus (Anatolia, Thrace) Ptolemy (Egypt) Asander (Caria) Ptolemy (Egypt) Seleucus (Babylonia, N. Syria) Persia to Alexander the Great Atropates (northern Media) 315-311 Alexander’s Seleucus (Babylonia, N. Syria) Eumenes (Cappadocia, Pontus) vs. 318-316 Cassander Cassander (Macedonia) Laomedon (Syria) Lysimachus Daniel 11:1-4 Antigonus Demetrius (Cyprus, Tyre, Demetrius (Macedonia, Cyprus, Leonnatus (Phrygia) Ptolemy Successors Cassander Sidon, Agaean islands) Tyre, Sidon, Agaean islands) Lysimachus (Thrace) Peithon Seleucus Menander (Lydia) Ptolemy Bythinia Bythinia Olympias (Epirus) vs. 332-260 BC Seleucus Epirus Epirus “And now I will tell you the truth. Behold, three more kings are going to arise Peithon (southern Media) Antigonus Greece Greece Philippus (Bactria) vs. Aristodemus Heraclean kingdom Heraclean kingdom Ptolemy (Egypt) Demetrius in Persia. Then a fourth will gain far more riches than all of them; as soon as Eumenes Paeonia Paeonia Stasanor (Aria) Nearchus Olympias Pontus Pontus and others . Peithon Polyperchon Rhodes Rhodes he becomes strong through his riches, he will arouse the whole empire against the realm of Greece. And a mighty king will arise, and he will rule with great authority and do as he pleases.” (Dan 11:2-3) 320 330310 300 290 280 270 260 250 Antipater, 320-319 Alcetas and Attalus (Pisidia ) Antigenes (Susiana) Antigonus (army in Asia) Arrhidaeus (Phrygia) Cassander -
Contesting the Greatness of Alexander the Great: the Representation of Alexander in the Histories of Polybius and Livy
ABSTRACT Title of Document: CONTESTING THE GREATNESS OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT: THE REPRESENTATION OF ALEXANDER IN THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS AND LIVY Nikolaus Leo Overtoom, Master of Arts, 2011 Directed By: Professor Arthur M. Eckstein, Department of History By investigating the works of Polybius and Livy, we can discuss an important aspect of the impact of Alexander upon the reputation and image of Rome. Because of the subject of their histories and the political atmosphere in which they were writing - these authors, despite their generally positive opinions of Alexander, ultimately created scenarios where they portrayed the Romans as superior to the Macedonian king. This study has five primary goals: to produce a commentary on the various Alexander passages found in Polybius’ and Livy’s histories; to establish the generally positive opinion of Alexander held by these two writers; to illustrate that a noticeable theme of their works is the ongoing comparison between Alexander and Rome; to demonstrate Polybius’ and Livy’s belief in Roman superiority, even over Alexander; and finally to create an understanding of how this motif influences their greater narratives and alters our appreciation of their works. CONTESTING THE GREATNESS OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT: THE REPRESENTATION OF ALEXANDER IN THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS AND LIVY By Nikolaus Leo Overtoom Thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Maryland, College Park, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts 2011 Advisory Committee: Professor Arthur M. Eckstein, Chair Professor Judith P. Hallett Professor Kenneth G. Holum © Copyright by Nikolaus Leo Overtoom 2011 Dedication in amorem matris Janet L. -
Alexander the Not So Great William Baran Bill Ba
______________________________________________________________________________ Alexander the Not So Great William Baran Bill Baran, from Crystal Lake, Illinois, wrote "Alexander the Not So Great" during his senior year for Dr. Lee Patterson's Alexander the Great course in Fall 2015. He is currently a senior, majoring in history, and expects to graduate in May 2016. ______________________________________________________________________________ “It is perhaps Ptolemy who first coined the title ‘Great’ to describe Alexander, an epithet that has stayed with him to this day.”1 Whether or not this is true, somewhere along the way Alexander inherited the title “Great,” but is it one that he deserves? Alexander is responsible for expanding Macedonian territory significantly and it is something that he could not have accomplished alone. Since the backing of the army was crucial, why did some of Alexander’s generals not live past the life of Alexander? Although some of the generals and other army personnel inevitably died while in battle, others did not receive such a glorified death. Under Alexander’s rule numerous people in his army were murdered or died under suspicious circumstances. The death witnessed while Alexander ruled did not end there, because the army as a whole often suffered due to poor decision making on Alexander’s part. Whether direct or indirect Alexander ordered or caused the deaths of many because of anger, suspicion, or by poor choices. Alexander does not deserve the title “Great,” because of the deliberate killing under his command of both individuals and his army. Before embarking on the journey of tearing down Alexander’s title, it is important to understand the transition from Philip II to Alexander. -
The Contest for Macedon
The Contest for Macedon: A Study on the Conflict Between Cassander and Polyperchon (319 – 308 B.C.). Evan Pitt B.A. (Hons. I). Grad. Dip. This dissertation is submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy School of Humanities University of Tasmania October 2016 Declaration of Originality This thesis contains no material which has been accepted for a degree or diploma by the University or any other institution, except by way of background information and duly acknowledged in the thesis, and to the best of my knowledge and belief no material previously published or written by another person except where due acknowledgement is made in the text of the thesis, nor does this thesis contain any material that infringes copyright. Evan Pitt 27/10/2016 Authority of Access This thesis may be made available for loan and limited copying in accordance with the Copyright Act 1968. Evan Pitt 27/10/2016 ii Acknowledgements A doctoral dissertation is never completed alone, and I am forever grateful to my supervisor, mentor and friend, Dr Graeme Miles, who has unfailingly encouraged and supported me over the many years. I am also thankful to all members of staff at the University of Tasmania; especially to the members of the Classics Department, Dr Jonathan Wallis for putting up with my constant stream of questions with kindness and good grace and Dr Jayne Knight for her encouragement and support during the final stages of my candidature. The concept of this thesis was from my honours project in 2011. Dr Lara O’Sullivan from the University of Western Australia identified the potential for further academic investigation in this area; I sincerely thank her for the helpful comments and hope this work goes some way to fulfil the potential she saw. -
The Demise of Alexander Death of Alexander
4/10/2012 21. The Successors of Alexander’s Empire Diadochoi Seleucus I (Nikator) Ptolemy I (Soter) Perdiccas Antigonus Monophthalmus Partition at Triparadeisos (320) Battle of Ipsus (301) First Syrian War 275 BCE (5 all together) Ptolemaic Kingdom Seleucia (before and after Ipsus) Antigonid Kingdom Kingdom of Pergamon Parthia The Demise of Alexander Death of Alexander "... the motive in almost every heart was grief and a sort of helpless bewilderment at the thought of losing their king. Lying speechless as the men filed by, he yet struggled to raise his head, and in his eyes there was a look of recognition for each individual as he passed... Arrian, The Campaigns of Alexander, VII. 27. 1 4/10/2012 The Death of Alexander 11 June 323 BCE Over next week Alexander’s health rapidly declined • At one moment, he was so desperate that he gave his ring to Perdiccas and when asked to whom the ring should be given, some believe he replied: – “tôi Kraterôi” (To Krateros) or – “tôi kratistôi” (to the strongest). Difficulty in choosing a Successor Macedonian army command leant itself to selecting a leader—but … Many potential top candidates were dead or incapable: • Clitus-killed in drunken rage • Parmenion-executed • Hephaestion-died of fever (malaria) • Philip III (younger brother)-mentally deficient • Alexander IV (son with Roxanne)-too young Perdiccas took overall command and came to agreement with other generals – would act as regent for Philip III and Alex IV 2 4/10/2012 Alexander’s Generals Seleucus I Ptolemy page under helped -
Court Intrigue and the Death of Callisthenes Lara O’Sullivan
Court Intrigue and the Death of Callisthenes Lara O’Sullivan MPLICATED IN A PLOT by the Royal Pages (the basilikoi paides) against Alexander’s life in Bactria in 327 B.C.E., the historian I Callisthenes was condemned as a traitor and died—either tortured and hanged, or imprisoned and carted about with the army until disease brought about his death.1 His demise marks something of a nadir in Alexander’s reign; indeed, centuries after the fact, Curtius could claim that no one’s execution incited greater resentment of Alexander among the Greeks (nullius caedes maiorem apud Graecos Alexandro excitavit invidiam).2 The reason for that resentment is not difficult to discover. Despite the avowals of the Alexander-apologists that the Pages had implicated Cal- listhenes, his supposed involvement in the plot was unsupported by evidence. Arrian concedes as much, observing that most traditions had no indication of Callisthenes’ guilt, while Plutarch cites a letter purportedly written by the king himself in the im- mediate aftermath of the conspiracy, in which the Pages were said to have confessed under torture that the conspiracy was en- tirely their own, and that nobody else was cognizant of the plot.3 The underlying cause of Callisthenes’ downfall is, instead, 1 For Callisthenes’ fate Arr. 4.14.3 cites divergent accounts by Ptolemy FGrHist 138 F17 (put to death; so too Curt. 8.8.21) and Aristobulus FGrHist 139 F 33 (died while imprisoned). Aristobulus clearly based his account on Chares (FGrHist 125 F 15 = Plut. Alex. 55.9). 2 Curt. 8.8.22. -
JOHN WALSH, Antipater and Early Hellenistic Literature
Antipater and Early Hellenistic Literature* John Walsh INTRODUCTION It is well known that there was a flowering of Greek literature under Alexander and in the period after his death – at least in terms of the quantity of works, even if some may dispute the quality. A vast array of histories, memoirs, pamphlets, geographical literature, philosophical treatises, and poetry was written during this period, and the political fate of the Greek world in its domination by Macedon and the Successor kingdoms was tied to an increasing tendency for kings to be patrons of literature. Many works were now produced at royal courts, under the patronage of the Successors or by partisan individuals who had served under various kings.1 Antipater, Alexander’s regent in Macedonia, has a neglected but interesting connection with literature in the early Hellenistic era. Antipater was certainly overshadowed by both Philip and Alexander, and the other Diadochs, and his place in the development of Hellenistic intellectualism and literature has been overlooked in modern scholarship. First, in Sections I and II below, I show that Antipater, as Philip had done before him, had a role in the development of Hellenistic literature and was himself an author. There were also intriguing, if speculative, connections between Antipater’s court and the emerging tradition of historical epic. Secondly, in Section III, I trace how Antipater suffered unduly from hostile historiographical traditions directed at him by the propaganda of rival Diadochs, particularly those produced under Ptolemy and the Antigonid partisan Hieronymus of Cardia. I. ANTIPATER’S WORKS2 A passage in the Suda provides some tantalising evidence of Antipater as a writer of history and letters: Antipater was the son of Iolaus, of the city Paliura in Macedonia. -
Alexander's Lysimacheia: Anna Comnena 15.7.8 Abstract
[Historia 64 (2015) 301-305; preliminary version] ALEXANDER’S LYSIMACHEIA: ANNA COMNENA 15.7.8 ABSTRACT: Anna says that Alexander founded “Lysimacheia in Ethiopia.” Aithiopia should be emended to Aetolia; Lysimacheia in Aetolia was founded in the 280s under the auspices of Lysimachus. Anna’s statement about Alexander, though mistaken, can nevertheless suggest that Lysimachus’ agent in the foundation may have been his son Alexander, whom Anna or her source confused with Alexander the Great. Praising her father as founder of numerous cities, Anna compares, a bit dismissively, the city foundations of Alexander the Great (Alexiad 15.7.8): ὁ μὲν οὖν Ἀλέξανδρος ἐκεῖνος ὁ Μακεδὼν αὐχείτω μὲν ἐπὶ τῇ κατ’ Αἴγυπτον Ἀλεξανδρείᾳ, ἐπὶ τῇ κατὰ Μήδους Βουκεφάλῃ, ἐπὶ τῇ κατ’ Αἰθιοπίαν Λυσιμαχίᾳ. Well then, let that Alexander of Macedon exult in Alexandria in Egypt, in Bucephala among the Medes, in Lysimacheia in Ethiopia. At this last city, a reader surely must pause and ask directions.1 The valuable index prepared by F. Kolovou and D. R. Reinsch hints at an explanation: “urbs de Lysimacho Alexandri Magni comite nominata,” and of 15.7.8 “re vera ad Hellespontum.”2 This might suggest that being Alexander’s companion was enough of a connection to attribute the foundation of Lysimacheia to Alexander. But Lysimachus’ capital on the Thracian Chersonese was founded in 309 B.C., long after Alexander’s death; no connection of Alexander with that city is possible. Nor was Ethiopia ever visited by either Alexander3 or Lysimachus. Anna may have | [302] known the