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Nadirah Norruddin is an Associate Librarian with the National Library, Singapore. Her , and bidan gathering and preparing ubat-ubatan main responsibility lies in managing and Traditional Malay healers are the from plants and herbs developing the Singapore and Southeast Asian collections. main providers of Malay medicine. In his book, A Descriptive Diction- To achieve the necessary credentials, ary of British Malaya (1894), Nicholas some have resorted to living in soli- B. Dennys compares the to tude, spending their time meditating, “being on par with witch doctors of fasting or putting themselves through history”. Although the dukun has been strict dietary regimens – all in the generally described in disparaging name of spiritual cleansing. Healers terms by Western scholars, a small are also expected to have an extensive minority saw the merits of these knowledge of botany and nature so traditional healers. Percy N. Gerrard that they can classify and identify the defines the “doctor” as a bomoh, dukun right plants and herbs as well as their or pawang in his dictionary, A Vocabu- healing properties, and prescribe the lary of Malay Medical Terms (1905). correct remedies. Bidan Pawang Also known as “Mak Bidan” or “dukun A pawang is commonly defined as a beranak”, these midwives specialise shaman or general practitioner of in women’s health matters, including who incorporates fecundity, midwifery and contraception, (Facing page) The betel vine, prayer bowl engraved into his craft. He is usually involved in along with a variety of beauty-related with Quranic verses and invocations, and the mortar conducting agricultural and disorders. Up till the 1950s, it was and pestle – among other items – are used in the ceremonies to sanctify common for mothers in Singapore to practice of traditional Malay medicine. Bowl, collec- the village. Pawangs have also been deliver their babies at home with the tion of the Asian Civilisations Museum; betel vine, mortar and pestle, courtesy of National Museum referred to as “wizards” by scholars help of village midwives. Today, the role of Singapore, National Heritage Board. such as Richard J. Wilkinson for their of these women is limited to providing (Above) A portrait of a Malay traditional healer, ability to manipulate the course of antenatal and postnatal care, such as c. 1900. These medicine men usually carried their nature through the use of incantations confinement services for new mothers bottles of medicine and herbs wrapped in a kain and divination practices. or general massage therapies. Malay ubat-ubatan (medicine) and healing – sarong (“sarong cloth”) slung over their shoulders. which spans many centuries and has been Lim Kheng Chye Collection, courtesy of National Dukun/Bomoh References passed down through generations either Archives of Singapore. A dukun or bomoh is a general practi- Dennys, N.B. (1894). A descriptive dictionary of morally or in written form – is a complex and British Malaya (p. 104). London: London and tioner who treats fevers, headaches, holistic practice. As a result, the practice and form China Telegraph. [Microfilm nos.: NL7464, broken bones, and Traditional Malay medicine incor- of traditional Malay medicine underwent NL25454]. various ailments. The skills and repu- Gerrard, P.N. (1905). A vocabulary of Malay porates principles and practices of phar- dramatic changes under colonial rule. Leg- tation of a dukun/bomoh stem from medical terms (p. 24). Singapore: Kelly & macology that are highly dependent on islations, for instance – shaped by altruism the person’s knowledge of humoural Walsh. (Microfilm no.: NL27512) indigenous flora and fauna found in the or bigotry, but more likely a combination Skeat, W.W. (1900). Malay magic: Being an medicine, the healing properties wild.1 Age-old literature and manuscripts of the two – were introduced by the Brit- introduction to the folklore and popular of local flora and fauna as well as – although scarce in number – document ish to stamp out traditional Malay healing religion of the Malay Peninsula (pp. 424–425). syncretic incantations. Some London: Macmillan and Co., Limited. (Call no.: the ways in which plants, animals and practices and regulate village healers. were well known for their treatment RCLOS 398.4 SKE-[GH]) minerals2 native to the Malay Archipelago Wilkinson, R.J. (1908–10). Papers on Malay of victims of sorcery. The bomoh akar have been part and parcel of its healing subjects. [First series, 4], Life and customs The Spread of and Malay Medicine kayu (the latter words meaning “roots” practices. At the heart of Malay ubat-ubatan (p. 1). Kuala Lumpur: Printed at the F.M.S. in Malay) is known for his expertise in Govt. Press. (Microfilm no.: NL263). is the amalgamation of complex Islamic and The adoption of Islam in the Malay Archi- Hindu beliefs and practices presided over pelago from the 13th century onwards not by traditional or faith healers. only introduced a new religious doctrine to fies the complex understanding and expres- derives his knowledge from either ilmu Colonial scholars and administrators the region, but also fostered a pan-Islamic sions of a dynamic and multifaceted faith. turun (inherited knowledge) or ilmu tuntut in 20th-century Malaya were invariably identity and defined new parameters for Medicine in Islam is characterised by (apprenticeship) and, in some instances, conflicted in their perceptions of traditional the spiritual, social and economic way a history of enquiry, innovation and adapta- complemented by the Kitab Tibb (The Malay medicine. Local sources and inter- of life of its inhabitants. Gradually, Islam tion. This is reflected in the ease in which Book of Medicine). pretations were frequently overlooked, and became syncretised with the prevailing indigenous healers adopted and adapted There are numerous versions of this has in turn affected the way in which belief systems of the Malay world. Islamic symbolism in their practices. In the Kitab Tibb manuscripts found in the Malay traditional Malay medicine has been studied Western scholars of the time held the Malay Peninsula, ceremonies overseen by Archipelago. Mostly written between 1786 and understood for decades. Some defined view that the Malay community adopted a the pawang (or shaman) include Quranic and 1883, these broadly outline three main MALAY HEALING PRACTICES ubat-ubatan as remedies administered hybridised form of Islam. In his address incantations and prayers addressed solely types of healing practices: those using according to the principles of chemistry and before the Straits Philosophical Society to God, even though most other aspects of natural resources such as plants and herbs; Is traditional Malay medicine based on scientific evidence, while others dismissed in 1896, English orientalist and linguist the rituals are Hindu-Buddhist or pre-Indic those relying on wafaq (written symbols such healing practices as belonging to Charles O. Blagden postulated that in character. or amulets); and healing practices using and folklore or grounded in scientific evidence? the realm of magic and the . were “only superficially Muhammadan” as Although the origins are unclear, Quranic verses, supplications and sala- Nadirah Norruddin uncovers the varying perceptions For the most part, the British regarded their folk rituals were “unorthodox” and the Malay method of healing is mainly wat (blessings to the Prophet). All these traditional Malay medicine with suspicion “pagan” in relation to the basic tenets of administered by the traditional medicine techniques can be used simultaneously of Malay medicine in colonial Malaya. and antithetic to its Western counterpart. Islam.3 Such an assertion, however, simpli- man or bomoh (see text box above), who or separately.4

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Although Islam may have encour- and botany, traditional Malay healers also religion and , centering their writ- aged the use and incorporation of nature offered spiritual healing to cure the sick. ing around the use of amulets, incantations, humoural theory and malay medicine in traditional Malay medicine, natural The belief is that animate and inanimate charms and sorcery by the community. Humoural theory, which is one of remedies were already widely used in objects, including the physical body, pos- The late 19th to early 20th centu- the oldest theories of medicine, is local healing practices and rituals prior sess semangat (a vital force or soul). The ries saw a significant output in research organised around the four humours to the arrival of Islam in the Malay world. loss of semangat can be detrimental to by colonial scholars who studied Malay – blood, phlegm, yellow bile and For example, common plants, herbs and one’s physical and mental well-being. belief systems and healing practices. The black bile – and is associated with the spices like bonglai (Zinggibar cassumunar) A healer is purportedly able to manip- body of ideas and literature generated by four elements of earth (flesh), water had been used to treat migraine, cough and ulate and revive the semangat of the sick these early observers were often biased, (phlegm), air/wind (temperament), gastrointestinal problems for centuries. – particularly those suffering from mental filled with racist sentiments or tinged with and fire (blood). The four elements As observed by British physician John and spiritual ailments. To treat patients who romanticism, although some scholars were are in turn paired up with the four D. Gimlette in his book, Malay Poisons and might have been “disturbed” by unseen of the view that the sudden rise in writings qualities of cold, hot, moist and dry. Charm Cures (1915),6 used rattan forces, healers invoke supernatural entities on Malay magic and medicine was simply Each individual has a particular splints for simple fractures and wood ash through jampi (incantations), spells and an effort at documenting the “primitive” humoural makeup, or “constitution”. as an antiseptic dressing. When a baby elaborate rituals. Such ceremonies may and vanishing aspects of the social and (Left) A typical Kitab Tibb (The Book of Medicine) manuscript from 14th-century Iran listing the cures, As optimal health is attained when was delivered by a bidan or midwife, the sometimes take the form of a public event, cultural lifestyles of the Malays.8 properties and methods of preparation for healing purposes. Such manuscripts were later translated the humours are in harmonious bal- and used in the Malay Archipelago. Collection of the Asian Civilisations Museum. umbilical cord is cut with a stem witnessed by the entire village and accom- The use of magic and the fervent belief ance, any imbalance of the humours (Right) An anchak or sacrificial tray used by the Malay medicine man (orbomoh ). The tray has a fringe and the stump dusted with wood ash or a panied by loud music. The public nature of in religion among Malays have often been around it called “centipedes’ feet”. The ketupat and lepat (rice receptacles made of plaited palm fronds) may result in disease and sickness. paste made of pepper, ginger and turmeric. such rituals was often derided by colonial cited as stumbling blocks to the develop- are hung from the “suspenders” attached to the tray. Image reproduced from Skeat, W.W. (1900). Ma- In one of the earliest Malayan Islamic medical science introduced administrators and scholars, who saw ment and progress of the community. In lay Magic: Being an Introduction to the Folklore and Popular Religion of the Malay Peninsula (p. 414). accounts of humoural theory, English London: Macmillan and Co. new concepts to the pre-existing knowledge these practices as primitive and irrational his September 1896 report from Kuala scholar Thomas J. Newbold describes of the human body and the environment. or, as Gimlette puts it, “circumvent[ing] Langat, Selangor, where he worked in the Malay medicine as being based on the The seeds of Islamic medicine and heal- Muhammadan tenets”.7 Straits Settlements civil service, English The earliest edition of the Kitab representations of disease symptoms fundamental “principle of ’preserving ing can be traced back to the Quran, the anthropologist Walter W. Skeat made the Tibb was written on 12 wooden sheets, as well as the appropriate incantations. the balance of power’ within the four underlying philosophy of using flora and overtly racist remark that “indolent and and prescribed medications based on The Cultural and Scientific Divide elements, specifically, air, fire, water fauna in natural remedies grounded in the ignorant Malays” needed to be “saved from plants, herbs and spices commonly and earth”.1 This ranges from the con- Types of Healing belief in Allah as the Creator of Nature. As There is a paucity of comprehensive writ- themselves”, and attributed the “many found in the region. The manuscript sumption of certain hot or cold foods such, tapping on the healing properties of ten records of traditional Malay healing as crippled lives and early deaths” to the “evil also includes a list of dietary restric- Traditional Malay healing offers a holistic, (such as meat and fruit respectively), the earth has been a long-standing aspect much of it have not survived the ravages of influence of the horde of bomors”.9 In fact, tions and a variety of taboos (pantang multifaceted and ecological solution to a hot and cold temperatures, wind, of the Islamic medical tradition. One of the time. Whatever extant Malay manuscripts Skeat believed that increasing “contact larang) the afflicted should observe.5 multitude of illnesses and ailments. It com- micro-organisms and supernatural verses from Surah An-nahl (16:69) of the – mostly inherited and passed down orally with European civilisation” by the local By the 19th century, surviving copies of prises aspects of the spiritual, such as magic, forces. Dry chills and dizzy spells arise Quran reads thus: from one generation to the next (ilmu Malay tribes had diminished their use of the Kitab Tibb in the Malay Peninsula and the supernatural, and the when the “earth” element is too strong turun) or by way of apprenticeship (ilmu charms and spells.10 were known to contain detailed obser- empirical, such as dietetics and herbal- and from ailments such as cholera “Then eat from all the fruits and tuntut) – along with books and documents Biased perceptions of traditional vations by the bomoh, including visual ism, which can be scientifically explained. and dysentery, which are caused by follow the ways of your Lord laid authored by colonial scholars, provide the Malay society, such as its healing practices, excessive heat and moisture from down [for you]. There emerges from only window into the ancient practices and could have been used by the British to jus- the “air”.2 Consuming large amounts their (bees) bellies a drink, varying in beliefs of the Malay world. tify its political domination and imperialist of food that contain “air” may cause healing practices colours, in which there is healing for In striving to achieve a balance of the motives.11 There were, however, several feebleness in some. The plants and people. Indeed, in that there is a sign body, mind, health and spirit, traditional scholars such as Thomas N. Annandale One of the most notable Malay medical manuscripts translated into English herbs prescribed by Malay healers for people who give thought.” Malay medicine does not differ much from and John D. Gimlette, who acknowledged is Ismail Munshi’s The Medical Book of Malayan Medicine. Originally written help to revitalise and restore these Ayurvedic, Chinese and Hippocratic traditions the benefits and scientific merit of tradi- in Jawi (c. 1850), it contains over 550 remedies for maladies ranging from imbalances in the human body. Ancient medical texts in the Malay that emphasise the same – especially with tional Malay medicine.12 Both men were migraines to depression, bloatedness and leprosy. world did not have specific titles but were regard to humoural theory. Colonial writings, heavily involved in fieldwork and were well generally referred to as Kitab Tibb and however, have tended to focus on Malay folk known for their research on traditional Notes for violent headaches and for dizziness and for night chills primarily consisted of translations from 1 Newbold, T.J. (2015). Political and statistical loss of energy vertigo Persian and Indian sources. Different account of the British settlements in the Ingredients Cumin seeds (5 cents) 5 young shoots of Daun medan (root manuscripts prescribed different courses Straits of Malacca, viz. Pinang, Malacca, Garlic (10 cents) betel vine of an unidentified and Singapore, with a history of the Malayan of treatment even for the same ailments. states on the peninsula of Malacca vol. 2 of 2 Indian hemp Red onion plant) Interestingly, the vast array of natural (p. 242). London: Forgotten Books. (Call no.: Ginger Fennel seeds 7 kernels of the sources described in these manuscripts RSING 959.5 NEW) Smilax china fruit of the candle are likely still in use today in the Malay 2 Squeamishness, heartburn and fevers arise Mace (35 cents), nut when the “fire” element is too strong. The “water” Nutmeg (5 cents) Peninsula, either as supplements or element causes damp chills and vomiting. Henbane natural remedies. Javanese ginger The Andalusian botanist and phar- macist Ibn al-Baytar’s pharmacopeia, Method Pound all ingredients Grind finely. Place Reduce both titled Compendium of Simple Medica- The bomoh akar kayu (akar kayu means “roots” together and mix with the pulp on a piece ingredients to ments and Foods and published in the in Malay) believes that nature is the source of honey to form into of cloth. Squeeze fine pulp. Apply to life and is imbued with restorative qualities. The tablets. Patient to take the juice into the patient’s head. 13th century, is still a widely consulted bomoh akar kayu is well versed in the healing tablets until course of patient’s eyes for text in the world of Malay healing today. properties of plants and herbs, and forages hilly treatment is complete. three days. It lists 1,400 plants, foods and drugs, and areas and dense forests like the one illustrated their uses, organised alphabetically by the here in search of plants to make ubat (medicine). Reference This 1869 print titled “Bathing Place Near Selita” name of the plant or plant component. Burkill, I.H., & Ismail Munshi. (1930). The medical book of Malayan medicine. Singapore: Botanic Gardens. in Singapore is by Austrian naturalist Eugen von (Call no.: RCLOS 615.3209595 MED) Apart from their knowledge of Ransonnet. Courtesy of National Museum of humoural theory (see text box page 21) Singapore, National Heritage Board.

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20th-century Malaya have largely con- in-service training. Local women were 16 Why fewer babies are now dying in Singapore. Notes (1935, July 21). The Straits Times, p. 13. Retrieved texualised their understanding and knowl- also trained in biomedicine, midwifery and 1 The World Health Organization defines traditional edge of Malay medicine against Western from NewspaperSG. nursing in order to replace the traditional medicine (also known as folk, indigenous or 17 In the Malay villages, traditional healers were markers. This cultural chasm was mainly role of the bidan. The intention was not to alternative medicine) as “the sum total of the involved in sanctifying the village via ceremonies due to a lack of empathy and the inability encourage women to deliver in hospitals knowledge, skill, and practices based on the and rituals, and were also involved in the affairs to comprehend the complexities behind (due to a lack of beds and facilities), but theories, beliefs, and experiences indigenous of the state. In 1946, bomohs worked alongside to different cultures, whether explicable or not, the religious rituals and healing systems rather to establish a pool of trained and European medical officers to combat the smallpox used in the maintenance of health as well as epidemic in Malaya. of indigenous groups. For the most part, licensed midwives who could recognise in the prevention, diagnosis, improvement or 18 Owen, N.G. (Ed.). (1987). Death and disease in Malay healing practices were regarded complications during pregnancy and refer treatment of physical and mental illness”. Herbal : Explorations in social, medical and as and folklore that could the women to the hospitals if necessary. medicines include “herbs, herbal materials, herbal demographic history (p. 258). Singapore: Oxford preparations and finished herbal products that University Press. (Call no.: RSING 301.3220959 DEA) not be explained by scientific theories. By the 1920s, mobile dispensaries as well contain as active ingredients parts of plant, or other Hence over time, some traditional Malay 19 Singapore. The Statutes of the Republic of as home and school visits were available to plant materials or combinations”. See World Health Singapore. (1987, March 30). Sale of Drugs Act 15 healers co-opted the language of religion communities living in rural areas, and public Organization. (2018). Traditional, complementary (Cap 282, 1985 Rev. ed.). Retrieved from Singapore and, eventually, science into their practice campaigns were mounted to ensure that peo- and integrative medicine. Retrieved from World Statutes Online website. in order to gain wider acceptance by their ple had access to medicine and healthcare. Health Organization website. 20 Singapore. The Statutes of the Republic of 2 The Kitab Permata from 19th-century Patani Western critics. By 1936, there were 720 trained mid- Singapore. (1999, December 30). Poisons Act (Cap (southern Thailand) discusses the characteristics 234, 1999 Rev. ed.). Retrieved from Singapore wives in Singapore, 574 in Penang and 224 in and medicinal properties of gemstones. minerals Statutes Online website. and metals. This text is commonly used by traditional Legislating Malay Medicine Malacca. Despite these efforts, traditional bidans were still sought after by Malayan healers in the north coast of the Malay Peninsula. 3 Blagden, C.O. (1896, July). Notes on the folk-lore and References Although Western medical services were women in the subsequent decades due to popular religion of the Malays. Journal of the Straits Bala, A. (Ed.) (2013). Asia, Europe, and the emergence gradually introduced to the local population, the personal nature of the antenatal and Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 29, 1. Retrieved of modern science: Knowledge crossing most Malays continued to consult their com- postnatal services they provided, including from JSTOR via NLB’s eResources website. boundaries. Singapore: Institute of Southeast 4 Malay healers used Quranic verses to supplement the munity healers as they allegedly had “com- up to six weeks after delivery. Asian Studies. (Call no.: RSEA 509.5 ASI) efficacy of herbs and medicinal plants. Supplications plete faith in their own particular charms Two other legislations introduced by Haliza Mohd Riji. (2000). Prinsip dan amalan dalam remain at the heart of Malay healing. A healer may perubatan Melayu. Kuala Lumpur: Penerbit and cures” and “dread[ed] hospitals, doctors the colonial government further threatened choose to use only plants and herbs with supplications 16 Universiti Malaya. (Call no.: Malay RSEA and western medicines”. As traditional the existence of traditional healers and the but without wafaq, while another may use fewer plants 615.88209595 HAL) healers were also involved in non-medical provision of traditional medicine. Under the and herbs and more wafaq in his practice. Harun Mat Piah. (2006). Kitab tib: Ilmu perubatan Melayu. 5 A prominent Patani scholar, Sheikh Ahmad matters such as state, social and cultural Sale of Food and Drugs Ordinance that came Kuala Lumpur: Perpustakaan Negara : al-Fathani, laboured his discourse in Islamic Kementerian Kebudayaan, Kesenian, dan Warisan affairs, they occupied an esteemed position into force in 1914, the sale of adulterated knowledge with the science of medicine. His 17 Malaysia. (Call no.: Malay R 615.880899928 HAR) in the indigenous communities they served. drugs was deemed an offence “if the pur- manuscript, Tayyib al-Ihsan fi Tibb al-Insan, which Manderson, L. (1996). Sickness and the state: Health By the turn of the 20th century, the chaser [was] not fully informed of the nature was produced in 1895, was widely consulted by and illness in colonial Malaya, 1870–1940. New 19 traditional healers in 20th-century Malaya. British had become more receptive to Malay of adulteration at time of purchase”. The York: Cambridge University Press. (Call no.: RSEA 6 John D. Gimlette was a physician who resided in healing practices. Although dismissive of second legislation, the Poisons Ordinance of 362.1095951 MAN) the Malay state of for many years and Matheson, V., & Hooker, M. (1988). Jawi literature in the efficacy of traditional Malay medicine, 1938 “regulate[d] the possession and sales was extremely interested in the subject of Malay Patani: The maintenance of an Islamic tradition. the British were aware that traditional of potent medicinal substances, to prevent poisons, sorcery and cures. See Gimlette, J.D. Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal healers formed the backbone of a long- misuse or illicit diversion of poisons”.20 (1915). Malay poisons and charm cures. London: Asiatic Society, 61(1)(254), 1–86. Retrieved from J. & A. Churchill. (Call no.: RRARE 398.4 GIM-[JSB]) established support system that locals These laws compromised the role of JSTOR via NLB’s eResources website. 7 Gimlette, 1915, p. 106. McHugh, J.N. (1955). Hantu hantu: An account of could turn to in times of physical, emotional traditional Malay healers in the community, 8 Winzeler, R.L. (1983). The study of Malay magic. ghost belief in modern Malaya. Singapore: Donald and spiritual distress. especially given the latent suspicions sur- Bijdragen Tot De Taal-, Land- En Volkenkunde, Moore. (Call no.: RCLOS 398.47 MAC-[RFL]) (Top) The Malay midwife, or bidan, holds a pelepas (made from double slipknot palm fronds or string) before A significant example would be the rounding Malay medicine. However, due 139 (4), 435–458, p. 436. Retrieved from JSTOR via Mohd. Affendi Mohd.Shafri & Intan Azura Shahdan. the mother and child as she recites an to release them from the postpartum period. Image NLB’s eResources website. role of the bidan, or midwife, in the commu- to the high costs involved in establishing (Eds.). (2017). Malay medical manuscripts: reproduced from Laderman, C. (1983). Wives and Midwives: Childbirth and Nutrition in Rural Malaysia. 9 Malay “doctors”. (1896, September 22). The nity. Before the colonial government set up an islandwide public healthcare system, Heritage from the garden of healing. Kajang, Berkeley: University of California Press. (Call no.: RSEA 301.209595112 LAD) Singapore Free Press and Mercantile Advertiser, Selangor, Malaysia: Akademi Jawi Malaysia. (Above) Group photograph of Malay midwives in Singapore, 1950. Known as bidan, these midwives a maternity hospital in 1888, the demands the British authorities were rather lax at p. 4. Retrieved from NewspaperSG. (Call no.: RSEA 610.95 INT) specialised in women’s health matters, including fecundity, midwifery and contraception, along with of pregnancy – ranging from prenatal care enforcing these legislations, and allowed 10 Skeat, W.W. (1900). Malay magic: Being an Muhamad Zakaria & Mustafa Ali Mohd. (1992). beauty-related disorders. Haji Mawardi Collection, courtesy of National Archives of Singapore. to actual delivery and postpartum care – itinerant and home-based traditional introduction to the folklore and popular religion Tumbuhan dan perubatan tradisional. Kuala of the Malay Peninsula (pp. 424–425). London: were handled by bidans. healers to continue practising their craft. Lumpur: Fajar Bakti. (Call no.: Malay RSING Macmillan and Co., Limited. (Call no.: RCLOS 398.4 615.88209595 MUH) Malay medicine. Gimlette referenced local issues from a scientific and cultural point of Although colonial medical officers With the introduction of Western- SKE-[GH]) Ong, H.T. (Ed.). (2011). To heal the sick: The story of sources, including Kelatanese manu- view. This enabled him to treat his patients acknowledged the importance of bidans, style healthcare, including clinics and 11 Winzeler, 1983, p. 447. healthcare and doctors in Penang. Georgetown: scripts, for his book Malay Poisons and using Malay herbal medicine whenever nec- they were concerned that these midwives hospitals, and the increasing availability 12 Thomas N. Annandale was a Scottish zoologist, Penang Medical Practitioners’ Society. (Call no.: entomologist, anthropologist and herpetologist, Charm Cures (1915), which today remains essary. Gerrard drew parallels to Western were operating under unsanitary condi- of over-the-counter medications from the RSEA 362.1095951 TO) who became interested in Malay animism, related a classic and definitive reference guide medicine and, in doing so, lent credibility to tions. In the early 20th century, a surge in turn of the 20th century onwards, tradi- Owen, N.G. (Eds.). (1987). Death and disease in magical lore and curers. Southeast Asia : Explorations in social, medical to the practices of Malay healers. As the Malay practices and beliefs – at least in the the infant mortality rate was mainly attrib- tional Malay healing played a smaller role 13 From pineapples (Ananassa sativa) and keladi and demographic history. Singapore: Oxford use of some herbs and plants could lead eyes of the colonial administrators. uted to traditional midwifery practices: in the lives and rhythms of the community. (Alocasia denudata) to cheraka (Plumbaginasea), University Press. (Call no.: 301.3220959 DEA) to fatal consequences, Gimlette’s study of Like Gimlette, Gerrard praised the many babies died from Tetanus neonato- State controls and the exposure to the poisons Gimlette examined have been Mohd. Taib Osman. (1989). Malay folk beliefs: An integration 18 described to contain active ingredients useful in the the wild varieties of vegetation in the Malay Malays’ profound understanding of plants rum (umbilical infection). The authorities Western education further put paid to the ser- of disparate elements. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa study of modern medicine. dan Pustaka, Kementerian Pendidikan Malaysia. (Call Archipelago opened up a new field of study and herbs, and highlighted the medicinal thought it imperative that bidans be trained vices of traditional Malay healers. Although 14 Gerrard, P.N. (1905). A vocabulary of Malay 13 no.: RSEA 398.4109595 MOH) for physiologists and pharmacologists. value of these untapped sources and the and supervised to reduce maternal and their numbers have drastically dwindled over medical terms. Singapore: Kelly & Walsh. Tuminah Sapawi. (1997, January 8). Bidan kampung An attempt to comprehend the Malay native knowledge of local medicine. Despite infant mortality rates, and to develop trust the years, traditional Malay medicine contin- (Microfilm no.: NL27512) now offers massage and other rituals. The Straits 15 Anthropologist Thomas Fraser notes that in village pathological framework for medicine and his affirmations of the scientific value of and spread awareness of Western medical ues to play an ancillary – and occasionally Times, p. 17. Retrieved from NewspaperSG. processions led by the pawang who is healing disease is also evident in Percy N. Gerrard’s herbs in Malay healing, Gerrard felt that services among Malay mothers. complementary – role to Western medicine Wilkinson, R.J. (1908–10). Papers on Malay subjects. a physically ill or possessed patient, the imam [First series, 4], Life and customs (p. 1). Kuala medical dictionary, A Vocabulary of Malay the community’s belief in the supernatural Under the Midwives Ordinance today for those who recognise its efficacy in (Islamic worship leader) is also involved to officiate 14 Lumpur: Printed at the F.M.S. Govt. Press. [Microfilm Medical Terms (1905). As a medical profes- was an impediment to British acceptance enacted in the Straits Settlements in providing ritual care and treating spiritual the ritual from a religious perspective. This no.: NL 263]. sional, Gerrard’s efforts were borne out of of traditional Malay medicine and healers. 1915, all bidans had to be registered with ailments and conditions not yet acknowledged prevents any possible conflict with Islamic beliefs the desire to understand his patients’ medical It is clear that colonial observers of the Central Midwives Board and undergo in Western medical science. that may border on shirk (idolatory or ).

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