Fight Civil Liberty 1930- 1931
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Garland's Million: the Radical Experiment To
October 14, 2019 To: ABF Legal History Seminar From: John Fabian Witt Re: October 23 seminar Thanks so much for looking at my drafts and coming to my session! I’m thrilled to have been invited to Chicago. I am attaching chapters 5 and 8 from my book-in-progress, tentatively titled Garland’s Million: The Radical Experiment to Save American Democracy. The book is the story of an organization known informally as the Garland Fund or formally as the American Fund for Public Service: a philanthropic foundation established in 1922 to give money to liberal and left causes. The Fund figures prominently in the history of civil rights lawyering because of its role setting in motion the early stages of the NAACP’s litigation campaign that led a quarter-century later to Brown v. Board of Education. I hope you will be able to get some sense of the project from the crucial chapters I’ve attached here. These chapters come from Part 2 of the book. Part 1 focuses on Roger Baldwin, the founder of the ACLU and the principal energy behind the Fund. Part 2 (including the chapters here) focuses on James Weldon Johnson, who ran the NAACP during the 1920s and was a board member of the Fund. Parts 3 and 4 turn respectively to Elizabeth Gurley Flynn (a labor radical on the board) and Felix Frankfurter, who in the 1920s served as a key outside consultant and counsel to the Fund. To set the stage, readers have learned in Part 1 about Baldwin as a disillusioned reformer, who advocated progressive programs like the initiative and referendum only to see direct democracy produce a wave of white supremacist initiatives. -
John Ahouse-Upton Sinclair Collection, 1895-2014
http://oac.cdlib.org/findaid/ark:/13030/c8cn764d No online items INVENTORY OF THE JOHN AHOUSE-UPTON SINCLAIR COLLECTION, 1895-2014, Finding aid prepared by Greg Williams California State University, Dominguez Hills Archives & Special Collections University Library, Room 5039 1000 E. Victoria Street Carson, California 90747 Phone: (310) 243-3895 URL: http://www.csudh.edu/archives/csudh/index.html ©2014 INVENTORY OF THE JOHN "Consult repository." 1 AHOUSE-UPTON SINCLAIR COLLECTION, 1895-2014, Descriptive Summary Title: John Ahouse-Upton Sinclair Collection Dates: 1895-2014 Collection Number: "Consult repository." Collector: Ahouse, John B. Extent: 12 linear feet, 400 books Repository: California State University, Dominguez Hills Archives and Special Collections Archives & Special Collection University Library, Room 5039 1000 E. Victoria Street Carson, California 90747 Phone: (310) 243-3013 URL: http://www.csudh.edu/archives/csudh/index.html Abstract: This collection consists of 400 books, 12 linear feet of archival items and resource material about Upton Sinclair collected by bibliographer John Ahouse, author of Upton Sinclair, A Descriptive Annotated Bibliography . Included are Upton Sinclair books, pamphlets, newspaper articles, publications, circular letters, manuscripts, and a few personal letters. Also included are a wide variety of subject files, scholarly or popular articles about Sinclair, videos, recordings, and manuscripts for Sinclair biographies. Included are Upton Sinclair’s A Monthly Magazine, EPIC Newspapers and the Upton Sinclair Quarterly Newsletters. Language: Collection material is primarily in English Access There are no access restrictions on this collection. Publication Rights All requests for permission to publish or quote from manuscripts must be submitted in writing to the Director of Archives and Special Collections. -
American Liberal Pacifists and the Memory of Abolitionism, 1914-1933 Joseph Kip Kosek
American Liberal Pacifists and the Memory of Abolitionism, 1914-1933 Joseph Kip Kosek Americans’ memory of their Civil War has always been more than idle reminiscence. David Blight’s Race and Reunion: The Civil War in American Memory is the best new work to examine the way that the nation actively reimagined the past in order to explain and justify the present. Interdisciplinary in its methods, ecumenical in its sources, and nuanced in its interpretations, Race and Reunion explains how the recollection of the Civil War became a case of race versus reunion in the half-century after Gettysburg. On one hand, Frederick Douglass and his allies promoted an “emancipationist” vision that drew attention to the role of slavery in the conflict and that highlighted the continuing problem of racial inequality. Opposed to this stance was the “reconciliationist” ideal, which located the meaning of the war in notions of abstract heroism and devotion by North and South alike, divorced from any particular allegiance. On this ground the former combatants could meet undisturbed by the problems of politics and ideological difference. This latter view became the dominant memory, and, involving as it did a kind of forgetting, laid the groundwork for decades of racial violence and segregation, Blight argues. Thus did memory frame the possibilities of politics and moral action. The first photograph in Race and Reunion illustrates this victory of reunion, showing Woodrow Wilson at Gettysburg in 1913. Wilson, surrounded by white veterans from North and South, with Union and Confederate flags flying, is making a speech in which he praises the heroism of the combatants in the Civil War while declaring their “quarrel forgotten.” The last photograph in Blight’s book, though, invokes a different story about Civil War memory. -
John Haynes Holmes
UU Saints: John Haynes Holmes Delivered to the First Unitarian Church of Wilmington Delaware February 15, 2014 By Rev. Dr. Joshua Snyder There are few people who were as loved and hated in their life time as was Rev. John Haynes Holmes. Of course the main reason for that was that once John Haynes Holmes believed something, he never let it go. He was never one for half measures. It defined his life, his ministry and his legacy within Unitarian Universalism. John Haynes Holmes was born on November 29, 1879 in Philadelphia. He attended Harvard University and then Harvard Divinity School. He began his first ministry in Dorchester Massachusetts in 1904. However he was there only three years before moving on to the church where he would be most associated with: the Church of the Messiah in Manhattan. Later at his insistence the church would be renamed the Community Church of New York which is how it is known today. He came initially as the junior minister in 1907 and then became the senior minister in 1918. John Haynes Holmes served as senior minister of the Community Church of New York for 31 years before 1 being named minister emeritus in 1949. In total, Holmes served the same congregation in the middle of New York City for 42 years. Holmes was definitely a man of his time and of his city. He regularly contributed to the New Yorker, the Nation, and other national magazines with numerous articles and essays. He was the editor of Unity, a Unitarian magazine and had a regular column in the journal Unitarian Advance. -
[Communist Pamphlets]
ILLINOI S UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS AT URBANA-CHAMPAIGN PRODUCTION NOTE University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign Library Brittle Books Project, 2011. COPYRIGHT NOTIFICATION In Copyright. Reproduced according to U.S. copyright law USC 17 section 107. Contact [email protected] for more information. This digital copy was made from the printed version held by the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. It was made in compliance with copyright law. Prepared for the Brittle Books Project, Preservation Department, Main Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign by Northern Micrographics Brookhaven Bindery La Crosse, Wisconsin 2011 C OMMUNISM I. RUSSIA 1. HISTORICAL. The idea of Communism, which Webster defines as "Any theory or system of social organization involving common ownership of the agents of production, and some approach to equality in the distribution of the pro- ducts of industry," is not new. In 1776 Dr. Adam Weishaupt, a professor of law in a Bavarian college, founded the Order of the Illuminati with the aim of abolishing monarchy and all ordered government, private property, inheritance, patriotism, the family, and religion. The order spread rapidly tl :agh France, Italy and Germany, but was eventually exposed and driv- e :nderground. In 1789 the Jacobin Club, organized by Robespierre and ot a who had been affiliated with the Illuminati, did much to give so sa ,ainary a hue to the French Revolution and provide a pattern for the R ussian Bolsheviks some 130 years later. Undoubtedly influenced by Weishaupt, Jean Jacques Rousseau and ot' ers, Karl Marx and Freidrich Engels, two apostate young German Jews, produced the famous Communist Manifesto in 1848 as the platform of the Communist League, a German organization which later became inter- national. -
“We Are Still Walking'' the Martin Luther King, Jr. Papers Project
ing, a radiating personality, and genuine honesty. With these qualities I am sure Dec that you will make a real success of your work in an orphan home. ‘956 You have my prayers and best wishes for a future filled with success. Very sincerely yours, M. L. King, Jr., President MLELmlb THLc. MLKP-MBU: Box 64. The Martin Luther King, Jr. Papers Project “We Are Still Walking’’ December 1956 New York, N.Y. Liberation, a new radicalpacifist magazine, had published an article by King in its second issue.‘ Celebrating the boycott sjrst anniversary with a “Salute to Montgomery” by seven prominent political and religious leaders,2 its December special issue included ajrsthand account of “How It All Started ’’ by MAactivist E. D. Nixon as well as Kings report on thejnal stage of the protest. In this statement King contends that, despite its apparent legal and moral victory, the movement had entered its “most dz@cult”period. He asks everyone to return to the buses “not as a right but as a duty. rfwego back as a right, there is a danger that we will be blind to the rights of others.” When the Supreme Court ruled on November 13th that segregated buses are illegal, it must have appeared to many people that our struggle in Montgomery was over. Actually, the most difficult stage of crisis had just begun. For one thing the immediate response of some influential white people was to scoff at the court decision and to announce that it would never be put into effect. One pro-segregationist said: “We are prepared for a century of litigation.” The leader of the Montgomery Citizens Council stated: “Any attempt to enforce this decision will inevitably lead to riot and bloodshed.” It is clear that all our tact and all our love are called for in order to meet the situation creatively. -
Movement Capture Or Movement Strategy? a Critical Race History Exchange on the Beginnings of Brown V
Movement Capture or Movement Strategy? A Critical Race History Exchange on the Beginnings of Brown v. Board Megan Ming Francis & John Fabian Witt In 2019, Megan Ming Francis published a path-breaking article challenging the conventional wisdom in the field on a core piece of civil rights history: the role of a philanthropic foundation called the American Fund for Public Service, also known as the Garland Fund, in working alongside the NAACP to produce the organization’s famous litigation campaign leading to Brown v. Board of Education. Starting in the late 1920s and early 1930s, education came to occupy a central place in the NAACP’s agenda, and education desegregation became the focus of its efforts to break the back of Jim Crow. In Francis’s provocative account, the predominantly white Garland Fund captured the agenda of the civil rights organization through its financial influence, shifting the organization’s central focus from racial violence toward education equality. An organization that had been focused on protecting Black lives from white violence reoriented its attention to a new campaign, which siphoned off resources from other projects, such as workers’ economic rights and Black labor concerns. In this exchange, Francis and legal historian John Fabian Witt debate exactly who captured whom in the relationship between the NAACP and the Garland Fund. Their exchange engages method and substance in the history of civil rights. Among other things, Witt contends that the NAACP’s leadership also subtly coopted the Garland Fund’s resources and turned them toward the civil rights organization’s preexisting objectives rather than vice versa. -
Dorrien-Vitae
! Gary Dorrien Reinhold Niebuhr Professor of Social Ethics, Union Theological Seminary Professor of Religion, Columbia University Birthdate: March 21, 1952 Marital: Widower (Married to Brenda L. Biggs from 1979 to 2000) Children: Sara Biggs Dorrien, born January 2, 1986 Ordination: Ordained to Episcopal priesthood, December 18, 1982 Previous Position: Parfet Distinguished Professor, Kalamazoo College EDUCATION B.A., Summa Cum Laude, Alma College 1974; M.Div., Union Theological Seminary 1978; M.A., Princeton Theological Seminary 1979; Th.M., Princeton Theological Seminary 1979; Ph.D., Union Graduate School 1989, D.Litt., MacMurray College, 2005; D.D., Trinity College 2010. BOOKS Logic and Consciousness: The Dialectics of Mind, Hastings Press, 1985. The Democratic Socialist Vision, Rowman & Littlefield, 1986. Reconstructing the Common Good: Theology and the Social Order, Orbis Books, 1990, 1992; Wipf and Stock, 2008. The Neoconservative Mind: Politics, Culture, and the War of Ideology, Temple University Press, 1993, 1994. Page 2! - Vita of Gary Dorrien Soul in Society: The Making and Renewal of Social Christianity, Fortress Press, 1995. The Word as True Myth: Interpreting Modern Theology, Westminster John Knox Press, 1997. The Remaking of Evangelical Theology, Westminster John Knox Press, 1998. The Barthian Revolt in Modern Theology: Theology Without Weapons, Westminster John Knox Press, 2000. The Making of American Liberal Theology: Imagining Progressive Religion, 1805-1900, Westminster John Knox Press, 2001. The Making of American Liberal Theology: Idealism, Realism and Modernity, 1900-1950, Westminster John Knox Press, 2003. Imperial Designs: Neoconservatism and the New Pax Americana, Routledge, 2004. The Making of American Liberal Theology: Crisis, Irony and Postmodernity, 1950-2005, Westminster John Knox Press, 2006. -
The Board of Directors, the Struggle with Anti-Communism, and Elizabeth Gurley Flynn Douglas Colin Post
University of Richmond UR Scholarship Repository Master's Theses Student Research 11-1995 Partisanship within the American Civil Libterties Union: the Board of Directors, the struggle with anti-communism, and Elizabeth Gurley Flynn Douglas Colin Post Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.richmond.edu/masters-theses Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Post, Douglas Colin, "Partisanship within the American Civil Libterties Union: the Board of Directors, the struggle with anti- communism, and Elizabeth Gurley Flynn" (1995). Master's Theses. Paper 803. This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Research at UR Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Master's Theses by an authorized administrator of UR Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Partisanship within the American Civil Liberties Union: the Board of Directors, the Struggle with Anti-communism, and Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, 1938-1940. By Douglas Colin Post. Master of Arts in history. University of Richmond. May 1996. Professor R. Barry Westin, thesis director. The American Civil Liberties Union and an overwhelming majority of its historians have maintained that the organization has devoted its efforts solely to the protection of the Bill of Rights. This thesis examines that claim, focusing on the events that culminated in the expulsion of Elizabeth Gurley Flynn from the Union's Board of Directors. Relying primarily on the organization's own publications and archives, as well as several insiders' accounts, the analysis concludes that the issue of communism increasingly polarized the Board and, in a gross violation of its nonpartisan commitment to the defense of civil liberties, led ultimately to the Communist Flynn's removal. -
Convert Finding Aid To
Morris Leopold Ernst: An Inventory of His Papers at the Harry Ransom Center Descriptive Summary Creator: Ernst, Morris Leopold, 1888-1976 Title: Morris Leopold Ernst Papers Dates: 1904-2000, undated Extent: 590 boxes (260.93 linear feet), 47 galley folders (gf), 30 oversize folders (osf) Abstract: The career and personal life of American attorney and author Morris L. Ernst are documented from 1904 to 2000 through correspondence and memoranda; research materials and notes; minutes, reports, briefs, and other legal documents; handwritten and typed manuscripts; galley proofs; clippings; scrapbooks; audio recordings; photographs; and ephemera. The papers chiefly reflect the variety of issues Ernst dealt with professionally, notably regarding literary censorship and obscenity, but also civil liberties and free speech; privacy; birth control; unions and organized labor; copyright, libel, and slander; big business and monopolies; postal rates; literacy; and many other topics. Call Number: Manuscript Collection MS-1331 Language: English Note: The Ransom Center gratefully acknowledges the assistance of the National Endowment for the Humanities, which provided funds for the preservation and cataloging of this collection. Access: Open for research Administrative Information Acquisition: Gifts and purchases, 1961-2010 (R549, R1916, R1917, R1918, R1919, R1920, R3287, R6041, G1431, 09-06-0006-G, 10-10-0008-G) Processed by: Nicole Davis, Elizabeth Garver, Jennifer Hecker, and Alex Jasinski, with assistance from Kelsey Handler and Molly Odintz, 2009-2012 Repository: The University of Texas at Austin, Harry Ransom Center Ernst, Morris Leopold, 1888-1976 Manuscript Collection MS-1331 Biographical Sketch One of the most influential civil liberties lawyers of the twentieth century, Morris Ernst championed cases that expanded Americans' rights to privacy and freedom from censorship. -
Attempt by Communists to Seize the American
ATTEMPT BY COMMUNISTS To Seize the AMERICAN LABOR MOVEMENT A Series of Six Articles Prepared by United Mine Workers of America and Published in Newspapers of the United States. International Union U.NITED MINE WORKERS OF AMERICA Indianapolis, Ind. 1923 This series of six articles was prepared by the United Mine Workers of America) disclosing the attempt that is bC'ing made by the red forces) under the direct super vision of Moscow) to seize control of the. organized labor movement of America and use it as the base from which to carryon the Communist effort for the overthrow of the American Government. These articles are the result of an independent searching investigation on the part of the United Mine Workers of America which led directly to original sources. NATIONAL CAPITAL PRESS, INC., WtoSHINGTON, O. C. 2 ~4 THE AMAZING SCHEME ARTICLE I The United Mine Workers of America with this article begins an expose of the Communist revolutionary movement in America, as promoted and fostered by the Communist International at Moscow, and dealing with it as it involves the welfare of the miners' union, and other similar labor organizations, and the interests of the American people as a whole. The purpose and object of the United Mine Workers of ·A merica in bringing to the attention of the American people the far-reaching and intensive activities of the Communist . organization in this country is twofold. The United Mine Workers of America wants the public to know what this thing is. It wants the public to know something about the fight which the miners' union is waging to stamp it out. -
Civil Liberties Enforcement and the New Deal State
CIVIL LIBERTIES ENFORCEMENT AND THE NEW DEAL STATE Laura M. Weinrib In May 1937, just one month after the Supreme Court upheld the constitutionality of the National Labor Relations Act,1 the American Civil Liberties Union issued a report on the merits of judicial review. Its subject was only incidentally the Court’s persistent invalidation of New Deal economic legislation, which prompted President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s ill- fated Judicial Procedures Reform Bill. Instead, the ACLU’s report— prepared by Osmond Fraenkel, a member of the Board of Directors and the ACLU’s Supreme Court litigator—addressed the question “how far the Court has been a defender of civil liberties.” To that end, it evaluated the Court’s record in civil liberties cases since the nineteenth century.2 It concluded that the Court had “more often failed to protect the Bill of Rights than preserve it,” and that those decisions favorable to civil liberties involved “less important issues.” Still, the Court had begun to protect “personal rights” (a term encompassing privacy, bodily integrity, and expressive freedom) more vigilantly as a result of its “widening conception” of the due process clause.3 As Fraenkel reflected in comments to the ACLU Board, “so long as we believe in safeguarding the rights of minorities, the power of review is essential to protect these rights.”4 The report was poorly timed to influence debate. By May, the prospects for the president’s court-packing plan were dim, and the ACLU’s eleventh-hour contribution to the discussion garnered relatively little notice. 1 NLRB v.