Chinabrief Volume X Issue 15 July 22, 2010
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China-Turkey Security Cooperation Under the Background of the 'Belt
Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies ISSN: 2576-5949 (Print) 2576-5957 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rmei20 China-Turkey Security Cooperation Under the Background of the ‘Belt and Road’ and the ‘Middle Corridor’ Initiatives Ahmet Faruk Isik & Zhiqiang Zou To cite this article: Ahmet Faruk Isik & Zhiqiang Zou (2019): China-Turkey Security Cooperation Under the Background of the ‘Belt and Road’ and the ‘Middle Corridor’ Initiatives, Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies, DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2019.1605572 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2019.1605572 Published online: 27 Apr 2019. Submit your article to this journal View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rmei20 ASIAN JOURNAL OF MIDDLE EASTERN AND ISLAMIC STUDIES https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2019.1605572 China-Turkey Security Cooperation Under the Background of the ‘Belt and Road’ and the ‘Middle Corridor’ Initiatives Ahmet Faruk Isika and Zhiqiang Zoub aDepartment of Political Science, National Chengchi University, Taipei, China; bMiddle East Studies Institute, Shanghai International Studies University, Shanghai, China ABSTRACT KEYWORDS This article focuses on the security cooperation between China China; Turkey; ‘Belt and and Turkey and the impact of the ‘Belt and Road’ and the ‘Middle Road’ Initiative; ‘Middle Corridor’ Initiatives on bilateral cooperation. The ‘Belt and Road’ Corridor’ Initiative; -
China Year Book 2011
CHINA YEAR BOOK 2011 Edited by BRIGADIER MANDIP SINGH, VSM 1 CHINA YEAR BOOK Cover map not to scale. Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, sorted in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photo-copying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA). ISBN: 978-93-82169-04-8 Disclaimer: The views expressed in this Report are of the Task Force Members and do not necessarily reflect those of the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses or the Government of India. First Published: May 2012 Price: Rs. 299/- Published by: Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses No.1, Development Enclave, Rao Tula Ram Marg, Delhi Cantt., New Delhi - 110 010 Tel. (91-11) 2671-7983 Fax.(91-11) 2615 4191 E-mail: [email protected] Website: http://www.idsa.in Layout & Cover by: Vaijayanti Patankar Printed at: M/s Printline H-10, IInd Floor, NDSE-I New Delhi - 110049 Tel: (91-11) 24651060, 24643119 Mob: 9716335119 Email: [email protected] 2 CONTENTS Foreword ............................................................................. 5 Introduction ......................................................................... 7 Section I: External Relations 1. Sino-Indian Relations in 2011: Two Steps Forward, One Step Backward ................ 13 Rup Narayan Das 2. China's Current Central Asia Policy: Revisiting Priorities ................................................... 24 Jagannath P Panda 3. China and South Asia: Dragon Displacing the Elephant? ............................ 35 South Asia Centre 4. China-US Relations in 2011: Stymied by Strategic Mistrust ................................. 55 Rukmani Gupta 5. China and ASEAN in 2011: Redefining a Relationship ........................................ -
Elite Politics and the Fourth Generation of Chinese Leadership
Elite Politics and the Fourth Generation of Chinese Leadership ZHENG YONGNIAN & LYE LIANG FOOK* The personnel reshuffle at the 16th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party is widely regarded as the first smooth and peaceful transition of power in the Party’s history. Some China observers have even argued that China’s political succession has been institutionalized. While this paper recognizes that the Congress may provide the most obvious manifestation of the institutionalization of political succession, this does not necessarily mean that the informal nature of politics is no longer important. Instead, the paper contends that Chinese political succession continues to be dictated by the rule of man although institutionalization may have conditioned such a process. Jiang Zemin has succeeded in securing a legacy for himself with his “Three Represents” theory and in putting his own men in key positions of the Party and government. All these present challenges to Hu Jintao, Jiang’s successor. Although not new to politics, Hu would have to tread cautiously if he is to succeed in consolidating power. INTRODUCTION Although the 16th Chinese Communist Party (CCP) Congress ended almost a year ago, the outcomes and implications of the Congress continue to grip the attention of China watchers, including government leaders and officials, academics and businessmen. One of the most significant outcomes of the Congress, convened in Beijing from November 8-14, 2002, was that it marked the first ever smooth and peaceful transition of power since the Party was formed more than 80 years ago.1 Neither Mao Zedong nor Deng Xiaoping, despite their impeccable revolutionary credentials, successfully transferred power to their chosen successors. -
Journal of Current Chinese Affairs
China Data Supplement March 2008 J People’s Republic of China J Hong Kong SAR J Macau SAR J Taiwan ISSN 0943-7533 China aktuell Data Supplement – PRC, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, Taiwan 1 Contents The Main National Leadership of the PRC ......................................................................... 2 LIU Jen-Kai The Main Provincial Leadership of the PRC ..................................................................... 31 LIU Jen-Kai Data on Changes in PRC Main Leadership ...................................................................... 38 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Agreements with Foreign Countries ......................................................................... 54 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Laws and Regulations .............................................................................................. 56 LIU Jen-Kai Hong Kong SAR ................................................................................................................ 58 LIU Jen-Kai Macau SAR ....................................................................................................................... 65 LIU Jen-Kai Taiwan .............................................................................................................................. 69 LIU Jen-Kai ISSN 0943-7533 All information given here is derived from generally accessible sources. Publisher/Distributor: GIGA Institute of Asian Studies Rothenbaumchaussee 32 20148 Hamburg Germany Phone: +49 (0 40) 42 88 74-0 Fax: +49 (040) 4107945 2 March 2008 The Main National Leadership of the -
The Chinese Navy: Expanding Capabilities, Evolving Roles
The Chinese Navy: Expanding Capabilities, Evolving Roles The Chinese Navy Expanding Capabilities, Evolving Roles Saunders, EDITED BY Yung, Swaine, PhILLIP C. SAUNderS, ChrISToPher YUNG, and Yang MIChAeL Swaine, ANd ANdreW NIeN-dzU YANG CeNTer For The STUdY oF ChINeSe MilitarY AffairS INSTITUTe For NATIoNAL STrATeGIC STUdIeS NatioNAL deFeNSe UNIverSITY COVER 4 SPINE 990-219 NDU CHINESE NAVY COVER.indd 3 COVER 1 11/29/11 12:35 PM The Chinese Navy: Expanding Capabilities, Evolving Roles 990-219 NDU CHINESE NAVY.indb 1 11/29/11 12:37 PM 990-219 NDU CHINESE NAVY.indb 2 11/29/11 12:37 PM The Chinese Navy: Expanding Capabilities, Evolving Roles Edited by Phillip C. Saunders, Christopher D. Yung, Michael Swaine, and Andrew Nien-Dzu Yang Published by National Defense University Press for the Center for the Study of Chinese Military Affairs Institute for National Strategic Studies Washington, D.C. 2011 990-219 NDU CHINESE NAVY.indb 3 11/29/11 12:37 PM Opinions, conclusions, and recommendations expressed or implied within are solely those of the contributors and do not necessarily represent the views of the U.S. Department of Defense or any other agency of the Federal Government. Cleared for public release; distribution unlimited. Chapter 5 was originally published as an article of the same title in Asian Security 5, no. 2 (2009), 144–169. Copyright © Taylor & Francis Group, LLC. Used by permission. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data The Chinese Navy : expanding capabilities, evolving roles / edited by Phillip C. Saunders ... [et al.]. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. -
China's 17Th Communist Party Congress, 2007: Leadership And
Order Code RS22767 December 5, 2007 China’s 17th Communist Party Congress, 2007: Leadership and Policy Implications Kerry Dumbaugh Specialist in Asian Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Summary The Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) 17th Congress, held from October 15 - 21, 2007, demonstrated the Party’s efforts to try to adapt and redefine itself in the face of emerging economic and social challenges while still trying to maintain its authoritarian one-Party rule. The Congress validated and re-emphasized the priority on continued economic development; expanded that concept to include more balanced and sustainable development; announced that the Party would seek to broaden political participation by expanding intra-Party democracy; and selected two potential rival candidates, Xi Jinping and Li Keqiang, with differing philosophies (rather than one designated successor-in- waiting) as possibilities to succeed to the top Party position in five years. More will be known about the Party’s future prospects and the relative influence of its two potential successors once the National People’s Congress meets in early 2008 to select key government ministers. This report will not be updated. Periodically (approximately every five years) the Chinese Communist Party holds a Congress, attended by some 2,000 senior Party members, to authorize important policy and leadership decisions within the Party for the coming five years. In addition to authorizing substantive policies, the Party at its Congress selects a new Central Committee, comprised of the most important figures in the Party, government, and military.1 The Central Committee in turn technically selects a new Politburo and a new Politburo Standing Committee, comprised of China’s most powerful and important leaders. -
Journal of Current Chinese Affairs
China Data Supplement May 2007 J People’s Republic of China J Hong Kong SAR J Macau SAR J Taiwan ISSN 0943-7533 China aktuell Data Supplement – PRC, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, Taiwan 1 Contents The Main National Leadership of the PRC .......................................................................... 2 LIU Jen-Kai The Main Provincial Leadership of the PRC ..................................................................... 30 LIU Jen-Kai Data on Changes in PRC Main Leadership ...................................................................... 37 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Agreements with Foreign Countries ......................................................................... 42 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Laws and Regulations .............................................................................................. 44 LIU Jen-Kai Hong Kong SAR ................................................................................................................ 45 LIU Jen-Kai Macau SAR ....................................................................................................................... 52 LIU Jen-Kai Taiwan .............................................................................................................................. 56 LIU Jen-Kai ISSN 0943-7533 All information given here is derived from generally accessible sources. Publisher/Distributor: GIGA Institute of Asian Studies Rothenbaumchaussee 32 20148 Hamburg Germany Phone: +49 (0 40) 42 88 74-0 Fax: +49 (040) 4107945 2 May 2007 The Main National Leadership of the PRC -
Chinese Military Leadership After the 17Th Congress: Hu’S Guys Or Whose Guys?
Mulvenon, China Leadership Monitor, No. 23 Chinese Military Leadership After the 17th Congress: Hu’s Guys or Whose Guys? James Mulvenon The civilian political leadership changes at the 17th Party Congress in October 2007 have received close scrutiny from outside observers, but important and interesting personnel adjustments in the military have garnered less attention. This article examines recent Chinese military leadership changes in detail, focusing principally on the Central Military Commission but also tracking significant moves at the Military Region and Service level. Military Leadership Changes Leading Up to the 17th Congress Prior to the 17th Party Congress and the selection of the new Central Committee, Politburo, and Politburo Standing Committee, systematic and sweeping changes were made in the leadership structures of all seven military regions and the services. These reshuffles were not a purge, but an unusually intense round of the PLA’s regular command rotations and age-based removals of personnel. According to a reliable, Beijing-owned newspaper, commanders of the Beijing, Nanjing, Guangzhou, Lanzhou, Chengdu, and Shenyang Military Regions were replaced, as well as the heads of important units such as the General Staff Headquarters, General Armament Department, Air Force, and National Defense University.1 Table 1 Major Military Region Leadership Changes, 2007 Name Previous Position New Position Fang Fenghui COS, GZMR2 CDR, BJMR3 Zhao Keshi COS, NJMR CDR, NJMR4 Zhang Qinsheng DCOGS (Intel), GSD CDR, GZMR5 Li Shiming DCDR, CDMR CDR, CDMR6 Zhang Youxia DCDR, BJMR7 CDR, SYMR8 Wang Guosheng COS, LZMR Commander, LZMR9 Liu Chengjun DCDR, PLAAF CDT, AMS Wang Xibin COS, BJMR CDT, NDU Zhang Yang Dir., Poltical Dept., GZMR PC, GZMR Li Changcai DPC, NJMR PC, LZMR Chen Guoling DPC, GZMR PC, NJMR Zhang Haiyang DPC, BJMR PC, CDMR Tong Shiping Asst. -
The PLA and the 16Th Party Congress Jiang Controls the Gun? James Mulvenon
Hoover-CLM-5.qxd 6/5/2003 12:36 PM Page 20 The PLA and the 16th Party Congress Jiang Controls the Gun? James Mulvenon For Western observers of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA), the 16th Party Congress presented a curious mixture of the past, the present, and the future. Jiang Zemin’s long-rumored and ultimately successful bid to retain the chairmanship of the Central Military Commission (CMC) brought back memories of party-army relations in the late 1980s before Tiananmen. At the same time, the new crop of PLA leaders elevated to the CMC represents the present and future PLA, possessing high levels of experience, training, and education, and thus professionalism. This article explores the implications of Jiang’s gambit, analyzes the retirements of senior PLA leaders and the biographies of their replacements, and offers some pre- dictions about the choice of defense minister and the future course of Chinese Communist Party (CCP)-PLA relations. JIANG STICKS AROUND If imitation is the highest form of flattery, then Jiang Zemin has given Deng Xiaoping’s boots a real tongue-shine. Recall that at the 13th Party Congress in 1987, confident of his preeminence in the system, Deng retired from all formal positions save one, the chairmanship of the Central Military Commission. His logic at the time was clear.The PLA was still subordinate to party control, but the fresh memory of the breakdown of formal lines of authority during the events in Tiananmen Square told Deng that his continued personal control of the military was crucially important to Jiang Zemin’s successful transition to the leadership core. -
AFRICA in CHINA's FOREIGN POLICY
AFRICA in CHINA’S FOREIGN POLICY YUN SUN April 2014 Yun Sun is a fellow at the East Asia Program of the Henry L. Stimson Center. NOTE: This paper was produced during the author’s visiting fellowship with the John L. Thornton China Center and the Africa Growth Initiative at Brookings. ABOUT THE JOHN L. THORNTON CHINA CENTER: The John L. Thornton China Center provides cutting-edge research, analysis, dialogue and publications that focus on China’s emergence and the implications of this for the United States, China’s neighbors and the rest of the world. Scholars at the China Center address a wide range of critical issues related to China’s modernization, including China’s foreign, economic and trade policies and its domestic challenges. In 2006 the Brookings Institution also launched the Brookings-Tsinghua Center for Public Policy, a partnership between Brookings and China’s Tsinghua University in Beijing that seeks to produce high quality and high impact policy research in areas of fundamental importance for China’s development and for U.S.-China relations. ABOUT THE AFRICA GROWTH INITIATIVE: The Africa Growth Initiative brings together African scholars to provide policymakers with high-quality research, expertise and innovative solutions that promote Africa’s economic development. The initiative also collaborates with research partners in the region to raise the African voice in global policy debates on Africa. Its mission is to deliver research from an African perspective that informs sound policy, creating sustained economic growth and development for the people of Africa. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS: I would like to express my gratitude to the many people who saw me through this paper; to all those who generously provided their insights, advice and comments throughout the research and writing process; and to those who assisted me in the research trips and in the editing, proofreading and design of this paper. -
New Historic Missions”
Mulvenon, China Leadership Monitor, No. 27 Chairman Hu and the PLA’s “New Historic Missions” James Mulvenon In a speech delivered on Christmas Eve 2004, Hu Jintao introduced a new set of “historic missions” for the Chinese armed forces. These missions constitute one part of a broader revision of the PLA’s “strategic guiding theory,” derived in large measure from Hu Jintao’s overall ideological guidance on “scientific development.” This paper will examine the timing, content, dissemination, and implementation of the “historic missions,” which is a useful test case of Hu’s relationship with the PLA as reflected in military political work. Summary On 24 December 2004, Hu inaugurated his recent elevation to chairman of the Central Military Commission by unveiling a set of pathbreaking changes in the orientation of the PLA known as the “new historic missions” [新的历史使命]. This paper makes three points: (1) the “new historic missions” are not the centerpiece of Hu’s contribution to military thought, but instead a subordinate manifestation of his “scientific development” concept in the military and part of a much broader revision of the military’s “strategic guiding theory”; (2) the “new historic missions” concept was not immediately adopted within the PLA, but has been slowly propagated through the political work system and has finally achieved universal recognition; and (3) the “new historic missions” now constitutes the primary vehicle for the “post-Taiwan” modernization strategy of the PLA and is therefore a critical linchpin of the party-army -
Taiwan Communiqué Published By: Formosan Association for Public Affairs 552 7Th St
Taiwan Communiqué Published by: Formosan Association for Public Affairs 552 7th St. SE, Washington, D.C. 20003 Tel. (202) 547-3686 International edition, May / June 2011 Published 5 times a year 132 ISSN number: 1027-3999 Gearing up for presidential elections Tsai Ing-wen is the DPP nominee During the past few weeks, Taiwan has started to get into gear for the 2012 elections. On 19 April 2011 the Central Election Commission decided that the Legislative Yuan elections (originally slated for December 2011) and the Presidential elections (originally slated for March 2012) would be combined and held on Saturday 14 January 2012. A few days later, on 27 April 2011, the DPP announced that Tsai Ing-wen was the winner in its primary process, beating out former Prime Photo: Democratic Progressive Party Minister Su Tseng-chang. The nomination was formally confirmed by the DPP’s Central Stand- ing Committee on 4 May 2011. At the same time, the Kuomintang announced that incumbent President Ma Ying-jeou would be its candidate. Some analysis and commentary: Combining the presidential and legislative elections A heated debate erupted in Taiwan about the reasons for combining the elections. Many commentators indicate that this executive deci- sion was made because president Ma felt it was to his advantage to have the legislative and presidential elections coincide: his popularity is DPP Chair Tsai Ing-wen becomes relatively low (around 33% in most opinion presidential candidate Taiwan Communiqué -2- May / June 2011 polls) and by combining the elections he hopes to be able to ride the coattails of popular local candidates.