Changing Discourse on Collective Self-Defense

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Disclaimer 國際學碩士學位論文 Shifting Discourses on Japanese Collective Self-Defense and Political Competition after 2000s 2000년대 이후 집단적 자위권의 담론 변화와 정치 경쟁 2014年 8月 서울大學校國際大學院國際學科國際地域學專攻李信愛 Shifting Discourses on Japanese Collective Self-Defense and Political Competition after 2000s A thesis presented by Lee Shin ae To International Studies International Area Studies Program In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master in International Studies Graduate School of International Studies Seoul National University Seoul, Korea August 2014 © Copyrights by Lee Shin ae 2014 All Rights Reserved Abstract Shifting Discourses on Japanese Collective Self-Defense and Political Competition after 2000s Lee Shin ae International Area Studies Graduate School of International Studies Seoul National University Japan possesses the rights to both individual and collective self-defense under article 51 of the UN Charter but cannot exercise the latter right due to Article 9 of Japan’s Constitution. However, Japan has already practiced de facto collective self-defense since 1990s. Furthermore, the Japanese government has made preparations to convert de facto collective self-defense into de jure collective self-defense. Regarding this contentious changes, some scholars point out external factors: the U.S. and regional security environment as fundamental causes of the change. However, this paper aims to explore the internal factors that have influenced the developments in the discourse on collective self-defense. To achieve the goals, qualitative methodology is employed, including (1) examining number of newspaper articles related to collective self-defense from January of i 2000 to May of 2014 in Asahi Shimbun and Yomiuri Shimbun, Japanese major newspapers; and (2) matching incidents affecting collective self-defense with the graphs showing level of the discourse. On these empirical grounds, this paper argues, first, the level of the discourse on collective self-defense is not constantly developed rather it ascends and descends; second, the regime change is a significant factor affecting the changes in discourse. Under the DPJ government, the level of the discourse is generally low while it comparatively increases under the LDP; and third, intra- party competition also plays an important role in the changing discourse on collective self-defense. Strengthening power of groups supporting exercise the right to collective self-defense within the political party promotes the discourse. Keywords: Collective self-defense, Constitutional revision, Political competition, Abe administration Student ID: 2012-23855 ii Table of Contents Ⅰ. Introduction……………………………………………………………...1 Ⅱ. Theoretical Framework…………………………………………………..4 2-1. Existing Literature…………………………………………………4 2-2. Argument…………………………………………………………..6 2-3. Methodology……………………………………………………….7 Ⅲ. Changing Discourse on Collective Self-Defense……………………….10 3-1. Process of the Development……………………………………... 10 3-2. Ebb and Flow of the Discourse on Collective Self-Defense……...13 3-3. Correlations with the External Factors……………………………15 Ⅳ. Inter-Party Competition…………………………………………………19 4-1. The Importance of Regime Change ……………………………...19 4-2. The effect of Political Reform on Inter-Party Competition………22 4-3. Inter-Party Competition and collective self-defense……………...24 Ⅴ. Intra-Party Competition…………………………………………………28 5-1. Intra-Party Competition in the DPJ……………………………….28 5-2. Intra-Party Competition in the LDP………………………………33 Ⅵ. Conclusion………………………………………………………………40 iii List of Figures Figure 1. Number of newspaper articles on Collective self-defense Figure 2. Regional Security Environment and Collective Self-Defense Figure 3. The U.S. and Collective Self-Defense Figure 4. External Factors and Collective Self-Defense Figure 5. Monthly number of articles of collective self-defense Figure 6. Results of Lower House Election Figure 7. Results of Upper House Election Figure 8. Foreign policy under the Hatoyama administration Figure 9. Comparing between 1st and 2nd Abe Administration Figure 10. Major Factions in the LDP in 2006 and 2014 iv I. Introduction In 1973, the official interpretation of the Constitution, made by the cabinet’s Legal Bureau, was that Japan possesses the rights to both individual and collective self- defense under article 51 of the UN Charter but cannot exercise the latter right due to the constitutional constraint. Japan adopted a pacifist constitution in 1946 after World War II and, - Chapter 2 of article 9 states as follows: ‘Aspiring sincerely to an international peace based on justice and order, the Japanese people forever renounce war as a sovereign right of the nation and the threat or use of force as means of settling international disputes. ‘In order to accomplish the aim of the preceding paragraph, land, sea, and air forces, as well as other war potential, will never be maintained. The right of belligerency of the state will not be organized.’ (Chapter 2 of Article 9 of Japan's Constitution) Chapter 2 of article 9 clearly renounces the war. At its heart, Japan forever renounces the use of war to settle international disputes. Therefore, it prohibits exercising the right to collective self-defense which conducts military power outside of Japanese territory and includes the possibility of being involving war. However, Japan has already practiced de facto collective self-defense since 1990s. Japanese １ government has become more aware about growing dangers, and has been aware national security arrangements are looking out of date. Threats have come from North Korea, whose engineers have developed nuclear bombs and missile technology to carry them. Also China is another potential threat, since China has been building its military power and positioning itself in East China Sea disputes. Therefore, the Japanese government has made preparations to convert de facto collective self-defense into de jure collective self-defense. This will significantly widen Japan's military options by ending the ban on exercising collective self- defense. It will also loosen the limits on activities in U.N.-led peace-keeping operations and grey zone incidents short of full-scale war. However, this change raises concerns from its neighboring countries, especially an increasingly assertive China, whose ties with Japan has become complicated due to the maritime row, mutual mistrust, and the different interpretation of Japan's past military aggression, however Japan’s preparations for greater self-defense is welcomed by Tokyo's ally Washington, which has long urged Japan to become a more equal partner in the alliance. Collective self-defense, a controversial issue in East Asia as s turning point of Japanese defense that has lasted more than almost 60 years, possesses the risk of provoking instability among neighbors. Therefore, it is important to clearly ２ understand the concept of collective self-defense and the chief causes of developing collective self-defense. Therefore, in this thesis, I will trace changes of discourse on collective self- defense and analyze what drives the escalation and de-escalation of discourse on collective self-defense to address what is the main factor for developing collective self-defense. In order to achieve these goals, this research will focus on the time period from 2000 to May 2014. This paper begins with a chapter that briefly reviews the existing arguments and offers a new analysis of the research question. Through the next chapters, empirical evidence is offered to strengthen the main argument of this thesis. Based on these analyses, this paper is expected to achieve three main analytical findings. First, the discourse on collective self-defense does not constantly increase, but actually escalates in select specific period of time. Second, domestic factors are fundamental causes for the development, especially regime change. Third, not only is the change of the ruling political party important, but also, intra-party competition is also the significant cause for the change. ３ Ⅱ. Theoretical Framework 2-1. Existing Literature The majority of scholarly articles on collective self-defense note the importance of external factors that triggers development of exercising the right of collective self- defense. Firstly, researchers argue that changes in regional security environment such as the North Korea nuclear threat and rising China have fundamental influences on Japanese security policy discourses. Christopher W. Huges insists in his work ‘Super-sizing the DPRK threat: Japan’s Evolving Military Posture and North Korea’ that Japan’s reemergence as a normal military power has been accelerated by the North’s military threat.1 Furthermore, Ellis S. Krauss and T. J. Pempel points out that changes in the geopolitical context have altered the U.S.-Japan relationship and Japan security policy in their work ‘Beyond Bilateralism: U.S.-Japan Relations in 1 Christopher W. Hughes, "Super-Sizing the DPRK Threat: Japan's Evolving Military Posture and North Korea”, Asian Survey Vol. 49, No. 2, (University of California Press, 2009): 291-311 ４ the New Asia-Pacific.’2 In the same way, Kenneth B. Pyle suggests in ‘Japan Rising’ that Japanese elites have built national security policy by adapting to changes of external environments in the pragmatic pursuit of national wealth and power.3 Secondly, some scholars insist that the U.S. has been a driving force for Japan’s collective self-defense development. Japan needs to depend more on its alliance with the U.S due to dire security environment. In this regard, collective self- defense is developed by American demands that, Japan would strengthen the alliance so that Japan could induce the U.S. commitment to Japan’s defense. Also in the current climate, the U.S.

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