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Changing Discourse on Collective Self-Defense
저작자표시-비영리-변경금지 2.0 대한민국 이용자는 아래의 조건을 따르는 경우에 한하여 자유롭게 l 이 저작물을 복제, 배포, 전송, 전시, 공연 및 방송할 수 있습니다. 다음과 같은 조건을 따라야 합니다: 저작자표시. 귀하는 원저작자를 표시하여야 합니다. 비영리. 귀하는 이 저작물을 영리 목적으로 이용할 수 없습니다. 변경금지. 귀하는 이 저작물을 개작, 변형 또는 가공할 수 없습니다. l 귀하는, 이 저작물의 재이용이나 배포의 경우, 이 저작물에 적용된 이용허락조건 을 명확하게 나타내어야 합니다. l 저작권자로부터 별도의 허가를 받으면 이러한 조건들은 적용되지 않습니다. 저작권법에 따른 이용자의 권리는 위의 내용에 의하여 영향을 받지 않습니다. 이것은 이용허락규약(Legal Code)을 이해하기 쉽게 요약한 것입니다. Disclaimer 國際學碩士學位論文 Shifting Discourses on Japanese Collective Self-Defense and Political Competition after 2000s 2000년대 이후 집단적 자위권의 담론 변화와 정치 경쟁 2014年 8月 서울大學校 國際大學院 國際學科 國際地域學專攻 李 信 愛 Shifting Discourses on Japanese Collective Self-Defense and Political Competition after 2000s A thesis presented by Lee Shin ae To International Studies International Area Studies Program In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master in International Studies Graduate School of International Studies Seoul National University Seoul, Korea August 2014 © Copyrights by Lee Shin ae 2014 All Rights Reserved Abstract Shifting Discourses on Japanese Collective Self-Defense and Political Competition after 2000s Lee Shin ae International Area Studies Graduate School of International Studies Seoul National University Japan possesses the rights to both individual and collective self-defense under article 51 of the UN Charter but cannot exercise the latter right due to Article 9 of Japan’s Constitution. However, Japan has already practiced de facto collective self-defense since 1990s. -
Cambiamento Nelle Politiche Agricole Giapponesi? Analisi Delle Trattative Sul TPP
Corso di Laurea magistrale in Lingue Istituzioni Economiche e Giuridiche dell’Asia e dell’Africa Mediterranea Tesi di Laurea Cambiamento nelle politiche agricole giapponesi? Analisi delle trattative sul TPP Relatore Ch. Prof. Andrea Revelant Correlatore Ch. Prof. Antonio De Pin Laureando Filippo Dell’Era Matricola 827827 Anno Accademico 2013 / 2014 Indice Indice ........................................................................................................................ 1 Indice delle Tabelle .................................................................................................... 3 Glossario ................................................................................................................... 4 要旨 .......................................................................................................................... 5 Introduzione .............................................................................................................. 8 Capitolo I: Analisi delle caratteristiche della politica agricola giapponese ................ 11 1.1 Gruppi per la difesa degli interessi agricoli ....................................................................................... 12 1.1.1 Organizzazioni agricole nel dopoguerra ....................................................................................... 12 1.1.2 Le funzioni e l’organizzazione della Nōkyō ................................................................................... 14 1.1.3 Organizzazioni per gli agricoltori .................................................................................................... -
Discourses on Neoliberalism in Japan
Title Discourses on Neoliberalism in Japan Author(s) Hashimoto, Tsutomu Citation Eurasia Border Review, 5(2), 99-119 Issue Date 2014 Doc URL http://hdl.handle.net/2115/57859 Type bulletin (article) File Information EBR5_2_006.pdf Instructions for use Hokkaido University Collection of Scholarly and Academic Papers : HUSCAP Discourses on Neoliberalism in Japan T s u t o m u H a s h i m o t o * Abstract How have people in Japan accepted or criticized neoliberal ideology in recent years? This paper analyzes various discourses on neoliberalism in Japan, especially the period 2007 to 2013. First, I will examine neoliberal discourses in the reconstruction discussion after the Great East Japan Earthquake. Second, I will focus on elements of Keynesianism in neoliberal discourses. Third, I will analyze neoliberal discourses in politics and government administrations. Fourth, I will explore various sociological analyses of neoliberal consciousness. Fifth, I will analyze the psychological strategies of neoliberal persuasion. Sixth, I will look at anti-neoliberals’ argument on the wage system. Finally, I address when the starting point of neoliberalism in Japan was. This paper seeks to show that (1) the GH¿QLWLRQRUXQGHUVWDQGLQJRIQHROLEHUDOLVPKDYHGHYHORSHGWRLQFOXGHHOHPHQWVRI.H\QHVLDQLVP SHRSOHPD\ have practical reasons for accepting the neoliberal ideology, and such acceptance does not necessarily depend on its theoretical power of persuasion, and (3) some leading anti-neoliberals accepted neoliberal policies. Introduction How have people in Japan accepted or criticized neoliberal ideology in recent years? This paper analyzes various discourses on neoliberalism in Japan especially the period 2007 to 2013. In previous works, I examined arguments on neoliberalism in western culture of economic thought. -
Core Document Forming Part of the Reports of States Parties
Core document forming part of the reports of States parties May, 2012 Contents I. General Information A. Demographic, Economic, Social, and Cultural Characteristics of the State 1. Geographical Description 2. Demographic Characteristics 3. Social and Cultural Characteristics 4. Economic Characteristics B. Constitutional, Political, and Legal Structure of State 1. Political System 2. Legislative Branch 3. Executive Branch 4. Judicial Branch 5. Local Autonomy 6. Legal Framework for NGOs II. General Framework for Protection and Promotion of Human Rights A. Acceptance of International Human Rights Norms 1. Status of Conclusion of Major Human Rights Treaties and Conventions 2. Reservation and Declaration B. Legal and Institutional Framework for the Protection and Promotion of Human Rights at the National Level 1. Protection of Human Rights under the Constitution of Japan, etc. 2. Human Rights Conventions as Part of Domestic Laws and Regulations 3. Organ Handling Human Rights Issues and Remedy System C. Framework within which Human Rights are promoted at the National Level III. Information on Non-discrimination and Equality and Effective Remedies 1. Legislation concerning Non-discrimination and Equality 2. Policy relating to Non-discrimination and Equality 1 I. General Information A. Demographic, Economic, Social, and Cultural Characteristics of the State 1. Geographical Description Japan is a nation consisting of numerous islands lying off the eastern seaboard of the Asian continent. The islands form a crescent-shaped archipelago stretching from northeast to southwest. Japan has a northern boundary with Russia across the Sea of Japan and the Sea of Okhotsk and a southern boundary with the Philippines and the islands of Micronesia with the Pacific Sea in between, and to the west of Japan, the Korean Peninsula and China lie across the Sea of Japan and the East China Sea. -
Codebook CPDS I 1960-2013
1 Codebook: Comparative Political Data Set, 1960-2013 Codebook: COMPARATIVE POLITICAL DATA SET 1960-2013 Klaus Armingeon, Christian Isler, Laura Knöpfel, David Weisstanner and Sarah Engler The Comparative Political Data Set 1960-2013 (CPDS) is a collection of political and institu- tional data which have been assembled in the context of the research projects “Die Hand- lungsspielräume des Nationalstaates” and “Critical junctures. An international comparison” directed by Klaus Armingeon and funded by the Swiss National Science Foundation. This data set consists of (mostly) annual data for 36 democratic OECD and/or EU-member coun- tries for the period of 1960 to 2013. In all countries, political data were collected only for the democratic periods.1 The data set is suited for cross-national, longitudinal and pooled time- series analyses. The present data set combines and replaces the earlier versions “Comparative Political Data Set I” (data for 23 OECD countries from 1960 onwards) and the “Comparative Political Data Set III” (data for 36 OECD and/or EU member states from 1990 onwards). A variable has been added to identify former CPDS I countries. For additional detailed information on the composition of government in the 36 countries, please consult the “Supplement to the Comparative Political Data Set – Government Com- position 1960-2013”, available on the CPDS website. The Comparative Political Data Set contains some additional demographic, socio- and eco- nomic variables. However, these variables are not the major concern of the project and are thus limited in scope. For more in-depth sources of these data, see the online databases of the OECD, Eurostat or AMECO. -
Japan Under Abe: Toward Moderation Or Nationalism?
Mike M. Mochizuki and Samuel Parkinson Porter Japan under Abe: toward Moderation or Nationalism? In July 2013, Japan’s ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and its coalition partner, the Kōmeitō, scored an impressive victory in the House of Councilors elections. Out of the 121 contested seats, the LDP won 65 and the Kōmeitō 11. With this victory, the LDP–Kōmeitō ruling coalition now controls 135 out of 242 seats (about 55 percent) in the upper house. This win follows the December 2012 triumph in the House of Representatives election, which brought Shinzō Abe and the LDP back to power by taking 294 out of 480 seats. Prime Minister Abe deserves much credit for this twin victory. After his disappointing first tenure as prime minister in 2006–07, he learned from his mistakes and decided to focus on the economy for this term. Soon after assuming the prime ministership again in December 2012, Abe implemented a bold and risky plan to revive the Japanese economy by radically expanding the money supply and boosting spending. This had the immediate effect of depreciating the yen and raising stock prices. With the terms of trade improving for Japanese exporters, the economic mood in Japan lifted. Abe also exercised restraint in dealing with a territorial dispute with China. In September 2012, Japan’s central government—led by Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda— purchased three of the Senkaku Islands to prevent then-Tokyo Governor Shintarō Ishihara from buying them on behalf of the Tokyo Metropolitan Government. Although Noda had sought to thwart the nationalist governor from making provocative moves on the islands, China protested the purchase as altering the administrative status quo of the islands, which it claims as part of the Diaoyu Islands, and dispatched official vessels for regular patrols near them. -
BUSINESS and POLITICS in the MUSLIIM WORLD Global Opinion Report No
BUSINESS AND POLITICS IN THE MUSLIIM WORLD Global Opinion Report No. 147 November 21-27, 2010 December 01, 2010 M. Zubair Prelude 02 Summary of Polls 03 SOUTH ASIA • Indians Mixed on Environmental Bans For Industrialization 08 NORTHEAST ASIA • Low Support For Japanese Cabinet 11 WEST EUROPE • (Eurobarometer) The EU and Africa: Working towards closer partnership 16 • (Eurobarometer) EU Citizens See Benefit in International Trade 18 • (Scotland) Labour Gaining An Edge in Scottish Elections 20 • (UK) Economy Continues As The Coalition’s Key Challenge 22 • (UK) Harry Potter is the most famous Brit 24 • (UK) Most Britons want Prince William to leapfrog Charles to throne 26 • (UK) Few People Realize Persistent Cough Is A Key Symptom Of Lung Cancer 27 • (UK) A Third Of Pupils Aged Ten View Pornography On The Internet 28 • (UK) Most Britons Believe Prisoners Should Not Vote in Elections 30 • (UK) Most Britons Support Government on Work Placement Strategy 30 • (UK) Britons' Wellbeing Stable Through Economic Crisis 31 NORTH AMERICA • In U.S., Continuing Record-Low Support for Stricter Gun Control 35 • In U.S., Tax Issues Rank as Top Priority for Lame-Duck Congress 40 • Most U.S. Air Travelers OK Sacrificing Privacy for Security 42 • Consumer Perceptions Suggest a Better Black Friday Weekend 45 • 61% Oppose Full Body Scans and TSA Pat Downs 48 • Tea Party Legislators Rival Obama as Preferred Policy Leader 49 • Economy, Elections and Pat Downs 52 • The Rise of College Student Borrowing 57 • The Growing Gap between Landline and Dual Frame Election Polls 59 • Most Americans, But Fewer than in January, Back Scanners at Airports 69 • More Terrorist Threats? 71 • Consumers Don't Feel Their Financial Interests Are Being Well Protected 73 • Thanksgiving Travel and Full Body Scans 75 • Rating for Obama Stands at 45%; Congress Remains Low in U.S. -
Statistical Data Analysis of Recent National Elections in Japan
STATISTICAL DATA ANALYSES OF RECENT NATIONAL ELECTIONS IN JAPAN A.K.M Abul Kalam Azad1, Md. Arifur Rahman,1 Tatsuo Oyama1 1 National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies, Roppongi, Tokyo 106-8677, Japan. [email protected], [email protected], [email protected] Keywords: Japanese national election, seat share and vote contradiction evolved many votes-to-seats conversion rules share, predictive equations, voting efficiency. for the plurality systems of election. The so-called cubic law in election results is the most famous one among these Abstract conversion rules. Subsequently many other researchers either reformulated and renovated the cubic law or devised This paper investigates the recent national elections in other predictive equations. Japan quantitatively by applying various statistical methods In the wake of recent changes in Japanese election and mathematical models. Firstly, we examine the regional system, where both proportional representation and characteristics that affect voter turnouts and the efficiency plurality voting co-exist, one can raise a question that of the political parties in Japan. We find that the high whether the proportional representation is more suitable income and most urbanized prefectures are categorized in than the newly developed mixed election procedure. To the same cluster regarding voter turnouts. The voting answer this question, like many other researchers found, it efficiency according to prefectures and different parties also is imperative to come up with a predictive equation for the shows certain patterns. In addition, the relationship between plurality system of voting in Japan which is compatible with the vote share and the seat share for all political parties was the proportional representation system. -
Table of Contents
Pacific Forum CSIS Comparative Connections A Quarterly E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations edited by Carl Baker Brad Glosserman 2nd Quarter (April – June) 2010 Vol. 12, No.2 July 2010 http://csis.org/program/comparative-connections Pacific Forum CSIS Based in Honolulu, Hawaii, the Pacific Forum CSIS operates as the autonomous Asia- Pacific arm of the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington, D.C. Founded in 1975, the thrust of the Forum’s work is to help develop cooperative policies in the Asia- Pacific region through debate and analyses undertaken with the region’s leaders in the academic, government, and corporate arenas. The Forum’s programs encompass current and emerging political, security, economic/business, and oceans policy issues. It collaborates with a network of more than 30 research institutes around the Pacific Rim, drawing on Asian perspectives and disseminating its projects’ findings and recommendations to opinion leaders, governments, and publics throughout the region. An international Board of Governors guides the Pacific Forum’s work. The Forum is funded by grants from foundations, corporations, individuals, and governments, the latter providing a small percentage of the forum’s annual budget. The Forum’s studies are objective and nonpartisan and it does not engage in classified or proprietary work. Comparative Connections A Quarterly E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations Edited by Carl Baker and Brad Glosserman Volume 12, Number 2 Second Quarter (April-June) 2010 Honolulu, Hawaii July 2010 Comparative Connections A Quarterly Electronic Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations Bilateral relationships in East Asia have long been important to regional peace and stability, but in the post-Cold War environment, these relationships have taken on a new strategic rationale as countries pursue multiple ties, beyond those with the US, to realize complex political, economic, and security interests. -
The Rise and Fall of the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ):Prospects of Atwo-Party System in Japan
Report The Rise and Fall of the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ):Prospects of aTwo-Party System in Japan Samee Siddiqui* 26 February 2013 Al Jazeera Centre for Studies Tel: +974-44663454 [email protected] http://studies.aljazeera.net The Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) came into power in 2009 with promises of bringing long-term change to the Japanese political system: giving the cabinet policy making power, changing the U.S.-Japan security relationship and moving away from massive infrastructure and public works spending. This was supposed to be a water-shed moment in post-war Japanese history. After three years of undelivered policy changes, the DPJ incurred heavy losses in the 2012 elections and the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), with Shinzo Abe as the premier, are back in power once again. The 2009 elections brought an end to what became known as the 1955 system. The former Japanese Prime Minister engineered the merger of two conservative parties in response to the threat from a strong opposition from the political left. The merger reduced the opposition to an almost “permanent minority” and Japan became a ‘1.5 party system1.’ This system was based on political stability, not plurality, and the LDP was in power between 1955 and 2009, barring an 11 month period in opposition, and even then they were the largest party in the Japanese parliament, the Diet. Rise of the DPJ, Fall of the LDP The DPJ was established in 1998 after a merger of various small political parties, along with a group of former Japan Socialist Party (JSP) members and reformist LDP defectors. -
Japan-U.S. Relations: Issues for Congress
Japan-U.S. Relations: Issues for Congress Emma Chanlett-Avery, Coordinator Specialist in Asian Affairs William H. Cooper Specialist in International Trade and Finance Mark E. Manyin Specialist in Asian Affairs October 6, 2010 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL33436 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Japan-U.S. Relations: Issues for Congress Summary The post-World War II U.S.-Japan alliance has long been an anchor of the U.S. security role in East Asia. The alliance facilitates the forward deployment of about 36,000 U.S. troops and other U.S. military assets in the Asia-Pacific, thereby undergirding U.S. national security strategy in the region. For Japan, the alliance and the U.S. nuclear umbrella provide maneuvering room in dealing with its neighbors, particularly China and North Korea. U.S.-Japan relations have been adjusting to the Democratic Party of Japan’s (DPJ) landslide victory in the August 30, 2009, elections for the Lower House of Japan’s legislature. With the resignation of the DPJ’s first prime minister, Yukio Hatoyama, the United States must now adjust to the leadership of Naoto Kan, the new premier. While most members of the left-of-center DPJ are broadly supportive of the U.S.-Japan alliance and the general thrust of Japanese foreign policy, in the past the party has questioned and/or voted against several features of the alliance, including base realignment and Japan’s financial payments for U.S. forces stationed in Japan. The party has put forward a foreign policy vision that envisions greater “equality” in Japan’s relations with the United States, in part through deeper engagement with Asia and a more United Nations- oriented diplomacy. -
Election Results and Comments
GR Japan: Post-election analysis 22 July 2013 Abe’s administration to keep focus on economic policy The tailwind for the LDP and New Komeito coalition lasted all the way to election day and gave a resounding victory to the coalition partners, just in line with what GR Japan analysts projected last week – we were one off target, with the coalition getting 135 seats in the House of Councillors, instead of our prediction of 136. The victory does not alter our analysis in any fundamental way – the Abe administration’s focus will be on economic policy and the second round of the “third arrow” of Abenomics – deregulation and supply-side reforms. Policy competition is now likely to be seen within the LDP rather than between different political parties – in a sense a return to the (in)famous 1.5 party system. Different this time, however, is that the mandate received is “reform, reform, reform”. And unlike in the bad old times, a quick verdict is to be expected if the LDP fails to deliver on that promise. Despite the overwhelming support for Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s reform plans, it remains unclear what the specific policy priorities are. Until now, the LDP has been united in a common goal – winning the House of Councilors election and securing majorities in both houses of the Diet. But with that achieved, the competition for control of the policy-making process will start for real. Signs of this could be seen already yesterday night with voices raised both for a quick “attack” on the regulatory reform agenda and revision of the constitution.