Storia Codice Domanda a B C D
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Vom Abstellgleis Zur Nebenregierung1
05_Hornig Seite 454 Donnerstag, 13. Dezember 2007 9:06 09 Eike-Christian Hornig »Camera obscura« – Der italienische Senat und seine Mitglieder auf Lebenszeit: Vom Abstellgleis zur Nebenregierung1 Das italienische Parlament gilt im internationalen Vergleich als eine Besonderheit, da es mit dem Abgeordnetenhaus und dem Senat über zwei gleichberechtigte und direkt gewählte Kammern verfügt. Dieser »bicameralismo perfetto« ist seit den Umbrüchen der 1990er Jahre verstärkt in das Fadenkreuz institutioneller Reformen gerückt, da er als Quelle der Instabilität der Regierungen schnell auszumachen war. Da aber eine Kopplung des Senats an eine Dezentralisierung bzw. Föderalisierung Italiens bislang ausblieb, ist der Senat nach wie vor der »machtvolle Zwillingsbruder der Abgeordnetenkammer«2. Seit der Parlamentswahl im April 2006 steht er beson- ders im Mittelpunkt der Aufmerksamkeit, da die Regierung Prodi hier nur über eine hauchdünne Mehrheit verfügt. Bei einer symbolträchtigen Abstimmung über die Außenpolitik im Februar 2007 kam diese Mehrheit nicht zu Stande und stürzte die Regierung in die Krise. Dafür ausschlaggebend waren, neben der Abwesenheit zweier kommunistischer Senatoren der Regierungskoalition, auch zwei Senatoren auf Lebenszeit (SaL). Insbesondere der Pate der italienischen Politik, der mehrfache Ministerpräsident Giulio Andreotti sorgte mit einem kurzfristigen Stimmungs- wechsel für Kritik an der Rolle der Senatoren auf Lebenszeit als Zünglein an der Waage3. Diese war zuvor schon im Dezember 2006 laut geworden, da der Haushalt der Regierung nur Dank der massiven Unterstützung der Senatoren auf Lebenszeit verabschiedet werden konnte, was Oppositionspolitiker wie der Vorsitzende der Oppositionspartei »Alleanza Nazionale«, Gianfranco Fini als undemokratisch kri- tisierten4. 1 Für ihre Hinweise danke ich Ralf Kleinfeld, Anna Lena Etzbach und David Grewe. 2 Jörg Seisselberg, »Der italienische Senat: Machtvoller Zwillingsbruder der Abgeordne- tenkammer«, in: Gisela Riescher / Sabine Ruß / Christoph Haas (Hg.), Zweite Kam- mern, München 2000, S. -
El MSI Y El Lugar Del Fascismo En La Cultura Política Italiana = the Msi and the Role of Fascism in Italian Political Culture
El msi y El luGar DEl Fascismo En la cultura Política italiana The msi and the role of fascism in Italian political culture Ferran GallEGo Universidad Autónoma de Barcelona Fecha de recepción: 17 de febrero; revisión: 17 de mayo; aceptación definitiva: 23 de octubre rEsumEn: En este trabajo se analiza el papel del movimiento social italiano en la política del país transalpino del siglo xx. la clave de su influencia estaría en las peculiaridades del régimen político surgido de las ruinas del fascismo. con la proclamación de la república muchos fascistas se enrolaron en las filas de la Democracia cristiana y otros partidos de la derecha, dejando al msi como único heredero del fascismo. Eso no le impidió colaborar con la Democracia cristiana a través de la estrategia del «inserimento». cuando la Democracia cristiana empezó su aproximación al Partido socialista italiano, el msi se vio claramente excluido y situado en una posición relativamente marginal. su resurgimiento estará relacio- nado con los cambios radicales ocurridos en la política italiana en las décadas de los sesenta y setenta que propiciaran la llegada al liderazgo de Giorgio almirante en 1969. El msi se presentará como un partido restaurador del orden y dispuesto a combatir por sí mismo la subversión. Durante los años 80 el msi se moverá entre la estrategia del Partido-Protesta de almirante y la idea de un partido de la sociedad civil defendido por rauti. al final, el msi, tras el cambio de liderazgo de almirante por Gianfranco Fini, inició un nuevo camino donde se afirmaba la lealtad a los valores del fascismo, corroborado por la crisis del comunismo. -
Il Dibattito Sull'abolizione Della Pena Capitale
Il dibattito sull’abolizione della pena capitale: il contributo della cultura giuridica italiana dell’ottocento riccardo stabile Dottorando di ricerca in Scienze Penalistiche nell’Università di Trieste Non è dunque la pena di morte un diritto, mentre ho dimostrato che tale non può, ma è una guerra della nazione contro un cittadino, perche giudica necessaria o uti- le la distruzione del suo essere. Ma se dimostrerò non essere la morte né utile né necessaria, avrò vinto la causa dell’umanità. C. Beccaria, Dei delitti e delle pene, a cura di F. Venturi, Mondadori, Milano, 1991, p. 73. SOMMARIO: 1. Introduzione – 2. Il problema della pena di morte nelle vicende della codificazione penale italiana – 3. La tesi abolizionista nel pensiero di F. Carrara – 4. Riflessi del dibattito italiano sulla codificazione sudamericana: il codice Zanardelli quale vettore dell’opzione abolizionista 120 1. Introduzione La grande stagione della penalistica italiana ottocentesca culminò, come noto, con l’approvazione del codice Zanardelli, pubblicato il 1° dicembre 1889 ed en- trato in vigore il 1° gennaio 18901. Allo storico risultato dell’unificazione legisla- tiva in materia penale, conseguita dopo lungo e tormentato travaglio, si accom- pagnò, quasi che le due questioni fossero avvinte in un indissolubile nodo gor- diano, la definitiva e formale abolizione della pena capitale2. Il significato epocale di siffatta evoluzione normativa e, prima ancora, cultu- rale si apprezza particolarmente sol che si guardi con occhio critico, sulla scia di recente dottrina3, alla retorica del rinnovamento del giure criminale e dell’uma- nizzazione dei sistemi sanzionatori che avrebbero caratterizzato i codici otto- centeschi, a partire da quel Codice dei delitti e delle pene pel Regno d’Italia, versione italiana del Code Penal napoleonico4. -
The Schengen Agreements and Their Impact on Euro- Mediterranean Relations the Case of Italy and the Maghreb
125 The Schengen Agreements and their Impact on Euro- Mediterranean Relations The Case of Italy and the Maghreb Simone PAOLI What were the main reasons that, between the mid-1980s and the early 1990s, a group of member states of the European Community (EC) agreed to abolish internal border controls while, simultaneously, building up external border controls? Why did they act outside the framework of the EC and initially exclude the Southern members of the Community? What were the reactions of both Northern and Southern Mediter- ranean countries to these intergovernmental accords, known as the Schengen agree- ments? What was their impact on both European and Euro-Mediterranean relations? And what were the implications of the accession of Southern members of the EC to said agreements in terms of relations with third Mediterranean countries? The present article cannot, of course, give a comprehensive answer to all these complex questions. It has nonetheless the ambition of throwing a new light on the origins of the Schengen agreements. In particular, by reconstructing the five-year long process through which Italy entered the Schengen Agreement and the Conven- tion implementing the Schengen Agreement, it will contribute towards the reinter- pretation of: the motives behind the Schengen agreements; migration relations be- tween Northern and Southern members of the EC in the 1980s; and migration relations between the EC, especially its Southern members, and third Mediterranean countries in the same decade. The article is divided into three parts. The first examines the historical background of the Schengen agreements, by placing them within the context of Euro-Mediter- ranean migration relations; it, also, presents the main arguments. -
What Makes the Difference
Universität Konstanz Rechts-, Wirtschafts-, und Verwaltungswissenschaftliche Sektion Fachbereich Politik- und Verwaltungswissenschaft Magisterarbeit to reach the degree in Political Science SUCCESS AND FAILURE IN PUBLIC PENSION REFORM: THE ITALIAN EXPERIENCE Supervised by: Prof. Dr. Ellen Immergut, Humboldt-Universität PD Dr. Philip Manow, Max-Planck Institut für Gesellschaftsforschung Presented by: Anika Rasner Rheingasse 7 78462 Konstanz Telephon: 07531/691104 Matrikelnummer: 01/428253 8. Fachsemester Konstanz, 20. November 2002 Table of Contents 1. Introduction ..................................................................................................................................... 1 1.1. The Puzzle ............................................................................................................................... 1 2. Theoretical Framework ................................................................................................................... 3 2.1. Special Characteristics of the Italian Political System during the First Republic ................... 3 2.1.1. The Post-War Party System and its Effects..................................................................... 4 2.2. The Transition from the First to the Second Republic ............................................................ 7 2.2.1. Tangentopoli (Bribe City) ............................................................................................... 7 2.2.2. The Restructuring of the Old-Party System ................................................................... -
Rivista Di "Diritto E Pratica Tributaria"
ISSN 0012-3447 LUGLIO - AGOSTO PUBBLICAZIONE BIMESTRALE Vol. LXXXV - N. 4 FONDATORE ANTONIO UCKMAR DIRETTORE VICTOR UCKMAR UNIVERSITÀ DI GENOVA DIRETTORE SCIENTIFICO CESARE GLENDI UNIVERSITÀ DI PARMA COMITATO DI DIREZIONE ANDREA AMATUCCI MASSIMO BASILAVECCHIA PIERA FILIPPI UNIVERSITÀ FEDERICO II DI NAPOLI UNIVERSITÀ DI TERAMO UNIVERSITÀ DI BOLOGNA GUGLIELMO FRANSONI FRANCO GALLO ANTONIO LOVISOLO UNIVERSITÀ DI FOGGIA UNIVERSITÀ LUISS DI ROMA UNIVERSITÀ DI GENOVA CORRADO MAGNANI GIANNI MARONGIU GIUSEPPE MELIS UNIVERSITÀ DI GENOVA UNIVERSITÀDIGENOVA UNIVERSITÀ LUISS DI ROMA SEBASTIANO MAURIZIO MESSINA LIVIA SALVINI DARIO STEVANATO UVNIVERSITÀ DI ERONA UNIVERSITÀ LUISS DI ROMA UNIVERSITÀ DI TRIESTE www.edicolaprofessionale.com/DPT Tariffa R.O.C.: Poste Italiane S.p.a. - Spedizione in abbonamento postale - D.L. 353/2003 (conv. in L. 27/02/2004 n. 46) art. 1, comma 1, DCB Milano REDAZIONE Direttore e coordinatore della redazione: Antonio Lovisolo. Capo redazione: Fabio Graziano. Comitato di redazione: P. de’ Capitani, F. Capello, G. Corasaniti, C. Corrado Oliva, F. Menti, L.G. Mottura, A. Piccardo, P. Piciocchi, M. Procopio, A. Quattrocchi, N. Raggi, P. Stizza, R. Succio, A. Uricchio, S. Zagà. Segretaria di redazione: Marila Muscolo. Hanno collaborato nel 2014: F. Amatucci, A. Baldassarre, F. Capello, S. Carrea, F. Cerioni, M. Ciarleglio, A. Comelli, A. Contrino, G. Corasaniti, E. Core, S. Dalla Bontà, A. Elia, F. Gallo, G. Giangrande, A. Giovannini, F. Graziano, A. Kostner, I. Lanteri, A. Lovisolo, A. Marcheselli, A. Marinello, G. Marino, G. Marongiu, G. Melis, F. Menti, C. Mione, R. Mistrangelo, M. Procopio, P. Puri, F. Rasi, A. Renda, G. Rocco, S.M. Ronco, G. Salanitro, C. Sallustio, M.V. -
Revolting Peasants: Southern Italy, Ireland, and Cartoons in Comparative Perspective, 1860–1882*
IRSH 60 (2015), pp. 1–35 doi:10.1017/S0020859015000024 r 2015 Internationaal Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis Revolting Peasants: Southern Italy, Ireland, and Cartoons in Comparative Perspective, 1860–1882* N IALL W HELEHAN School of History, Classics and Archaeology, University of Edinburgh William Robertson Wing, Old Medical School, Teviot Place, Edinburgh, EH8 9AG, UK E-mail: [email protected] ABSTRACT: Peasants in general, and rural rebels in particular, were mercilessly ridiculed in the satirical cartoons that proliferated in European cities from the mid-nineteenth century. There was more to these images than the age-old hostility of the townspeople for the peasant, and this article comparatively explores how cartoons of southern Italian brigands and rural Irish agitators helped shape a liberal version of what was modern by identifying what was not: the revolting peasant who engaged in ‘‘unmanly’’ violence, lacked self-reliance, and was in thrall to Catholic clergymen. During periods of unrest, distinctions between brigands, rebels, and the rural populations as a whole were not always clear in cartoons. Comparison suggests that derogatory images of peasants from southern Italy and Ireland held local peculiarities, but they also drew from transna- tional stereotypes of rural poverty that circulated widely due to the rapidly expanding European publishing industry. While scholarly debates inspired by postcolonial perspectives have previously emphasized processes of othering between the West and East, between the metropole and colony, it is argued here that there is also an internal European context to these relationships based on ingrained class and gendered prejudices, and perceptions of what constituted the centre and the periphery. -
History Italy (18151871) and Germany (18151890) 2Nd Edition Pdf, Epub, Ebook
HISTORY ITALY (18151871) AND GERMANY (18151890) 2ND EDITION PDF, EPUB, EBOOK Michael Wells | 9781316503638 | | | | | History Italy (18151871) and Germany (18151890) 2nd edition PDF Book This is a good introduction, as it shows a clear grasp of the topic, and sets out a logical plan that is clearly focused on the demands of the question. Activities throughout the chapters to encourage an exploratory and inquiring approach to historical learning. Jacqueline Paris. In , Italy forced Albania to become a de facto protectorate. Written by an experienced, practising IB English teacher, it covers key concepts in language and literature studies in a lively and engaging way suited to IB students aged 16— The Fascist regime engaged in interventionist foreign policy in Europe. Would you like to change to the site? Bosworth says of his foreign policy that Crispi:. He wanted to re-establish links with the papacy and was hostile to Garibaldi. Assessment Italy had become one of the great powers — it had acquired colonies; it had important allies; it was deeply involved in the diplomatic life of Europe. You are currently using the site but have requested a page in the site. However, there were some signs that Italy was developing a greater national identity. The mining and commerce of metal, especially copper and iron, led to an enrichment of the Etruscans and to the expansion of their influence in the Italian peninsula and the western Mediterranean sea. Retrieved 21 March Ma per me ce la stiamo cavando bene". Urbano Rattazzi —73 : Rattazzi was a lawyer from Piedmont. PL E Silvio writes: Italy was deeply divided by This situation was shaken in , when the French Army of Italy under Napoleon invaded Italy, with the aims of forcing the First Coalition to abandon Sardinia where they had created an anti-revolutionary puppet-ruler and forcing Austria to withdraw from Italy. -
IMT Institute for Advanced Studies, Lucca Lucca, Italy Italo
IMT Institute for Advanced Studies, Lucca Lucca, Italy Italo-Chinese economic cooperation in the XXI century: different actors and the search for a strategy PhD Program in Political Systems and Institutional Change XX Cycle By Marina Turcati 2008 ii The dissertation of Marina Turcati is approved. Program coordinator: Prof. Viktor Zaslavsky Supervisor: Prof. Peter Baehr iii v Contents Table of contents v Vita and publications vii Abstract x 1. First Chapter 1 1. 1 The Dimensions of Economic Cooperation Between Italy and China 1 1. 2 Italian Foreign Economic Policy since the Second Post-war Period 7 1. 3 Historical coordinates of the Italo-Chinese cooperation 16 1. 4 Crisis of cooperation and premises to the present stage 27 1. 5 Trajectories of development cooperation 34 1. 6 From cooperative crisis to the relaunching of relations between Italy and China: theoretical prospects 51 1.7 The reform of the company internationalisation system 71 1.7.1 Discipline and organization 73 1.8 Features of cooperation at the ministerial level 81 1.9 Environmental cooperation 93 1.10 Inlog China 113 v 2. Second Chapter 128 2.1 Italian Regions and economic cooperation toward China 128 2.2 The Tuscany Region 140 2.2.1 Historical dynamics 141 2.2.2 Tuscan industry 145 2.2.3 Tuscan Region: policies for supporting of enterprises 160 2.2.4 From Wenzhou to Prato: the migratory factor in the prospect of economic cooperation 174 2.2.5 Peculiar aspects of the economic cooperative Tuscan system: informal on the front of decision and action, but but centred on the work of Toscana Promozione 187 2. -
Consensus for Mussolini? Popular Opinion in the Province of Venice (1922-1943)
UNIVERSITY OF BIRMINGHAM SCHOOL OF HISTORY AND CULTURES Department of History PhD in Modern History Consensus for Mussolini? Popular opinion in the Province of Venice (1922-1943) Supervisor: Prof. Sabine Lee Student: Marco Tiozzo Fasiolo ACADEMIC YEAR 2016-2017 2 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the PhD degree of the University of Birmingham is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of my words. 3 Abstract The thesis focuses on the response of Venice province population to the rise of Fascism and to the regime’s attempts to fascistise Italian society. -
Meeting Nm~Ber Sub.Iect Date
COUNCIL OF THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITIES PRESS RELEASES PRESIDENCY: LUXEMBROUG JANUARY-JUNE 1991 Meetings and press releases June 1991 Meeting nm~ber Sub.iect Date 1492"0 Telecommunications 3 June 1991 1493ra Health 4 June 1991 1494m Economics/Finance 3 June 1991 1495m Culture 7 June 1991 1496tn Economics/Finance 10 June 1991 149i" Environment 13-14 June 1991 1498m General Affairs 17-18 June 1991 1499tn Transport 17 June 1991 1500tn Agriculture 18 June 1991 1501 Sl Internal Market 18 June 1991 1502"d Transport 20-21 June 1991 1503ra Economics/Finance 24 June 1991 1504tn Social Affairs/Youth 25-26 June 1991 1505m Agriculture 26-27 June 1991 - 1 - ·,1 •" I: ('- r•\.,/ ·~} ' l·. '~·'''··· 6567/90 (Presse 76) 1492nd Council meeting - Telecommunications - Luxembourg, 3 June 1991 President: Mr Alex BODRY Minister for Posts and Telecommunications of the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg 6567/91 (Presse 76 - G) EN - 2 - 3.VI.91 col/PT/mcs The Governments of the Member States and the Commission of the European Communities were represented as follows: Belgium Mr J. NACKAERTS Director, Ministry of Economic Affairs Denmark Mr Helge ISRAELSEN State Secretary for Ecclesiastical Affairs and Communications Germany Mr Christian SCHWARZ-SCHILLING Federal Minister for Posts and Telecommunications Greece Mr Apostolos KRATSAS State Secretary for Transport and Communications Mrs Elena SALGADO Secretary-General for Communications France Mr Jean-Marie RAUSCH Minister for Posts and Telecommunications Ireland Mr B. McDONAGH Secretary of the Department of Communications 6567/91 -
Berlusconi»S Foreign Policy: Inverting Traditional Priorities
The International Spectator 2/2006 Italian foreign policy survey Berlusconis Foreign Policy: Inverting Traditional Priorities Sergio Romano* For more than fifty years, from the signing of the North Atlantic Treaty in 1949 to the victory of Silvio Berlusconi in the 2001 national elections, Italy pursued, with variations dictated by circumstances, a foreign policy inspired by three essentials: enthusiastic adhesion to the objective of European union, a solid relationship with the United States, and a privileged relationship with the Arab countries of the Mediterranean and the Middle East. There were times in which it was not easy to reconcile friendship with the United States with loyalty to Europe. Some decisions in crucial sectors of defence and the economy (aeronautics for example) went more frequently in the direction of the United States than Europe. Italy generally preferred relations with Lockheed and Boeing to those with Dassault or EADS (European Aeronautic Defence and Space company, Toulouse, producer of the Airbus). But when decisions that were disagreeable to Washington were required (space policy, Galileo, the many trade disputes of the last decade), Italy was impeccably European. It was equally difficult, at certain times, to reconcile the friendship with the Arab countries and the sympathy for the Palestinian cause with acknowledgement of Israels position and its needs. * Sergio Romano is an Editorialist for the Italian daily Corriere della Sera. © 2006 Istituto Affari Internazionali 102 Berlusconis Foreign Policy: Inverting Traditional Priorities One of the most difficult moments was during the Sigonella crisis,1 after the hijacking of the Achille Laura off the coast of Egypt when then Prime Minister Bettino Craxi claimed, with a kind of poetic license, that Arafat could be considered a modern-day Mazzini, the revolutionary leader who fought for the unification of Italy.