DOCSLIB.ORG

Dáil Éireann

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Dáil Éireann DÁIL ÉIREANN AN COMHCHOISTE UM FEIDHMIÚ CHOMHAONTÚ AOINE AN CHÉASTA JOINT COMMITTEE ON THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE GOOD FRIDAY AGREEMENT Déardaoin, 16 Eanáir 2014 Thursday, 16 January 2014 The Joint Committee met at 10.20 a.m. MEMBERS PRESENT: Deputy Seán Crowe, Senator Jim D’Arcy, Deputy Frank Feighan, Senator Mary Moran, Deputy Martin Ferris, Senator Mary M. White. Deputy Brendan Smith, Deputy Jack Wall, In attendance: Deputy Dessie Ellis, Senator Jim Walsh, Mr. Paul Maskey, MP, Mr. Conor Murphy, MP, Dr. Alasdair McDonnell, MP, and Ms Margaret Ritchie, MP. DEPUTY JOE MCHUGH IN THE CHAIR. 1 CIvIC FORUM FOR Northern IRElAND: SDlP The joint committee met in private session until 11.10 a.m. Civic Forum for Northern Ireland: SDLP Chairman: We are running a bit late but we will try to move along as swiftly as possible. As members are aware, representatives from the SDlP are here to discuss the Civic Forum for Northern Ireland. The forum was provided for within the Good Friday Agreement to pro- vide for a broad range of voices in community relations and stimulate informed public debate in respect of key societal challenges. As yet, it remains a non-implemented provision of the agreement. We are discussing the value of a consultative forum and steps required for its imple- mentation with representatives from the SDlP. On behalf of the committee, I am very pleased to welcome John Dallat, MlA, who is a neighbour of mine across the Border and who visits Donegal quite a bit and has reasons to be there. I also welcome Ms Dolores Kelly, MlA, who has also been pushing this agenda for a long period of time and Ms Caroline Mc Neill, who is policy advisor to the party. Before I invite the witnesses to make their presentations, I must read the following into the record. I advise witnesses that they are protected by absolute privilege in respect of utterances at this committee. However, if they are directed by the committee to cease making remarks on a particular matter and continue to do so, they are entitled thereafter only to a qualified privilege in respect of their remarks. Witnesses are directed that only comments and evidence in respect of the subject matter of this meeting are to be given and are asked to respect the parliamentary practice to the effect that where possible, they should not criticise nor make charges against a Member of either House of the Oireachtas, a person outside the Houses or an official by name or in such a way as to make him or her identifiable. I now call on Ms Dolores Kelly, MlA, to proceed with her opening statement. Ms Dolores Kelly: I thank the Chair for accepting our request to make a presentation. We will deliver our presentation in two parts. Mr. Dallat, MlA, will set the scene and I will take over from there. We are very happy to at least attempt to answer any questions the committee may have. I thank the committee for the invitation to be here this morning, which is very much appreciated. Chairman: I call on Mr. Dallat to make his presentation. Mr John Dallat: I am glad the Chairman introduced me as a neighbour. Given that my mother was from Creeslough and my wife is from Carndonagh, I claim that privilege of being a neighbour of the Chairman. Of course, we know each other in other respects as well as in respect of cross-Border transport. I have been in the Assembly since 1998. It is worth recalling that the civic forum was cre- ated under the terms of the 1998 Good Friday Agreement and made up of members of various civil bodies. It has, of course, no legislative or governmental powers and fell into abeyance in 2002 after the suspension of the assembly. Following the flags protests in 2012, my colleague, Ms Dolores Kelly, MlA, wrote to the members and various groups of the forum and we were overwhelmed by the response we received from them. It was clear that there was a need. On a personal basis, as an elected representative who has served in the assembly since its beginning, I know something that the Northern Ireland Assembly needs is missing. 2 JOINT COMMITTEE ON THE IMPlementation OF THE GOOD Friday AGREEMENT We are in every respect a fledgling democracy. It is foolish if not arrogant to believe that the political parties can really create a broad spectrum of democracy without the involvement of the wider community. The civic forum did not last for very long but I remember it as something that was absolutely critical and essential. One of the reports in which I was particularly inter- ested was the one on literacy and numeracy because we have that serious problem. That report was superb. Any legislative assembly or government would have been proud to have received it. Sadly, that did not happen. In recent times, the SDlP has put forward motions on two occasions to bring back the civic forum, both of which were passed. It has not happened. There is a report sitting in the office of the First Minister and Deputy First Minister since 2007. There has been no response. I suspect that report is a very positive one that sets out very good reasons why the civic forum should be reconstituted but we have not got it. Recent events in the North indicate that a broader body of opinion is badly needed so that we can create a truly participative democracy and give a strong voice to the wider community. I am sure all political parties in the North are concerned that the level of participation in voting is constantly dropping, which we believe is an indication that the wider community has lost interest. Those of us who are nostalgic remember the difficult work that was done leading up to the Good Friday Agreement and getting over 90% of people in the Republic and over 70% in the North to support it. It is crazy to take that tier away. In my introduction, my impassioned plea is to ask to every support not just because we want a civic forum and it is a wider spectrum of democracy but because it is if we are to shore up, which is possibly the wrong term, and continue the struggle to make sure democracy stays alive. We do not spend all our time talking about flags, placating paramilitary groups, throwing money at them and all the other things have been going on. We need the civic forum for good reasons and I am sure we will have the opportunity this morning to spell out in greater detail why we believe that without the civic forum, we have a real problem in the North. The assem- bly - the big house on the hill - on its own is an isolated place. It does not encapsulate or relate to the wider community in the same way as would happen in a normal democracy where there is consensus. At this point, I am pleased to hand over to my colleague, Ms Kelly, MlA. Ms Dolores Kelly: I want to put on record our party’s thanks and appreciation to the Tánaiste for his recent remarks in support of the party’s call for the implementation of the Haass-O’Sullivan talks and his commitment to opening Government records relating to any mechanism that might be established in dealing comprehensively and ethically with the past. It is important to note that at the outset. The committee may know that in respect of the Haass talks, there was an overwhelming amount of response right across civic society from indi- viduals, trade unions and other community and voluntary organisations. This is an example of where civic society has sought to engage. There will be a call for a compromise rally in Belfast city centre this Sunday. This rally wants to see the parties engaging and dealing with those contentious issues of parading, flags and the past that have not yet been dealt with. Another aspect of the civic forum is that there would be an all-Ireland consultative forum to partner with a similar body in the South. That remains an unfulfilled promise and commitment of the Good Friday Agreement. As members will know, equality and human rights were at the core and, indeed, a compromise of that agreement which is an international treaty between two sovereign governments and the British and Irish Governments are co-guarantors of that agree- ment. We believe that more needs to be done and more pressure applied to the Executive and in particular to the Unionist parties in the Northern Ireland Executive. The victims’ groups in particular have been very powerful over the past number of months. 3 CIvIC FORUM FOR Northern IRElAND: SDlP Despite their differences of opinions and their different experiences of the conflict they have spoken with one voice in their demand for a mechanism to deal with the past in order to address issues of concern with regard to justice and for finding out what happened by means of truth recovery. Their voices have been very powerful and the victims have stayed on the same page, so to speak, in their call and their commitment to the process overseen by Richard Haass and Megan O’Sullivan. Those are examples of how civic society can put pressure on the political parties. It was an- ticipated that dealing with the past would be the most potentially contentious issue where there would not be agreement at the Haass talks, yet it is the issue on which there is most agreement about the mechanisms.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • How New Is New Loyalism?
    HOW NEW IS NEW LOYALISM? CATHERINE MCGLYNN EUROPEAN STUDIES RESEARCH INSTITUTE UNIVERSITY OF SALFORD SALFORD, UK Submitted in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy, February 2004 TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction Page 1 Chapter One Hypothesis and Methodology Page 6 Chapter Two Literature Review: Unionism, Loyalism, Page 18 New Loyalism Chapter Three A Civic Loyalism? Page 50 Chapter Four The Roots of New Loyalism 1966-1982 Page 110 Chapter Five New Loyalism and the Peace Process Page 168 Chapter Six New Loyalism and the Progressive Page 205 Unionist Party Chapter Seven Conclusion: How New is New Loyalism? Page 279 Bibliography Page 294 ABBREVIATONS CLMC Combined Loyalist Military Command DENI Department of Education for Northern Ireland DUP Democratic Unionist Party IOO Independent Orange Order IRA Irish Republican Army LAW Loyalist Association of Workers LVF Loyalist Volunteer Force NICRA Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association NIHE Northern Ireland Housing Executive NILP Northern Ireland Labour Party PUP Progressive Unionist Party RHC Red Hand Commandos RHD Red Hand Defenders SDLP Social Democratic and Labour Party UDA Ulster Defence Association UDP Ulster Democratic Party UDLP Ulster Democratic and Loyalist Party UFF Ulster Freedom Fighters UUP Ulster Unionist Party UUUC United Ulster Unionist Council UWC Ulster Workers' Council UVF Ulster Volunteer Force VPP Volunteer Political Party ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank my PhD supervisor, Jonathan Tonge for all his support during my time at Salford University. I am also grateful to all the staff at the Northern Irish Political collection at the Linen Hall Library in Belfast for their help and advice.
    [Show full text]
  • Irish Political Review, July 2010
    Bloody Sunday Jack Jones Wrecking E S B ? Conor Lynch And The Spies Labour Comment Manus O'Riordan page 6 page 21 back page IRISH POLITICAL REVIEW July 2010 Vol.25, No.7 ISSN 0790-7672 and Northern Star incorporating Workers' Weekly Vol.24 No.7 ISSN 954-5891 Coping With The Future The gEUru Returns We Failed To Prevent The guru of the concept of the EU Progressive Governments must not be inward looking. The principle of Sinn Fein, if Constitution-cum-Lisbon Treaty is Valery it was ever progressive, has long been reactionary and stultifying, and the inaccurate Giscard d'Estaing. When the current translation of it as "Ourselves Alone" expresses the essential truth about it. Ireland, in existential crisis of the EU manifested order. to be modern, must be open to the world so that the world might be open to it. Its itself with the defeat of the Nice Treaty in dynamic must be an integral part of the dynamic of the world market. Ireland almost a decade ago, he came up And yet, when the world market goes awry with drastic consequences for Ireland, the with the brilliant idea of a piece of paper Government—which did what was required of it by the progressive forces—is to be held that would cover all the cracks and responsible because it did what was required of it. persuade all that the EU was going from strength to strength. A pompous, long The Government must do what the people wants. That's democracy. But, when what winded, legalistic piece of constitution- the people wanted leads to disaster, it is the Government that is to blame.
    [Show full text]
  • Birth of the Blanket Protest
    Birth of the Blanket Protest Ned Flynn H Block 4, Long Kesh Ned Flynn, from Andersonstown in West Belfast, was nineteen years of age in 1976 when he was sentenced and became the second man to enter the historic blanket protest in the H blocks. As we commemorate the twentieth anniversary of the beginning of that campaign, he reflects on how the protest started. Twenty years ago, Britain's three-pronged strategy to break the republican struggle was in full swing, i.e. normalisation, Ulsterisation, andcriminalisation. Normalisation involved the British Government portraying the conflict to the international community as one which was well under control, with a degree of normality now evident Ulsterisation involved the six-county, sectarian militias of the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) and Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR) taking primary control of security, with the British army now playing a secondary back-up role. Criminalisation was a media-orientated policy, overseen by Northern Ireland Office (NIO) officials, that portrayed the repub- lican struggle as acts of criminals, with terms such as 'mafia-type gangsters,' 'godfathers,' 'racketeers,' and 'drug barons' being circulated daily by the media. Futhermore, the struggle was represented as sectarian, and this portrayal was fuelled by British military intelligence who organised Loyalist death squads and even recruited a Military Reaction Force (MRF) within the nationalist community, mercenaries who were ordered to carry out attacks on nationalists and attribute them to loyalists. To reinforce criminalisation, Britain declared that any republican prisoner captured after March I, 1976 would be classified as a criminal rather than a POW, and as such, would be treated accordingly.
    [Show full text]
  • THE APPARATUS of IMPUNITY? Human Rights Violations and the Northern Ireland Conflict: a Narrative of Official Limitations on Post-Agreement Investigative Mechanisms
    THE APPARATUS OF IMPUNITY? Human rights violations and the Northern Ireland conflict: a narrative of official limitations on post-Agreement investigative mechanisms Committee on the Administration of Justice January 2015 The Apparatus of Impunity? Committee on the Administration of Justice (CAJ) © Committee on the Administration of Justice January 2015 The material may be reproduced, free of charge, in any format or medium without specific permission, provided the reproduction is not for financial or material gain.The material must be reproduced accurately and not used in a misleading context. If the material is to be republished or issued to others, acknowledgement must be given to its source, copyright status, and date of publication. This publication is available on our website. CAJ Committee on the Administration of Justice 2nd Floor, Sturgen Building 9-15 Queen Street Belfast BT1 6EA Tel: 028 9031 6000 Fax: 028 9031 4583 [email protected] www.caj.org.uk ISBN 978 1 873285 94 7 The Apparatus of Impunity? Committee on the Administration of Justice (CAJ) THE APPARATUS OF IMPUNITY? Human rights violations and the Northern Ireland conflict: a narrative of official limitations on post-Agreement investigative mechanisms Committee on the Administration of Justice January 2015 The Apparatus of Impunity? Committee on the Administration of Justice (CAJ) Recent comments from key Council of Europe and UN human rights bodies in relation to existing mechanisms investigating the conflict in Northern Ireland: The absence of any plausible explanation for the failure to collect key evidence at the time when this was possible, and for attempts to even obstruct this process, should be treated with particular vigilance.
    [Show full text]
  • Peter Robinson DUP Reg Empey UUP Robin Newton DUP David Walter Ervine PUP Naomi Rachel Long Alliance Michael Stewart Copeland UUP
    CANDIDATES ELECTED TO THE NORTHERN IRELAND ASSEMBLY 26 NOVEMBER 2003 Belfast East: Peter Robinson DUP Reg Empey UUP Robin Newton DUP David Walter Ervine PUP Naomi Rachel Long Alliance Michael Stewart Copeland UUP Belfast North: Nigel Alexander Dodds DUP Gerry Kelly Sinn Fein Nelson McCausland DUP Fred Cobain UUP Alban Maginness SDLP Kathy Stanton Sinn Fein Belfast South: Michael McGimpsey UUP Simon Mark Peter Robinson DUP John Esmond Birnie UUP Carmel Hanna SDLP Alex Maskey Sinn Fein Alasdair McDonnell SDLP Belfast West: Gerry Adams Sinn Fein Alex Atwood SDLP Bairbre de Brún Sinn Fein Fra McCann Sinn Fein Michael Ferguson Sinn Fein Diane Dodds DUP East Antrim: Roy Beggs UUP Sammy Wilson DUP Ken Robinson UUP Sean Neeson Alliance David William Hilditch DUP Thomas George Dawson DUP East Londonderry: Gregory Campbell DUP David McClarty UUP Francis Brolly Sinn Fein George Robinson DUP Norman Hillis UUP John Dallat SDLP Fermanagh and South Tyrone: Thomas Beatty (Tom) Elliott UUP Arlene Isobel Foster DUP* Tommy Gallagher SDLP Michelle Gildernew Sinn Fein Maurice Morrow DUP Hugh Thomas O’Reilly Sinn Fein * Elected as UUP candidate, became a member of the DUP with effect from 15 January 2004 Foyle: John Mark Durkan SDLP William Hay DUP Mitchel McLaughlin Sinn Fein Mary Bradley SDLP Pat Ramsey SDLP Mary Nelis Sinn Fein Lagan Valley: Jeffrey Mark Donaldson DUP* Edwin Cecil Poots DUP Billy Bell UUP Seamus Anthony Close Alliance Patricia Lewsley SDLP Norah Jeanette Beare DUP* * Elected as UUP candidate, became a member of the DUP with effect from
    [Show full text]
  • Northern Ireland Policing Board Annual Report and Accounts Together with the Report of the Comptroller and Auditor General
    ANNUAL REPORT AND ACCOUNTS FOR THE PERIOD 1 APRIL 2007 - 31 MARCH 2008 CORPORATE VISION To secure for all the people of Northern Ireland an effective, efficient, impartial, representative and accountable police service which will secure the confidence of the whole community, by reducing crime and the fear of crime. ANNUAL REPORT AND ACCOUNTS FOR THE PERIOD 1 APRIL 2007 - 31 MARCH 2008 Northern Ireland Policing Board Annual Report and Accounts together with the Report of the Comptroller and Auditor General. Laid before the Houses of Parliament by the Comptroller and Auditor General in accordance with Paragraph 12(3) b of schedule 2 of the Police (Northern Ireland) Act 2000. Ordered by the House of Commons to be printed 10 July 2008. HC 628 London: The Stationery Office £25.75 © Crown Copyright 2008 The text in this document (excluding the Royal Arms and other departmental or agency logos) may be reproduced free of charge in any format or medium providing it is reproduced accurately and not used in a misleading context. The material must be acknowledged as Crown copyright and the title of the document specified. Where we have identified any third party copyright material you will need to obtain permission from the copyright holders concerned. For any other use of this material please write to Office of Public Sector Information, Information Policy Team, Kew, Richmond, Surrey, TW9 4DU or e-mail: [email protected] Contents Page 03 01 CHAIRMAN’S FOREWORD 04 02 CHIEF EXECUTIVE’S FOREWORD 08 03 MEMBERSHIP OF THE NORTHERN IRELAND 10 POLICING
    [Show full text]
  • The Challenge of the Relationship Between Politics and Paramilitaries for Achieving Peace in Northern Ireland During the Troubles
    From Sunningdale to Good Friday: The Challenge of the Relationship Between Politics and Paramilitaries for Achieving Peace in Northern Ireland During The Troubles Cynthia Rudd McKaughan Faculty Advisor: Dr. Susan Thorne History March 27, 2018 This project was submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Graduate Liberal Studies Program in the Graduate School of Duke University. Copyright by Cynthia Rudd McKaughan 2018 Abstract The British government made three official attempts to end the conflict in Northern Ireland, known as The Troubles: the Sunningdale Agreement of 1973, the Anglo-Irish Agreement of 1985, and the Good Friday Agreement of 1998. Drawing on media coverage and the actual text of each agreement, as well as the considerable body of scholarly research on each individual process, this project identifies the issues confronting the British government in all three instances: which organizations in Northern Ireland to include at the negotiating table, what role the British government would play in Northern Ireland in the treaty’s aftermath, what security measures to take to stop the violence while ensuring human rights, how to address the political challenges posed by paramilitary organizations, and whether or not to include other nations in negotiating the peace, as well as in Northern Ireland’s affairs once the Troubles ended. The Good Friday Agreement succeeded where its predecessors failed primarily because of the decision to include representatives of paramilitary groups despite their history of complicity in violence. All sides finally agreed to participate in a political power-sharing arrangement that militants on both sides long viewed as a betrayal to the cause for which they willingly killed and died.
    [Show full text]
  • Support for Statutory Right to Independent Advice – Amendments 48 & 50
    Support for statutory right to independent advice – Amendments 48 & 50 Statutory right to independent advice The Northern Ireland Advice Services Consortium1 and NICVA support Amendments 48 and 50 as proposed by Mr Roy Beggs and Mr Robin Swann and Mrs Dolores Kelly, Mr Alex Attwood, Mr Alban Maginness and Mr Pat Ramsey respectively.2 We explain the reasons for our support below. Right to independent advice A statutory right to independent advice for anyone affected by the Welfare Reform Bill. This concept was first proposed by Advice NI in evidence to the Social Development Committee during the scrutiny stage of the Welfare Reform Bill. The concept has been warmly welcomed by the Northern Ireland Advice Services Consortium (NIASC) and NICVA.3 Independent welfare advice is invaluable for people receiving social security benefits or who are considering making a claim. We can think of welfare advice as a safety net. It ensures that people receive the benefits they are entitled to or to resolve problems before they escalate. By playing a key role in promoting benefit uptake, welfare advice brings monetary and social benefits to claimants and their communities. What do advisers do? Advisers do not tell people what to do: they empower people by explaining their options and supporting decision making.4 Advisers: - Interview people in a supportive environment to obtain a full picture of any problems - Help the person prioritise the problems and identify solutions - Provide up to date advice about available benefits and assess a person’s eligibility - Help complete applications - Advocate at appeals if necessary - Help people liaise with government departments and negotiate with companies and creditors - Refer externally to other forms of appropriate crisis intervention (e.g.
    [Show full text]
  • Download INTERREG IIIA Sharing Excellence
    Sharing Excellence INTERREG IIIA in the Ireland / Northern Ireland East Border Region 2003–2008 Project part financed by the European Union This project is part financed by the European Union through the INTERREG IIIA Programme managed for the Special EU Programmes Body by the East Border Region INTERREG IIIA Partnership East Border Region INTERREG IIIA Programme The INTERREG IIIA Programme is an EU Community Initiative designed to support cross border co-operation, social cohesion and economic development between regions of the EU. The Ireland/Northern Ireland Programme covers all of Northern Ireland and the six Border Counties of Ireland: Cavan, Donegal, Leitrim, Louth, Monaghan and Sligo. The Programme aims to address the economic and social disadvantage that can result from the existence of a border. Throughout the lifetime of the INTERREG IIIA Programme (2000–2008) over 182 million has been invested in genuine cross border projects € throughout the entire eligible area. This funding has been distributed through a number of different organisations such as Government departments working alongside locally developed Partnerships (Implementing Agents) on both sides of the border. The East Border Region INTERREG IIIA Partnership was appointed as an Implementing Agent and as a result has funded 38 genuine cross border projects across the East Border Region to the value of approximately 25 million. We felt it was important to document a brief explanation € of each of our funded projects, hence the creation of this publication. Contents Welcome
    [Show full text]
  • Find Your Local MLA
    Find your local MLA Mr John Stewart UUP East Antrim 95 Main Street Larne Acorn Integrated Primary BT40 1HJ Carnlough Integrated Primary T: 028 2827 2644 Corran Integrated Primary [email protected] Ulidia Integrated College Mr Roy Beggs UUP 3 St. Brides Street Carrickfergus BT38 8AF 028 9336 2995 [email protected] Mr Stewart Dickson Alliance 8 West Street Carrickfergus BT38 7AR 028 9335 0286 [email protected] Mr David Hilditch DUP 2 Joymount Carrickfergus BT38 7DN 028 9332 9980 [email protected] Mr Gordon Lyons DUP 116 Main Street Larne Co. Antrim BT40 1RG 028 2826 7722 [email protected] Mr Robin Newton DUP East Belfast 59 Castlereagh Road Ballymacarret Lough View Integrated Primary Belfast BT5 5FB Mr Andrew Allen UUP 028 9045 9500 [email protected] 174 Albertbridge Road Belfast BT5 4GS 028 9046 3900 [email protected] Ms Joanne Bunting DUP 220 Knock Road Carnamuck Belfast BT5 6QD 028 9079 7100 [email protected] Mrs Naomi Long 56 Upper Newtownards Road Ballyhackamore Belfast BT4 3EL 028 9047 2004 [email protected] Mr Chris Lyttle Alliance 56 Upper Newtownards Road Ballyhackamore Belfast BT4 3EL 028 9047 2004 [email protected] Miss Claire Sugden Independent East Londonderry 1 Upper Abbey Street Coleraine Carhill Integrated Primary BT52 1BF Mill Strand Integrated Primary 028 7032 7294 Roe Valley Integrated Primary [email protected] North Coast Integrated College
    [Show full text]
  • MONITORING the MINISTERS EURODAC to Fingerprint All “Illegal Immigrants”; Dublin Convention Unworkable; New “Crimes” of “Association”
    statewatch monitoring the state and civil liberties in the UK and Europe vol 8 no 2 March - April 1998 MONITORING THE MINISTERS EURODAC to fingerprint all “illegal immigrants”; Dublin Convention unworkable; new “crimes” of “association” Since the Council of Justice and Home Affairs December (see Statewatch, vol 7 no 6). The earlier version Ministers (JHA Council) was set up in 1993 under the explicitly referred to “drug trafficking, trafficking in human Maastricht Treaty it has held 14 meetings, the latest beings and terrorism” (Article 1.1) and “intimidation, threats, was in Brussels on 19 March. Its meetings now tend to violence” (Article 1.3). These precise terms have been replaced by more general, and potentially all-embracing, terms. Article 1 pass largely unreported, the latest got little, or scant, now refers to “crimes or other offences” and “include” (thus not coverage in the media. The UK press covered the exclusively) the crimes and offences set out in Article 2 of the introduction of EU-wide driving disqualifications Europol Convention and its Annex - this originally listed 18 (which was not actually adopted) and the UK-Spain “crimes”. The list of “crimes” falling under Europol's remit is ongoing row over the status of Gibraltar. Yet far- being extended all the time and is now to include terrorism (see reaching decisions affecting the civil liberties of EU below). The JHA Council can extend the list of crimes without citizens and the rights of asylum seekers and refugees any reference to the European or national parliaments. figured prominently. Moreover, as the work of the JHA The scope of the measure defined as “punishable by a three- Council steadily moves from just policy-making to year term of imprisonment or a more serious penalty” has been policy-making and practice there is even more changed to “a maximum of at least four years or a more serious penalty”.
    [Show full text]
  • The Dublin and Monaghan Bombings
    Tithe an Oireachtais An Comhchoiste um Dhlí agus Ceart, Comhionannas, Cosaint agus Cearta na mBan Tuarascáil Eatramhach maidir leis an Tuarascáil ón gCoimisiún Fiosrúcháin Neamhspleách faoi Bhuamáil Bhaile Átha Cliath agus Mhuineacháin Nollaig 2003 _________________________ Houses of the Oireachtas Joint Committee on Justice, Equality, Defence and Women’s Rights Interim Report on the Report of the Independent Commission of Inquiry into the Dublin and Monaghan Bombings December 2003 Joint Committee on Justice, Equality, Defence and Women’s Rights Interim Report on the Report of the Independent Commission of Inquiry into the Dublin and Monaghan Bombings CONTENTS Interim Report Pages 1 to 3 Appendices A. Orders of Reference and Powers of Joint Committee B. Membership of Joint Committee. C. Motions of the Dáil and Seanad D. Mr Justice Barron’s Statement to the Oireachtas Committee E. The Report of the Independent Commission of Inquiry into the Dublin and Monaghan bombings Joint Committee on Justice, Equality, Defence and Women’s Rights Interim Report on the Report of the Independent Commission of Inquiry into the Dublin and Monaghan Bombings The Joint Committee on Justice, Equality, Defence and Women’s Rights wishes to express it’s deepest sympathy with the victims and relatives of the victims of the Dublin and Monaghan bombings of 1974. As has been stated by Mr Justice Henry Barron, “the true cost of these atrocities in human terms is incalculable. In addition to the loss of innocent lives, hundreds more were scarred by physical and emotional injuries. The full story of suffering will never be known and it is ongoing in many cases.
    [Show full text]