II ULTURE C OICES TUDIES S UBIAN V N EXTS AND T HRISTIAN UBIAN C EW

WARSAW 2015 ON N N EDITED BY ¸AJTAR ADAM OCHAŁAGRZEGORZ DER VLIET VAN JACQUES

Supplement XXVII Supplement

J T P J OURNAL OF OF OURNAL HE APYROLOGY URISTIC

C N C ULTURE UBIAN HRISTIAN ON II V N

OICES UBIAN

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JJP Supplement XXVII Supplement

S T N TUDIES AND EXTS EW

T HE J OURNAL OF J URISTIC P APYROLOGY Supplement XXVII SUPPL_XXVII_NUBIAII.qxd:Janiszewski_cov. 10/29/15 11:24 AM Page 1 10/29/15 SUPPL_XXVII_NUBIAII.qxd:Janiszewski_cov. SUPPL_XXVII_Nubia_str:Janiszewski_str.ok 10/29/15 11:03 AM Page 14

UNIVERSITY OF WARSAW FACULTY OF LAW AND ADMINISTRATION CHAIR OF ROMAN AND ANTIQUE LAW

UNIVERSITY OF WARSAW INSTITUTE OF ARCHAEOLOGY DEPARTMENT OF PAPYROLOGY

THE RAPHAEL TAUBENSCHLAG FOUNDATION THE JOURNAL OF JURISTIC PAPYROLOGY

Supplements

SERIES EDITORS TOMASZ DERDA ADAM ¸AJTAR JAKUB URBANIK

VOLUME XXVII SUPPL_XXVII_Nubia_str:Janiszewski_str.ok 10/29/15 11:03 AM Page 15

NUBIAN VOICES II NEW TEXTS AND STUDIES ON CHRISTIAN NUBIAN CULTURE APYROLOGY EDITED BY P ADAM ¸AJTAR GRZEGORZ OCHA¸A JACQUES VAN DER VLIET URISTIC J OURNAL OF J HE T

Supplement XXVII WARSAW 2015 rz04_redaction_rz04_redaction 29.12.2015 10:45 Page IV

The Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements Series is jointly published by the Faculty of Law and Administration of the University of Warsaw, the Insti - tute of Archaeology of the University of Warsa2w6 , 2a8nd0 t0h-e9 R27aphael Taube6n 4- schlag F4o8u n2d2 ati5o5n 2, 2K 8ra1k5 owskie4 P8r z2e2 dm55ie 2śc0i e3 84 / , 48 22 W5a5r s2z4a w31a 9 tel. (+ -) and (+ ) , fax: (+ ) e mails: [email protected], [email protected], - [email protected], [email protected] web page:

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DTP and image processing by Grzegorz Ochała

© for the book by the Raphael Taubenschlag Foundation © for the constituting papers by the authors

This publication has been published with financial support from the Institute of Archaeology of the University of Warsaw .

Warszawa 2015

ISBN 978-83-938425-7-5

Wydanie I Druk i oprawa: Sowa sp. z o.o., Piaseczno rz05-06_contents1_rz05-06 29.12.2015 10:35 Page V

CONTENTS

vii PREFACE ...... xi GENERAL ABBREVIATIONS ...... xv NOTE ON THE EDITION OF THE TEXTS ...... Part One NEW TEXTS 3 ...... Dekker RenTahtee m emorial stone of Bishop Joseph III of Aswan ...... 5 van der Vliet & Worp JacqFuouers north-Nubian funeraKryl sataesla Ae f.r om the Bankes Collection 27 ...... van Ginkel & van der Vliet JanA Syriac alphabet fJraocmq uQeass r Ibrim 45 ...... Ruffini GioQvaasnr nIib rRim. ’s Old Nubian burial-shroud (QI inv. 78.1.24/53 = NI 46) . . . . 53 Łajtar & Ochała AdaTmw o wall inscrGiptrizoengs orz from the cathedral with lists of people and goods 73 ...... Łajtar & van der Vliet AdaAmn inscribed tomJabc qchuaems ber in Ukma-West 103 ...... Deptuła AgaItnas criptions from Saint Menas’ church in Selib 119 ...... rz05-06_contents1_rz05-06 29.12.2015 10:35 Page VI

VI CONTENTS Łajtar AdaTmhr ee fragments of terracotta epitaphs from el-Koro and Karmel (Abu Hamed Reach) 137 ...... Part Two STUDIES 149 ...... Seignobos RobLiens évêchés nubiens: nouveaux témoignages. La source de la liste de Vansleb et deux autres textes méconnus 151 ...... Łajtar AdaTmhe mystery of Timikleos solved! 231 ...... Tsakos AleTxahne dcrryopst ogram as a variant of the cryptogram : ΜΧΓ ΧΜΓ On text and image in Christian 245 ...... van der Vliet JacqNuuebsi an voices from Edfu: Egyptian scribes and Nubian patrons in southern 263 ...... Weschenfelder PetTrah e soulou in medieval Old Nubian documents: A mobile ethnic or professional group? 279 ...... Weber-Thum & Weschenfelder KerTshtien m ultifunctional -ⲁ: AP wetirlad -card in Old Nubian grammar? 301 ...... van Gerven Oei VinAc ennott eW on. tJh. e Old Nubian -ⲁ in nominal and verbal predicates ...... 313 313-334_van_gerven1_171-224 29.12.2015 10:42 Page 313

Vincent W. J. van Gerven Oei

A NOTE ON THE OLD NUBIAN MORPHEME -ⲁ IN NOMINAL AND VERBAL PREDICATES

n line with the syntactical and morphological analysis Iⲗ Nubian Voices of the -morpheme offered in theⲁ previous volume of , I would like this time to address1 the -morpheme in Old Nubian texts, both lit - erary and documentary, in order to improve our ovⲁerall understanding of Old Nubian sentence structure and grammar. The -morpheme, which in the extant literature is usually referred to by the vague term ‘predicative’, is a core marker in the Old Nubian sentence, and improving our under - standing of its distribution and function will hopefully lead to more reli - able translations or, at least, betⲁter informed guesses. An analysis of the function and distribution of the -morpheme within the Old Nubian cor - pus is all the more necessar2y, because it has only marginally survived in modern , which, therefore, cannot give us any thor - ough indication about the past usage or distribution of such a morpheme.

1 Browne Stauros Studia Papyrologica Mainidlye mfromG rGiff.i tMh’s. Old Nubi,a ‘nG Lriefficttiohn’sa ry P-aTpeyxrto’l,o gica Castroctavia na 22 (1983), pp. 75–119; , idem Chrysostomus Nubianus: An[ =O ld Nubian Version of Ps.-Chryso8st]o, mR, Ionm Vee n – - Berarbcileelmon Ca r1u9c8em2; Sermo, Papyrologica Castroctaviana El- Shafie el-Guzuuli &[= van Gerven Oei 10T] h, eR Momireac–le Bofa rScaeilnotn Ma 1in9a8:4;ⲅ ⲓaⲥn ⲙdⲓ̅ ⲛⲁⲛ ⲛⲟⲕⲕⲟⲣ V. W. J. , , The Hague – Tirana 2012 , as these are the texts that I have alreadPy .f Qulalysr a Inbarliym zed in view of a larger grammatical study. Documentary evidence is mainly from IV. 2 Bechhaus-Gerst The (Hi)story of Nobiin: 1000 Years of Language Change See Marianne , , Frankfurt a/Main etc. 2011, pp. 69–71. 313-334_van_gerven1_171-224 29.12.2015 10:42 Page 314

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Grundzüge der nubischen Grammatik Ernst Zyhlarz, in his ⲁ from 1928, observes that there are two diff-ea rent - op-aerating in the Old Nubian -la nguage, a ‘predicative ’ and a ‘postposition ’: ‘ Di-ea vom prädi - kativen sichtlich zu scheidende emphatische Postposition findet sich gelegentlich als Erweiterung subjektiver und prädikativer Nominalformen, speziell nach einem Verbum des Nennens, ferner als Erweiterun3 g von Ver - balformen und schließlich auchG mraimt moaffteikn bdaesr Nfionbailienm (N Silinun b’.ischH) owever, Roland Werner suggests in his ‘daß es sich bei der a-Form des und des Nomens um diesselbe, nämlich (im Sinne des Altnubischen) ‘prädikative’ Form, d.h. die Form, die das Nomen als Prädikat annimt, handelt, wobei ich anders als Zyhlarz im Falle de4s Verbs nicht von Partizⲁip, sondern einfach von a-Form sprechen möchte ’. This idea that the -morpheme in nominOall da nNdu bviearnb aGl rcaomnmteaxr ts is one and the same, reappears in Gerald Bro-ⲁwne’s , namely in the assertion that the p5 redicative ‘marks the predicate of a clause, both nominal and verbal’. This is an extension of Werner’s claim in the sense that Browne also includesⲁ the so-called ‘indicative’ forms as ver - bal predicates mark6ed by the -morpheme and not only so-called ‘pred - icative’ verb forms. In spite of this insight, Browne does not attempt to structure the Old Nubian predicate around this morpheme, but instead bases his analysis of the nominal and verbal predicates largely on precon - ceived, yet rather unwieldy, Indo-European-style paradigms. In her recent work on the diachronic comparative grammar of the Nobiin-ⲁ language, Marianne Bechhaus-Gerst plainly asserts 7that the pred - icative is operative on both nominal and verbal predicates, implying that

3 Zyhlarz Grundzüge der nubischen Grammatik im christlichen Frühmittelalter (Altnu - bischE):. Grammati,k , Texte, Kommentar und Glossar Abhandlungen für die Kunde des Morgen - landes [= 18], Leipzig 1928, p. 130. 4 Werner Grammatik des Nobiin Nilo-Saharan. Linguistic Analyses and Documenta - tion R. , [= 1], Hamburg 1987, p. 169. 5 Browne Grammar , , p. 36 [§ 3.6.4]. 6 Browne Grammar , , p-ⲁ. 51: ‘The indicative [can be derived] from the subjunctive through fusion with predicative ’. 7 Bechhaus-Gerst The (Hi)story of Nobiin , (cit. n. 2), p. 67. 313-334_van_gerven1_171-224 29.12.2015 10:42 Page 315

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-ⲁ the predicative is the pivot of the of the Old Nubian sentence. Although building upon the work of Zyhlarz, Werner, and Browne, she offers a novel perspective in the sense that she attempts to give a system - ⲁatical overview, departing from the different environments in which the -morpheme occurs. However, because her work mainly revolves around a diaⲁchronic analysis of the Nobiin language, many grammatical aspects of the -morpheme remain obscure. If we review tⲁhe extant grammatical literature from Zyhlarz to Bech - haus-Gerst, the -morpheme has been attested in a number of distinct, albeit related contexts: (1) as marker of the nominal predicate; (2) as marker of the main verbal predicate; (3) as marker of final clauses; (4) as marker of adjunctives; (5) within the scope of quantifiers; (6) as vocative; and (7) as marker of direct discourse. The laOstld t hNruebei acno nGtreaxm ts- mhaavr e been relatively satisfactorily treated in Browne’s , in §§ 3.6.4c, 3.6.4b, and 4.8, respectively. Based on the above obser - vations, the present attempts to systematically elaboⲁrate the first four environments, departing from the assumption that the -morpheme marks the Old Nubian nominal and main verbal predicates.

1. MARKER OF THE NOMINAL PREDICATE

Let us start with the nominal predicate. In the first cGomrupnrdezhüegen sdievre n autbtiesmchpent Gatr amn moavteirk view of Old Nubian grammar, Zyhlarz-ⲁ’s from 1928, the usage of predicative is confined to nominal predication, with or without overtly expressed : ‘ Steht ein Nomen als Prädikat in Verbindung mit einem Verbum des Seins-a, kopulativ oder mit emphatischem Suffix, so erhält es regulär die Endung . Da dieser Endung auch in weiteren Fällen ihres Vorkommens der Wert einer betonten Aus - sage und besonderer Emphase der Bezeichnung innezuwohnen schei8nt, so wird im Folgenden diese Form als status praedicativus bezeichnet ’. This assertion still stands today and may be corroborated by many examples from extant texts, such as: 8 Zyhlarz Grundzüge , (cit. n. 3), p. 32 [§ 70]. 313-334_van_gerven1_171-224 29.12.2015 10:42 Page 316

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ⲧⲗ̄ⲗ-ⲗ̄ ⲁⲙ ⲥ̄ⲕ̣ ⲁⲇ-ⲁ 1) det pred God- judge- God is a judge 9 [SC 12, l. 10] ⲧⲟⲧ-ⲁ ⲉ̄ⲛ-ⲉⲛ 2) pred prs 3sg son- be- .2/ If he is the son [SC 17, ll. 19–20]

ⲁInⲙ ⲥ̄bⲕ̣ oⲁtⲇhⲁ examⲧpⲟlⲧeⲁs the nominal predicate of the sentence-ⲁ, respectively and , is marked by the predicative morpheme . In the case of example 1, no cⲉ̄oⲛpⲉuⲛ la is overtly expressed, whereas in example 2 we find the ⲁovert copula . As this is a common pattern, we may assume that the -morpheme marks thⲁe predicate in Old Nubian nominal sentences. Browne inteGrpraremtms tahr e -morpheme as part of Old Nubian ‘case inflec - tion’ (Browne, , § 3.6). The quote marks are his and reflect a cer - tain hesitance toward such terminology, based o1n0 Fritz Hintze’s assertion that Old Nubian is not an inflected language. Although I agree with Hintze that Old Nubian is indeed not ‘inflectional’ in the sense that Latin or Greek are inflectional languages, this does not mea1n1 thatⲁ Old Nubian has no case markers whatsoever, which in fact it does. The -morpheme is just not one of them, being neither related to a specific role in the sen - tence, nor to a specific meaning, nor for that matter solely bound to the nominal realm.

9 abstr acc The following glosscing abbreviations are employed thrcoauugshout: = cAobnsdtraction; = Accusativper cead se; = Complemdeent tizer/Conjunctiolno; c = Causatdiviset; r = Con - ditioneaml p/Final; = Pforec dicative; = Detfeurtminer; =g eLn ocative; = Diisntrcihbu - tive; = Ej mphatic; = Fonceug s marker; pa= sFs uture; p=l Genitive pcr ase; = pIntc1 hoative; = Jupntc2ture ; sg = Negative; tr = Passive; = ; = Present; = Preterite 1; = Preterite 2; = Singular; Transitive. 10 Browne Grammar = 11 Cf. , , p. 32, n. 14. -ⲛ(ⲁ) -ⲕ(ⲁ) Two grammatical ones, genitive and accusative , as well as a host of semantic ones for location and direBctliaokne. FCora stehe distinction between grammatical (or structural) and semantic cases, see B. J. , , Cambridge 2001 (2nd ed.), pp. 31–33. 313-334_van_gerven1_171-224 29.12.2015 10:42 Page 317

A NOTE ON THE OLD NUBIAN MORPHEME -ⲁ 317

2. MARKER OF THE MAIN VERBAL PREDICATE

ⲁ Whereas Zyhlarz thought that in the v12 erbal domain the -mor1p3 heme only appeared on ‘temporal ’ and ‘modal participles’ (here referred to as adjunctives, see section 4), later scholars such as Werner, Bⲁrowne, and Bechhaus-Gerst suggest in different ways that the same -morpheme may also appear on the verbal predicate of a clause, as in examples 3 and 4. ⲁ̄ⲡⲟⲅⲅ-ⲗ̄ ⲡⲉⲥ-ⲁⲣ-ⲁ 3) det pt1 pred skipper- say- - The skipper said [M. 4, l. 16] ⲁ̄ⲡⲟⲅⲅ-ⲗ̄ⲗ-ⲟⲛ ⲡⲉⲥ-ⲥⲛ-ⲁ 4) det c pt2 3sg pred skipper- - say- .2/ - And the skipper said [M. 5, ll. 14–15]

The similar translation of examples 3 and 4 obscures the fact that in exam - ple 3 the Old Nubian verb form is not marked for agreement, only for tense. This difference cannot be rendered in the English translation. In his treatment of the Old Nubian verb system, Browne confusingly refers to ‘non-finite’ verb forms such as in example 3 as ‘predicatives’,ⲁ which would be derived from the form, or ‘verbid’, plus the -morpheme. Whether this derivation is indeed correct can no longer conclusively be asserted owing to the lack of diachronic evidence, but Browne’s nomencla - ture certainly leads to unnecessary confusion between the name of a cer - tain morpheme and the name of a certain form. By contrast, example 4 shows a verb form fully inflected for tense and person, presumably with a predicative morpheme. This form is commonly called ‘indicative’. In his treatment of finite verb morphology Browne 12 Zyhlarz Grundzüge , (cit. n. 3), pp. 55–58 [§§ 143–151]. 13 Ibidem , p. 55 [§ 142.1. δ]. 313-334_van_gerven1_171-224 29.12.2015 10:42 Page 318

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suggests that these verb forms are derived from the ‘subjun-ⲁcti14ve’ verb forms, such as in example 2, through addition of the predicative . But prⲁecisely because there are apparently finite verbal predicates without the -mor - pheme, Browne’s and Bechhausⲁ-Gerst’s statement that all predicates in Old Nubian are marked by the -morpheme becomes questionable. The problem lies once again with the Indo-European concept of the predi - cate, which implies that all finite verb forms, which are inflected for tense, aspect, and agreement, are by definition the core of the verbal predicate. In Old Nubian, however, we are confronted ⲁwith on the one hand appar - ently non-finite verb forms, marked by the -morpheme that are clearly the main verb of the sentence as inⲁ example 3, and on the other finite verb forms that are not marked by the -morpheme, the so-called subjunctive verb forms, as in example 2. Many of Browne’s grammatical analyses get stuck on this, from an Indo-European perspective, paradoxical state of affairs. Miracle of St Menas In his commentary to the , Browne suggests that alteratio1n5 between the verb forms in 3 and 4 may be a form of ‘stylistic variety’, which possibly mirrors ‘similar vOarlida tNiounb iiann t Gher aGmrmeeakr Vorlage’ (which, however, does not exist). In his , Browne remains rather vague on this supposed difference between ‘indicative’ and ‘predicative’ verb forms, except for mentioning that ‘the predicative [verb form] usually requires for1m6 al expression of the subject, which is overtly marked in the indicative’. This seems to be an indication that we are not dealing with an extension of a participle, but rather simply with a verbal root, marked for tense, but unmarked for person. Thus, the situation in Old Nubian seems to be at odds with the Indo- European model in which there are stable paradigms, and verbal predicates come with fixed sets of morphology. Instead of trying to map preconceived structures such as the ‘predicative’, ‘subjunctive’, and ‘indicative’ paradigms

14 Browne Grammar Vycichl Kush , , § 3.9.6; cf. W. , ‘Old Nubian studies’, 6 (1958), pp. 172–174. 15 Browne The Old Nubian Miracle of Saint Menas Beiträge zur Sudanforschung, BeihGef.t M. , [= 7], Vienna – Mödling 1994, p. 31. 16 Browne Grammar , , p. 49 [§ 3.9.6]. 313-334_van_gerven1_171-224 29.12.2015 10:42 Page 319

A NOTE ON THE OLD NUBIAN MORPHEME -ⲁ 319

ⲁonto Indo-European verbal syntax, only to discover that the predicative -morpheme behaves rather curiously, we should perhaps radically switch our perspective around: What determines a verb as the main verb of a sen - tence is not the presence of morpholoⲁgy for agreement, aspect, or tense, but rather whether it is marked by an -morpheme or not. The question of absence or presence of agreement inflection is partially contingent upon ⲁwhether the subject is overtly expressed or not. In other words, because the -morpheme always marks the main predicate, whether nominal or verbal, whether overtly marked for agreement or not, it is the marker par excel - lence of the Old Nubian sentence unit. The question remains then, from a viewpoint of optimization, why in example 4 we find the overt expression of both a subject and of agree - ment morphology on the verb. Perhaps indeed we are dealing here with stylistic alternation as Browne suggests, but the structure of the conver - sation in M. 4, l. 11 – 6, l. 11 seems to suggest differently. Please note the following structure, which slightly expands the list provided in Browne’s edition of M.: ⲧⲁⲣ-ⲟⲛ ⲡⲉⲥⲥⲛⲁ 5) M. 4, ll. 11–12 ⲉⲧ̄ⲧⲗ̄ⲗ-ⲟⲛ ⲡⲉⲥⲥⲛⲁ M. 4, ll. 13–14 ⲁ̄ⲡⲟⲅⲅⲗ̄ ⲡⲉⲥⲁⲣⲁ M. 4, l. 16 ⲉⲧ̄ⲧⲗ̄ⲗ-ⲟⲛ ⲡⲉⲥⲥⲛⲁ M. 5, ll. 4–5 ⲁ̄ⲡⲟⲅⲅⲗ̄ ⲡⲉⲥⲁⲣⲁ M. 5, ll. 9–10 ⲉⲧ̄ⲧⲗ̄ ⲡⲉⲥⲁⲣⲁ M. 5, ll. 11–12 ⲁ̄ⲡⲟⲅⲅⲗ̄ⲗ-ⲟⲛ ⲡⲉⲥⲥⲛⲁ M. 5, ll. 14–15 ⲉⲧ̄ⲧⲗ̄ ⲡⲉⲥⲁⲣⲁ M. 6, ll. 2–3 ⲁ̄ⲡⲟⲅⲅⲗ̄ ⲡⲉⲥⲁⲣⲁ M. 6, l. 11

What immediately appears from this overview of the conversational structure, is that the overt marking for agreement o-nⲟⲛ the verb is corre - lated with the occurrence of the syntactical marker , ‘and’. The func - tion of this marker, apart from discursive linking one sentence to the next, just like the sentence ‘and’ in English, is to emphasize or recuperate the sentence constituent it is attached to. This apparently triggers ‘full’ morphology on the main verb, whereas the absence of any 313-334_van_gerven1_171-224 29.12.2015 10:42 Page 320

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such marker in the other instances allows the main verb to appear without agreement marking, as the subject of the sentence is overtly expressed. Naturally this is no conclusive evidence that certain morphemes in Old Nubian trigger obligatory verb marking, but this might be a good place to start from for any future investigation of the way in which Old Nubian discourse is structured. ⲁ In spite of the evidence that the -morpheme operates on the level of the main predicate, marking throughout a discourse the core constituents, the idea that Old Nubian w-ⲁould somehow have two distinct-ⲁ paradigms, a ‘subjunctive’ one (without ), and an ‘indicative’ one (with ) remains, even in Bechhaus-Gerst, an established idea. In my opinion, however, such a state of affairs only obscures the actual situation in Old Nubian, in which we are not dealing with a Latin or Greek model in which different verbal paradigms are employed in different modal contexts. In fact, we have to resist the temptation to formalize Old Nubian grammar into par - adigms. This does not entail that there are no rules or regularities in Old Nubian grammar, nor should any claim that its grammar is less ‘devel - oped’ or more ‘primitive’ than the elaborate systems of classical Indo- European languages ever be warranted. What I mean is that the paradigm as such is the response of a very specific, particularly Indo-European lin - guistic situation, namely that its case and tense morphemes are not ana - lyzable. For example, no separate element in the Greek verbal form ἐλύθη tells me that this is aorist, passive, indicative or t-huim rd peprastornum singular. Nor does any individual element of the Latin ending in tell me that this is plural, masculine, or genitive. Moreover, forms are often ambigu - ous. The paradigm was invented to teach these synthetic forms by means of examples, by means of analogy, organized in the characteristic tableau form. The entire form of the paradigm, however, becomes unwieldy in the face of an agglutinative language such as Old Nubian, where certain sets of morphemes occur – from our Indo-European perspective – cross-cat - egorically, while at the same time, the large amount of available suffixes potentially destabilizes any attempt to categorize all possible combina - tions paradigmatically. This holds also for the predicative suffix, which again occurs cross-categorically. If we want to make any progress in the 313-334_van_gerven1_171-224 29.12.2015 10:42 Page 321

A NOTE ON THE OLD NUBIAN MORPHEME -ⲁ 321

analysis of the Old Nubian verbal system we need to move away from the idea of paradigm and start thinking in terms of classes, sets of mor - phemes. Comparative evidence from Nilo-Saharan languages should be adduced as main evidence for the organization of the Old Nubian mor - phological system, and not any Greek or Coptic parallellisms, such as dis - course and nominal marking, agreement and tense marking, modal suf- fixes, and a series of so-calledⲁ ‘periphrastic’ elements. The independence of the -morpheme from any supposedly paradig - matic system becomes apparent once we inspect oⲁther contexts in which we expect it to appear. As pointed out above,ⲙϣ̄ theϣ ⲁ-ⲛmorpheme appears in the scope of universal quantifiers such as . To emphasize the agglutinative nature of Old Nubian morphology, for which an Indo-Euro - pean, paradigmatically based, that is, essentially ‘fusional’ approach seems ill-suLietcetdio, nIa wry ould like to adduce the following appropriate example from the text. ⲉⲗ-ⲗⲱ [ⲉⲓ]ⲁⲥ-ⲥⲁⲛ-ⲁ 6) foc pt2 3pl pred now- know- . - ⲁⲓ̈-ⲕⲁ ⲇⲉⲛ -ⳝ-ⲓⲥⲛ-ⲁ̄ 1sg acc plact pt2 3sg pred - give.1- - .2/ - ⲙϣ̄ϣ[ⲁ]ⲛ-ⲕⲁ ⲕⲉⲗⲗⲱ-ⲕⲁ acc acc everything- and.also- ⲧⲉⲕ-ⲕⲁ ⲧⲓⳝ-ⳝ-ⲉⲥⲓ- ⲕ̣[ⲁ] 3pl acc plact pt2 1sg acc - give.2/3- - . - Now they knew that everything you gave to me I also gave to them

[L. 107, ll. 7–9] [ⲉⲓ ]ⲁⲥⲥⲁⲛⲁ The main verb in example 6 is , ‘thⲁey knew’, a verbal predicate marked, as we would expect by now, by theⲧ ⲓⳝ-ⳝmⲉⲥoⲓⲕrp̣[ⲁh] eme. What follows is an embedded object clause[ⲉ eⲓ ]nⲁdⲥiⲥnⲁgⲛ ⲁwith , marked by a final , as object of . The main verb of the embedded 313-334_van_gerven1_171-224 29.12.2015 10:42 Page 322

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ⲁ sentence itself is not marked by the -morpheme, precisely because it is embedded. With this verb we expect to find a direct and an indirect objects, both marked by an accusative, eⲧiⲉtⲕhⲕeⲁr one or both being plural. And inⲙϣ̄deeϣd[ ⲁw]eⲛ ⲕfiⲁ nⲕdⲉ ⲗtⲗhⲱe ⲕinⲁ direct object , ‘1t7 o them’, and the direct object ⲇⲉⲛⳝⲓⲥⲛⲁ̄ , ‘and also everything’. Now, it would be a mis - ⲁtake to translate as the verb of a ⲧnⲓeⳝwⳝ ⲉmⲥⲓ -ain clause marked by the , -morpheme. This form is in fact, just like an embⲙϣ̄eddϣe[dⲁ ]vⲛeⲕrⲁb, and the predicative morpheme is governed by the quantifier that follows it. Such an analysis would be considerably more complicated if we were to stick to the idea of the separatⲇe ⲉ‘sⲛuⳝbⲓⲥjuⲛnⲁc̄ tive’ and ‘indicative’ par - adigms; we would have to argue that is not an indicative verb form but in fact a subjunctive verb form with a predicative morpheme that just looks like a verb form from the indicative paradigm. By contrast, I simply propose to discard the entire idea of verbal (or nominal) para - digms, and to analyze morphemes separately within the context in which they occur.

3. MARKER OF FINAL CLAUSES

ⲁ Another class of verbal forms confirms the status of the -morpheme as main predicate marker, namely the final verb forms. In his grammar (§§ 4.7.5 and 4.7.7), Browneⲁ discusses several morphemes, which appear both with and without the -morpheme, with respectively-ⲁ a final and conditional meaning. Final clauses with a verb form ending in usually have a superlin - ear dot or stroke above it, as also sometimes appears in the case of finite verb forms. Apart from verb formGsr ams mina rexample 2, which may occur in a conditional protasis (cf. Browne, , § 4.7.5b), there is the following attested verbal morphology for conditional and final clauses.

17 ⲕⲉⲗⲗⲱ van GerMveyn t rOanesilation of here differs from Browne’s, see my commNeunbti ain VV.o Wices. J. , ‘The Old NuRbiilanly memorial for King George’, [in:] PIa, ypnpe . 2&25–262, at 244R; eshee also CA. dvance, s‘ Tinh Ne ielaor-Sliaehsta rtarna cLeisn oguf iMstiecsr:o Pitriocc’,e e[dinin:g] sD ofo rtihse L8.t h Nilo- SahMareacnh Lthinilgdu istic Co(elldoqs.u)i, um, University of Hamburg, August 22–25, 2001 , Cologne 2007, pp. 207–215, at 208. 313-334_van_gerven1_171-224 29.12.2015 10:42 Page 323

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7) Conditional and final verb morphology Conditional Final -ⲕⲟ - -( ⲗ)ⲟ -ⲕⲟ - -( ⲗ)ⲟ-ⲁ̄ agreement agreement -ⲓⲛⲓ /ⲟⲩⲛⲟⲩ -( ⲓ)ⲛⲓ /( ⲟⲩ )ⲛⲟⲩ-ⲁ

As can be gathered from the above table, conditionalⲁ and final verb forms are exactly similar except for the appearance of the -morpheme in final clauses. This distribution can again be explained by the observation that conditional clauses always semantically anticipate a main predicate ‘if A, then B’, where final clauses follow from an assertion ‘A, so that B’. In Old Nubian, final clause morphology thus seems to be considered to be more coordinating than subordinating. Also note that the distribution between personal and impersonal forms follows the same pattern as in examples 3 and 4, where the impersonal forms only appear when the subject of the sentence is explicit. We thus arrive at the following four examples. ⲁ̄ⲗⲉⲥⲛ̄ ⳟⲟⲇ-ⲗ̄ ⲁⲓ̈-ⲕⲁ ⲙⲟⲩⲇⲟⲩ-ⲟⲩⲕⲟⲛⲛⲟ ` 8) det 1sg acc cond 3sg truly Lord- - guide- .2/ ⲫⲓⲗⲟⲍⲉⲛⲓⲧⲏ-ⲅⲗ̄ⲗⲉ-ⲗⲱ ⳝⲟⲩ-ⲣⲉ dir foc prs 1sg pred Philoxenite- - go- . . If the Lord guides me, I am going to Philoxenite [M. 4, l. 16 – 5, l. 4] ⲙⲟⲩⲇⲟⲩⲟⲩⲕⲟⲛⲛⲟ Tⲁⲗ̄ hⲉeⲥ ⲛp̄ rotasis with the verb is in1t8 roduced by the word , wⳝⲟhⲩiⲣcⲉh commonly signals conditional clauses. The main verb of the clause is markeidot a as expected with the predicate suffix, which has merged wit-hⲕ ⲟ the final of the first person singular suffix. The conditional form with is employed here because the agents in the protasis and apo - dosis are different. The same hoⲁlds for example 9, where the conditional/ final suffix is extended with the -morpheme, thus implying a purpose. 18 Browne Grammar , , p. 88, n. 110. 313-334_van_gerven1_171-224 29.12.2015 10:42 Page 324

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ⲧⲁⲕ ⲁⲓ̈-ⲅⲗ ⲧⲟⲕ `- ⲁⲣⲣ-ⲉⲥⲱ 9) 3sg acc 1sg dir imp 2sg . - cook-bring- . ⲕⲁⲡ-ⲕⲟⲓ̈ⲟ̄-ⲁ̄ cond 1sg pred eat- . - Cook and bring it to me so that I may eat it [M. 9, ll. 7–8]

The situation is different for conditional and final clauses which feature an impersonal conditional/final suffix, in which the agent of the embed - ded clause is always overtly marked (though not necessarily the same as the agent of the main clause). ⲉ̄ⲗ-ⲟⲛ ⲁⲛⲛⲓ-ⲕⲁ ⲟⲩⲗⲅⲛ̄-ⲛⲁⲥⲱ (.. .) 10) c 1sg gen acc tr imp 3pl now- . - listen. - . (.. .) ⲟⲩⲕ-ⲕⲁ ⲡⲉⲥ-ⲁ ⲧⳝ̄-ⳝ-ⲓⲛⲓ 2pl acc pred pl cond - say- give. 2/3- - Now listen to me (... ) if I may tell you [St. 10, l. 10 – 11, l. 1]

In exampⲁleⲛ ⲛ10ⲓⲕ,ⲁ the speaker is made explicit with-ⲛ the emphatic accusative , with an additional morpheme , which may perhaps be analyzed like a genitive that would suggest a translation such as ‘listen to (this story) of mine’. Because of the explicitly marked agent of the embed - ded vⲡeⲉrⲥbⲁ inⲧ ⳝ tⳝ̄hⲓeⲛ ⲓ main clause, the conditional clause with the verbal com - plex can remain unmarked for person. The distribution and syntax of these personal and impersonal forms again would be an impor - tant starting point foⲡrⲉ aⲥnⲁ investigation of Old Nubian disⲁcursive structure. Note that the verb itself is also marked with the -morpheme, but without any further morphology. We will return to this specific usage in the next section. ⲙϣ̄ϣⲁⲛ-ⲅⲟⲩ-ⲗⲗ-ⲟⲛ (... ) ⲕⲉⲇ-ⲁ 11) pl det c pred all- - - (... ) ascend- 313-334_van_gerven1_171-224 29.12.2015 10:42 Page 325

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ⳝⲟⲇ-ⲇ ⲛ̄ⲛ-ⲁⲛ-ⲁ ⲁⳡⳝ ⲉⲗⲗⲉⲛ ⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗⲗⲉⲛ-ⲕⲁ fut 3pl pred acc go- - - life eternal- ⲥⲉⲩⲉ ⲧ̄-ⲛⲟⲩ-ⲁ̄ cond pred inherit- - And all (... ) will ascend (... ) in order to inherit the eternal life

[St. 14, ll. 5–12]

Example 11 gives us a straightforward case of the use ofⲙϣ̄ thϣe ⲁimⲛⲅpⲟeⲩrⲗsoⲗⲟnⲛal conditional/final suffix, with an overtly expressed subject , marked with the cⳝoⲟmⲇpⲇ lⲛ̄emⲛⲁeⲛnⲁ tizer as in example 5 triggering full inflection on the main verb . As the subject is overtlyⲥ ⲉeⲩxⲉ pⲧ̄rⲛeⲟssⲩeⲁd̄ and the same as for the main veⲁrb, we find the impersonal form . Because it is marked with the -morpheme we may assume it has a final meaning here, ‘in order to inherit’. However, the distinction between purpose and conditional clauses that is set up by Browⲁne, that would be distinguishable through the presence or absence of the -morpheme is again not as clear- cut as it would seem. Like example 6, we can find constructions in which the semantics and syntax are less obvious. ⲉⲓⲕⲁⲣⲓⲅⲣ [ⲁ]̄ⲗⲟ ⲭⲣⲓⲥⲧⲟⲥ-ⲓ ⲧⲁⲕ-ⲕ-ⲟⲛ 12) foc j 3sg acc c thus. Christ- - - ⲁⲣⲭⲓ̈ⲉ̄ⲣⲉ ⲟ̄ⲥ-ⲁⳟ-ⲁ ⳟⲟⲕ inch pred high.priest- - honor ⲉⲧ̄-ⲛⲓ -ⲁ̄ ⲙⲉⲛ-ⲟⲛ -ⲁ cond pred neg pt1 3sg pred take- - - . - Thus it was not Christ becoming high priest in order to take honor for himself [L. 105, ll. 4–6]

Example 12 features what Browne calls a ‘predicative periphrastic’ con - struction, that is, a verbal complex built around an auxiliairy verb, here the 313-334_van_gerven1_171-224 29.12.2015 10:42 Page 326

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ⲙⲉⲛⲟⲛⲁ negative existential verb . Such constructions are commonly1 9trans - lated in English by a cleft sentenⲭceⲣ,ⲓⲥ ⲧ‘itⲟ ⲥwⲓ as not [the case that]’. The explicitⲁ sⲣuⲭbⲓⲉ̄̈ jⲣeⲉcⲟ̄t ⲥoⲁfⳟ tⲁ he senⲉⲧ̄teⲛnⲓⲁc̄e is , and we find two other verbal forms, and . The former is again an adjunctive form, in a construction that we can compare grammatically to the nominal predi - cate sentence in example 2. The latter is supposed to be translated with a final clause, if we were to follow the interpretation of example 11. But are we really dealingⲁ here with an independent clause with a main predicate markⲁeⲣdⲭ ⲓbⲉ̄̈ ⲣyⲉ tⲟ̄hⲥeⲁ ⳟⲁ -morpheme? Or is this verb form rather to be analyzed like , that is as adjunctive (see section 4)? Again, instead of unnecessarily attempting to fit the verb form into one paradigm or the o-( tⲓ)hⲛeⲓ r/( ⲟitⲩ )ⲛmⲟaⲩ y turn out more practical to suggest that the impersonal morpheme carries a conditional/final meaning, which is fur - ther determined by theⲁ syntax in which it appears: dependent on a main predicateⲁ, without the -morpheme as in example 10, rather independent, with the -morpheme as in exaⲁmple 11, or seemingly embedded in a com - plex verbal predicate, with the -morpheme as in example 12. A definitive answer to this question can only be provided by either mere stipulation or a deeper grammatical analysis of Old Nubian sentence s2t0 ructure (requir - ing, among other things, a theory of leftward movement ) for which the present article does not allow. Let us attempt neither and instead tⲁurn to these complex verbal predicates themselves, and the role of the -mor - pheme in their internal syntax.

19 Browne Grammar Browne gives a rather confused overview of these forms in , , § 3.9.11–15. Again it is my hunch that their overly complicated description could be simpli- fied when approached from the point of view of overt morphology. That is, participial periphrastics (§ 3.9.13) appear in subordinated positions, depending on a phrase; pred - icative periphrastics (§ 3.9.14) appear when the subject is overtly expressed/marked; and indicative periphrastics (§ 3.9.15) appear when there is no overtly expressed/marked subject. The complex verbal forms from § 3.9.16 gathered under ‘other periphrastic formations’ should be definitely treated under a less confusing name. § 3.9.16a seems to gather two suf - fixes atta-ⲙching to ‘predicative’ forms, whereas § 3.9.16b treats the occurrences of the emphat - ic suffix , which no doubt needs to be in-vⲙeⲏstigated together with the affirmative (§ 3.-9ⲙ.1ⲉ0ⲛ ) im20 perative and vetitive forms ending with (§ 3.9.17–18) and the /suffix . ⲉⲓⲕⲁⲣⲓⲅⲣⲁⲗⲟ [ⲭⲣⲓⲥⲧⲟⲥⲓ ⲧⲁⲕ - That is a theory that would arrive at an analysis of the form ⲕⲟⲛ ⲁⲣⲭⲓⲉ̄̈ ⲣⲉ ⲟ̄ⲥⲁⳟⲁ ]⁄ [ⳟⲟⲕ ⲉⲧ̄ⲛⲓⲁ̄] ¤ t⁄ ⲙⲉⲛⲟⲛⲁ t¤ . 313-334_van_gerven1_171-224 29.12.2015 10:42 Page 327

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4. MARKER OF ADJUNCTIVES

If inⲁ one sentence other verbal roots than the main verb are marked by the -morpⲁheme, we are dealing with either a situation as in example 6, where the -morpheme is governed by a quantifier, a leftward moving final clause as in example 12, or with so-cⲁalled ‘adjunctives’ as in examples 10–12. In the case of an adjunctive, the -morpheme attaches directly to the verbal root, without any other tense or agreement morphology, even though2 1other types of morphology may be present. Where Zyhlarz and Hintze analyze the adjunctive together with predicative forms such as in example 3, their behavior and syntactical distribution is rather differ - ent from the other verbal forms we encountered thus far2. 2 Adjunctives mostly appear in serial verb constructions, where a series of adjacent verbal roots construct a single semantic unit. The distribution of the ‘adjunctive’ⲁ use of the predicative morpheme is complementary to the usage of the -morpheme discussed in the previous section, in the sense that adjunctives are never marked for tense. They are either part of a verbal comp-ⲗlex which includes another verb marked for tense, including participles in . Example 13 is typical. ⲧⲉⲛ ⲇⲁⲣⲡⲛⲉ-ⲕⲁ ⲕⲥ̄ⲥⲉ-ⲅⲗ̄ⲗⲉ 13) 3sg gen acc dir . offering- church- ⲕⲁⲕ-ⲁ ⳝⲟⳝ-ⲟⲕ-ⲗ̄ pred prs det bear- offer-be.over-( .) making their offerings bearing them to the church [M. 16, ll. 9–10] ⲕⲁⲕⲁ Iⳝnⲟⳝ eⲟxⲕaⲗm̄ ple 13, the meaning of the verb merges with the meaning of . A more precise rendering in English would be ‘offering, bearing 21 Hintze Berliner Beiträge zur ÄF.g yptologie ,u ‘nBde Soubdaacnhatrucnhgäeolno gziue:r W alitsnseunbscihscahftelinc hGe Zraemitsmchartiifkt dIe ru Hndu mIIb’o,l dt-Universität zu Berlin, Gesellschafts- und Sprachwissenschaftliche Reihe 20 (1971), pp. 287–293, at 288. 22 Bechhaus-Gerst The (Hi)story of NobWiin hich continue to exist in modern Nobiin, see , (cit. n. 2), p. 141. 313-334_van_gerven1_171-224 29.12.2015 10:42 Page 328

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ⲕⲁⲕⲁ their offerings ⳝtⲟoⳝ ⲟthⲕeⲗ ̄ church’. The verb here has the same tense as the participle ⳝⲟⳝⲟⲕⲗ̄ , assuming that the that m23 arks the par - ticipial form also encodes for the present tense. Example 11 above giveⲕsⲉ uⲇ s- another simple adjunⲁctive construction in which the bare verb root is marked with the -morⳝpⲟhⲇ e-me and forms a verbal cⲕoⲉⲇm ⲁ - . pⳝⲟleⲇxⲇ wⲛiⲛ̄ tⲁhⲛ tⲁ he semantically related verb The entire complex thus means something like ‘they will go ascending’, or simply ‘theyⲁ will ascend’. Both verbs form a single semantic unit. In an adjunctive, the -morpheme may follow the bare verb root, or a number of valency and modal suffixes, such as the inchoative, transitive, causative, or passive. ⲁ̄ⲡⲟⲥⲧⲟⲗⲟⲥ-ⲅⲟⲩ-ⲗ ⲧⲁⲣ-ⲓ ⲱ̄-ⲧⳝ ⲱ̄ 14) pl det 3sg loc apostle- - - -with ⲇⲁⲩ-ⲁ̄ⳟ-ⲁ ⲧⲙ̄ⲙ-ⲁⲣⲟⲩ inch pred pt1 1pl be.large- - assemble- . When the apostles assembled around him in large numbers [St. 3, ll. 5–8]

What is important is that adjunctive forms always depend on another verb inflected for tense, and, additionally, person and number in the case that it is a finite verb. Becaⲁuse of this dependence and the accompanying semantical bleaching, the -morpheme used as the adjunctive is sensitive to phonological reduction, as in the following example. ⳟⲁⲗ -ⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲗⲅⲣ-ⲉⲛ 15) pred tr prs 3sg see- hear. - .2/ When (all) saw and heard [M. 16, ll. 13–14]

23 -ⲗ̄ This remains a point of discussion in the literature. Whereas Browne analyzes as a sep - arate present tense participle morpheme, ivt asnee Gmesr cvleeanr Otheait this morpheme is identical to the determiner that appears on nominals (see , ‘The Old Nubian mem-ⲣorial’ [cit. n. 13], p. 26A1b).d Ietl s-Heeamfsi z thAat Rtheefe prernecsee nGtr atemnmsea rm oof rKpuhneumze N inu bOialn d Nubian is either or zero (cf. A. S. , , Buffalo 1988, pp. 130–131), although there is not enough diachronic evidence to support this claim. 313-334_van_gerven1_171-224 29.12.2015 10:42 Page 329

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ⲁ Sometimes the entire -morpheme is reduced to zero and thⲧeⲟ ⲕtw`ⲁoⲣ ⲣvⲉeⲥrⲱbal roots are merged into one complex verb, as in example 9 ( ). This is specifically the case for several common adjunctive constructions that have grammaticalized over time into verbal morphology, as shown by examples 16 and 17 below. ⲡⲁⲕⲕⲁⲧⲓ-ⲕⲁ ⲅⲟⲩⲣⲣⲉⲥⲏ-ⲕⲁ ⳝⲁⲛ-ⲁ 16) acc acc pred share- Gourresi- sell- ⲧⲓⲣ-ⲁⳝ-ⲟⲩⲥⲉ -ⲗⲟ plact pt2 1sg pred foc give.2/3- - . . - I sold a share (of land) to Gourresi P. [ IV 64, ll. 7–8] ⲧⲁⲛ ⳟⲁⲗⲗ -ⲟⲛ ⲧⲟⲕⲕ-ⲁ ⲧⲁⲕ -ⲕⲁ 17) 3sg gen c pred 3sg acc . son- cook- . ⲕⲉⲛ-ⲧⲣ-ⲟⲛ ⲕⲁⲡ `- ⲉⲓⲧ ⲣ̄-ⲥⲛ-ⲁ appl pt1 3sg compl pt2 3sg pred place- .2/3- .2/ eat- - .2/ - And when his son cooked (the egg) and placed it before him, he ate it (completely) [M. 9, ll. 8–11]

In example 16 we find the verb root ‘to sell’ marked with the predicative suffix, followed by a finite verb form from the verb root ‘to give’. The meaning of the latter verb, however, has already been semantically bleached. It merely serves to introduce an indirect object into the verbal complex. It is therefore impossible to speak of a verbal complex with two independent semantic cores, ‘to sell something’ and ‘to give something to someone’. Rather, we should speak of a single constituent with the mean - ing ‘to sell something to someⲁone’. In example 17 we find the fully gram - maticalized form, where-ⲧ tⲣ he -morpheme has disappeared as well. The appliⲧcaⲓⲣ t-ive morpheme , a phonologically reduced form of the verb root , ‘to give’, here adds an additional role, to create a verbal complex meaning ‘to place something for someone’. Note that the final, verbal 313-334_van_gerven1_171-224 29.12.2015 10:42 Page 330

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pred-iⲉcⲓaⲧ tⲣ̄e of the senten-ⲧcⲣe has a similar morpheme, th2e4 completive/direc - tive , which, like , persists in modern Nobiin. In examples 16 and 17 above, the second verbal root in the verbal com - plex becomes semantically bleached and eventually grammaticalizes. However, it also occurs that the initial element of the verbal complex is subject to grammaticalization, as, for example, can be gathered from the faormation of whatb iBechhaus-Gerst calls the ‘innovative future’ marked by in Nobiin and in Kenzi-Dongolawi. ⲧⲓⲗⲗ-ⲓⲗ-ⲗⲱ ⲉⲇ-ⲇⲁⲗ ⲡⲉⲗ-ⲁ 18) det foc 1pl com pred God- - - come.out- ⲇⲟⲩⲗⲗ -[ ⲁ]ⳟ-ⲁⲣⲣⲁ -ⲉ̄ⲥⲛ̄ inch fut pred emp be- - . - God will begin to be with us [L. 100, ll. 5–6] ⲡⲁⲗ-ⲉ ⲁⲕ-ⲁ̄ⲣⲣⲉ 19) j fut 1sg pred come.out - sit- . . I will remain P. Qasr Ibrim [ IV 115, l. 3]

In example 18, which is also cited by Bechhaus-Gerst, the verb root ‘to come out’, with a predicative morpheme, precedes a non-finite verb form in the future tense. Bech-hⲁaⲣ u/-sⲁ-Gⲇ erst correctly points out that although the Old Nubian morpheme denoted a future event, it 2a5 lso, as in Eng - lish, carried a modal connotation of volition or intention. The develop - ment of a ‘proper’ future tense in Old Nubian, marked by the verb root

24 The precise meaning of this morpheme in Old Nubian is still unclear. Whereas BBeecch - hauuss--GGeerrsts t claTimhes ( Hthia)stt oitr yd oefs Nigonbaitien s a certain directionality towards completion ( -ed , [cit. n. 2], p. 150), Werner remarks that the preterite in Nobiin is semantically distinguishable only insofar as ‘ es die Tatsächlichkeit oder den wirklichen Vollzug der HWandelrunnegr uGntrearmstmreaitcikh td eus nNdo bdiian mit möglicherweise in die Nähe der Vorzeitigkeit rückt ’ ( , [cit. n. 4], p. 183). 25 Bechhaus-Gerst The (Hi)story of Nobiin , (cit. n. 2), p. 86. 313-334_van_gerven1_171-224 29.12.2015 10:42 Page 331

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ⲡⲉⲗ -/ ⲡⲁⲗ - 26 is therefore a natural development to fill up a semantic gap, much like the development of several constructions for the future tense in Romance languages. Example 19 shows the nⲁ-ext stage in the development of a proper future morpheme, in which the morpheme has already become phonologically reduced. Serial verb constructions in which one or more verbaⲁl roots ⲟgⲩrammⲓati - calize into morphemes may see the weakening of the iⲧnⲟtⲕoⲁ ⲁⲣoⲣⲉr ⲥⲱ , or ⲧcoⲟmⲕ `pⲁlⲣeⲣtⲉeⲥ ⲱdisappearanⲕcⲉeⲛ ⲁo fⲧ ⲓtⲣhⲟeⲛ voⲕwⲉeⲛlⲧ aⲣsⲟ ⲛin eⲕxⲁaⲡmⲁ pⲉlⲓeⲧ sⲣ̄ ⲥ9ⲛ ⲁ(* ⲕⲁⲡ `ⲉⲓⲧ ⲣ̄ⲥⲛⲁ > ) and 17 (* > ; * > ). The different stages of this process are fully attested in Old Nubian in an entire class of modal/valency suffixes, which, unlike, for example, the inno - vative future, have already been completely grammaticalized into theⲁ̄ ⲣvⲟeⲩr - ⲁb-aⳟl -cⲓⲛomplex. For exⲉaⲓmⲧ -ⲁ-ⲣ-ⲓⳝple, we[ⲁ fi]nd phonologⳝicⲟaⲩlⲧlyⲟ fⲩuⳟ l-ⲁ-l foⲣrⲣ m-[ sⲁ] such as (St. 16, l. 11), (L 114ⲕ,ⲓ ⲣl.-ⲓ- 6ⳟ),- ⲓⲕ [ⲟⲛ ]ⲛⲟ [ⲁ]̄ (L 100ⳟ, ⲟl.ⲩ 2ⲣ )-; pⲟⲩh-ⲇ-onoⲇloⲛgⲁī cally reduced ⲉ̄foⲥⲟrmⲅⲅs- ⲓs-uⲇc-hⲉⲣ aⲁ s (L 108, l. 11), ⲧⲟⲩⳟ-ⳟ-ⲁ (St. 12, l. 3), ⲕⲇ̄-ⲇ-ⲛⲁ̄ (St. 4, l. 9); and zero forms such as (St. 28, l. 10), (St. 7, l. 9). If an adjunctive occurs in a position non-adjacent to the verb on which it depends, the semantical affinity with the main verb is usually less sⲁtⲣrⲭoⲓn̈ⲉ̄ⲣgⲉ. ⲟ̄Fⲥoⲁrⳟ iⲁ nstance in example 12, in which case the predicative ⲙmⲉaⲛrⲟkⲛeⲁ d does not semantically merge with the main verb , albeit fully dependent on it as regards tense and agreement. Sentence constructions with several adjunctives can be quite extensive, with several adjunctives and predicatives depending on a main verbal predicate. ⲧⲗ̄ⲗ-ⲗ̄ ⲧⲁⲛ ⲧⲟⲧ-ⲕⲁ 20) det 3sg gen acc God- . son- ⲉⲓⲧ ⲣ̄-ⲥⲛ-ⲁ̄ ⲡⲁⲣⲑⲉⲛⲟⲥ-ⲗ ⲟ̄ tr pt2 3sg pred loc send. - .2/ - Virgin-

26 Bechhaus-Gerst The (Hi)Fstoor yt ohfe N doebviein lopment of the innovated futurWe ienr nNeor biGinr,a smeme atik des Nobiin , (cit. n. 2), pp. 157–163. See also , (cit. n. 4), p. 151. 313-334_van_gerven1_171-224 29.12.2015 10:42 Page 332

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ⲟⲩⲛⲛⲟⲩ-ⲧⲁⲕ-ⲁ ⲧⲉⲇ -ⲛ̄ ⲧⲁⲩ ⲱ̄ pass pred gen bear- - law- under ⲧⲟⲣ-ⲁ ⲧⲉⲇ-ⲛ̄ ⲧⲁⲩ ⲱ̄-ⲇⲁⲗ-ⲅⲟⲩ-ⲕ̣[ⲁ] pred gen pl acc enter- law- under-with- - ⳝⲁⲛ ⲟ̄-ⲓⳝ-ⲉⲥ -ⲁ ⲧⲗ̄ⲗ-ⲓⲛ plact pt2 pred gen redeem- - - God- ⲧⲟⲧⲕⲁⲛⲉ-ⲕ ⲉⲧ-ⲕⲟⲁⲛⲛⲟ-ⲁ̄ abstr acc cond 3pl pred son. - receive- . - God sent his son born from the Virgin, entered under the law, and who has redeemed those under the law so that they may receive God’s sonship [L. 112, ll. 7–11] ⲉⲓⲧ ⲣ̄ⲥⲛⲁ̄ This complex sentence contains a mⲁain verb marked by full tense and agreement inflection and the -morpⳝhⲁeⲛ mⲟ̄eⲓⳝ. ⲉWⲥⲁ hat follows are two adjunc2t7 ives dependentⲧ oⲁnⲛ tⲧhⲟeⲧ ⲕ‘pⲁ redicative’ which is marked for . tense, attributiveⲉ ⲧtoⲕ ⲟⲁⲛⲛⲟⲁ̄ We end with a final clause construction in which the verb is marked for agreement becaⲧuⲟsⲧeⲕ iⲁts subject differs from the mⲁ ain referent in the preceding clause ( ), and is marked with the -morpheme to signal that we are dealing with a final clause. ⲁThus from this one sentence we can derive the entire taxonomy of the -morpheme in the verbal predicaⲉtⲓeⲧ :ⲣ̄ aⲥsⲛ ⲁm̄ arker of the ‘indicative’ form, inflected for tense and agreeⳝmⲁⲛeⲟ̄nⲓtⳝ (ⲉⲥⲁ ); as marker of the ‘pred - icativeⲟ’ⲩ fⲛoⲛrmⲟⲩ,ⲧ iⲁnⲕflⲁ ected for tensⲧe ⲟ( ⲣⲁ ); as marker of the adjunctive with ( ) or without ( ) preceding morpⲉhⲧoⲕloⲟgⲁyⲛ;ⲛ aⲟsⲁ m̄ arker of a final clause construction after a conditional suffix ( ).

27 ⲁⲩⲥⲁⲗⲱ ⲉⲓⲧ ⲥ̄ⲥⲟⲩ The occurrence of these and other forms, such as pt1 (M. 1, l. 3) and (SC 9, l. 13) clBearrolyw cnoe ntrGardaimctms aBr rowne’s statement that only forms exist as proper ‘predica - tives’ ( , , § 3.9.7a). The precise distribution between ‘predicative’ and participial forms in attributive clauses remains to be studied. 313-334_van_gerven1_171-224 29.12.2015 10:42 Page 333

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5. TAXONOMY

Summarizing our results above, we thus arrive at the following taxonomy28, which is at a slight variance from the one formulated by Bechhaus-Gerst: ⲁ 21) The -morpheme in nominal and verbal predicates

a) As the marker of a nominal predicate: i) without overtly expressed copula; ii) with overtly expressed copula. b) As the marker of a verbal predicate: i) after valency/modal + tense + agreement verb morphology (= ‘in - dica tive’); 29 ii) after valency/modal + tense morphology (= ‘predicative’). c) After valency/modal + conditional + person morphology to indi- cate a final clause. d) After modal morphology or bare verb root (= ‘adjunctive’), as part of the verbal predicate: i) adjacent (grammaticalization and phonological reduction); ii) non-adjacent (no grammaticalization or phonological reduc- tion).

We thus arrive at the following chart, which does not take into account the negative, affirmative, imperative, or vetitive verb forms. It is an attempt to visualize the structure obscured by the plethora of grammatical terminolo - gy in the verbal domain and hopefully this will lead to3 0 a comprehens31ive revision of the diagrams previously suggested by Hintze and Browne.

28 Bechhaus-Gerst The (Hi)story of Nobiin 29 , (cit. n. 2), p. 67. ⲁ ⲗ Replacing the -morpheme with the -morpheme here creates the series of partici - ples. 30 Hintze F. , A‘ Bletoorbieancthaltiuscnhgee Fno zruscrh aulntgneun bischen Grammatik III. Die sogenannten «Gene - ra verbi »’, [in:] II, Berlin 1975, pp. 11–24, at 23–24. 31 Browne Grammar , , § 3.9.22. 313-334_van_gerven1_171-224 29.12.2015 10:42 Page 334

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22) Partial chart of the Old Nubian verb Valency/ Nomenclature ad0pted in Root Tense/aspect Agreement mood -( ⲗ)ⲟ -ⲁ Browne, Grammar

x (x) -ⲕⲟ x -( ⲗ)ⲟ -ⲁ Final Grammar Browne, , § 4.7.7a x (x) -ⲕⲟ x -( ⲗ)ⲟ Conditional Grammar Browne, , § 4.7.5a x (x) -( ⲓ)ⲛⲓ /( ⲟⲩ )ⲛⲟⲩ -ⲁ Impersonal Final Grammar Browne, , § 4.7.7d x (x) -( ⲓ)ⲛⲓ /( ⲟⲩ )ⲛⲟⲩ Impersonal Conditional Grammar Browne, , § 4.7.5d x (x) x x -ⲁ Indicative Grammar Browne, , § 3.9.6 x (x) x x Subjunctive Grammar Browne, , § 3.9.6 x (x) x -ⲁ Predicative Grammar Browne, , § 3.9.6 -ⲗ x (x) x Verbid (with ) Grammar Browne, , § 3.9.6 -ⲁ x (x) Adjunctive -ⲟⲩ /- ⲓ/-ø Grammar Browne, , § 3.9.19

x x : obligatory; ( ): optional Vincent W. J. van Gerven Oei

Centre for Modern Thought University of Aberdeen AUbneirtdeede nKingdom [email protected] e-mail: