Bomb Planted at ASTV
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Thailand White Paper
THE BANGKOK MASSACRES: A CALL FOR ACCOUNTABILITY ―A White Paper by Amsterdam & Peroff LLP EXECUTIVE SUMMARY For four years, the people of Thailand have been the victims of a systematic and unrelenting assault on their most fundamental right — the right to self-determination through genuine elections based on the will of the people. The assault against democracy was launched with the planning and execution of a military coup d’état in 2006. In collaboration with members of the Privy Council, Thai military generals overthrew the popularly elected, democratic government of Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, whose Thai Rak Thai party had won three consecutive national elections in 2001, 2005 and 2006. The 2006 military coup marked the beginning of an attempt to restore the hegemony of Thailand’s old moneyed elites, military generals, high-ranking civil servants, and royal advisors (the “Establishment”) through the annihilation of an electoral force that had come to present a major, historical challenge to their power. The regime put in place by the coup hijacked the institutions of government, dissolved Thai Rak Thai and banned its leaders from political participation for five years. When the successor to Thai Rak Thai managed to win the next national election in late 2007, an ad hoc court consisting of judges hand-picked by the coup-makers dissolved that party as well, allowing Abhisit Vejjajiva’s rise to the Prime Minister’s office. Abhisit’s administration, however, has since been forced to impose an array of repressive measures to maintain its illegitimate grip and quash the democratic movement that sprung up as a reaction to the 2006 military coup as well as the 2008 “judicial coups.” Among other things, the government blocked some 50,000 web sites, shut down the opposition’s satellite television station, and incarcerated a record number of people under Thailand’s infamous lèse-majesté legislation and the equally draconian Computer Crimes Act. -
Board of Editors
2020-2021 Board of Editors EXECUTIVE BOARD Editor-in-Chief KATHERINE LEE Managing Editor Associate Editor KATHRYN URBAN KYLE SALLEE Communications Director Operations Director MONICA MIDDLETON CAMILLE RYBACKI KOCH MATTHEW SANSONE STAFF Editors PRATEET ASHAR WENDY ATIENO KEYA BARTOLOMEO Fellows TREVOR BURTON SABRINA CAMMISA PHILIP DOLITSKY DENTON COHEN ANNA LOUGHRAN SEAMUS LOVE IRENE OGBO SHANNON SHORT PETER WHITENECK FACULTY ADVISOR PROFESSOR NANCY SACHS Thailand-Cambodia Border Conflict: Sacred Sites and Political Fights Ihechiluru Ezuruonye Introduction “I am not the enemy of the Thai people. But the [Thai] Prime Minister and the Foreign Minister look down on Cambodia extremely” He added: “Cambodia will have no happiness as long as this group [PAD] is in power.” - Cambodian PM Hun Sen Both sides of the border were digging in their heels; neither leader wanted to lose face as doing so could have led to a dip in political support at home.i Two of the most common drivers of interstate conflict are territorial disputes and the politicization of deep-seated ideological ideals such as religion. Both sources of tension have contributed to the emergence of bloody conflicts throughout history and across different regions of the world. Therefore, it stands to reason, that when a specific geographic area is bestowed religious significance, then conflict is particularly likely. This case study details the territorial dispute between Thailand and Cambodia over Prasat (meaning ‘temple’ in Khmer) Preah Vihear or Preah Vihear Temple, located on the border between the two countries. The case of the Preah Vihear Temple conflict offers broader lessons on the social forces that make religiously significant territorial disputes so prescient and how national governments use such conflicts to further their own political agendas. -
Nigeria's Mineral Resources for Wealth, Industry, Infrastructure and Life
NIGERIA’S MINERAL RESOURCES FOR WEALTH, INDUSTRY, INFRASTRUCTURE AND LIFE PUBLIC LECTURE DELIVERED Siyan Malomo FAS A NAS public lecture delivered January 2011 PREAMBLE I would like to begin by thanking the Chairman of the occasion, a former academic renowned geologists in its own right who has found time, within thereally buy period, and we all know that it is very busy, to accept to Chair thisevent. The Special Guest of Honour, Arc Musa Sada is equally, if not more, a very busy man and has shown his commitment to the development of science (including the environmental science) by travelling from Abuja, to honour this invitation. I would also like to pay tribute and remember those great scientists and illustrious men of honour, the fellows of the Academy who passed away in the last twelve months i.e. since the last general meeting of the Academy. These are Prof Oyenuga, Prof Adesola, Dr Amenechi, Prof Oladapo and of course the Grand Patron of the Academy: Alhaji Umar Musa Yar’Adua, GCFR, the former President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. In preparing for this lecture, I was mindful of the charge that the audience will be both sci- entists and non-scientists. The challenge has therefore been to steer a middle course between high falluting equations or ideas in engineering geology or geotechnical engineering my special area of interest, which might interest the fellows. The alternative is something very bland for the wider public. Both have inherent risk of sending people to sleep. The one can bore the fellows to a deserved sleep after the retreat in Cotonou for Council member (and some fellows) and lunch, the other to a less deserved sleep but that which will come from a boring afternoon lecture. -
Luis Reyes SEESHOP6 Yearbook
Expertise side-lined: science, fraud and bogus molecular detectors in the Mexican ‘War on Drugs’ § Luis Reyes-Galindo** Abstract The paper presents a summarised chronology of the controversy surrounding the use of fraudulent handheld molecular detectors in Mexico, as well as the responses to the controversy from three critical sectors: the Mexican media, the different government branches and national scientific institutions. The paper also includes interview material with the most prominent critics and of the molecular detectors in Mexico and compares the voices of ‘scientific activists’ with the institutional responses. Finally, an analysis of all these different responses to the controversy is made, along with a short discussion of the relevance for expertise studies, as well as a critique of the application of existing expertise frameworks in developing country contexts such as Mexico’s. A brief history of molecular detectors Since the early 1990s, several devices marketed as handheld molecular detectors or using similar monikers began to be marketed in the police, security, rescue and military equipment market around the world. In 1993, after warnings from several law enforcement agents who had documented the widespread use of these seemingly miraculous apparatuses which were in fact nothing more than dowsing rods marketed under a veil of pseudoscientific jargon, the US government indicted the manufacturers of the earliest MD models – known as the Quadro Tracker – and subsequently banned their sale in the USA. Three years later the -
Tráfico De Armas
Centro de Estudios Sociales y de Opinión Pública TRÁFICO DE ARMAS Entorno, propuestas legislativas y opinión pública José de Jesús González Rodríguez Centro de Estudios Sociales y de Opinión Pública Documento de Trabajo núm. 183 Diciembre de 2014 Las opiniones expresadas en este documento no reflejan la postura oficial del Centro de Estudios Sociales y de Opinión Pública, o de la Cámara de Diputados y sus órganos de gobierno. Este docu- mento es responsabilidad del autor. Este documento es una versión preliminar, favor de citarlo como tal. Centro de Estudios Sociales y de Opinión Pública Organización Interna Rafael Aréstegui Ruiz Director General Francisco J. Sales Heredia Director de Estudios Sociales J. Guadalupe Cárdenas Sánchez Director de Opinión Pública Julio César Moguel Viveros Director de Estudios de Desarrollo Regional Ernesto Cavero Pérez Subdirector de Análisis y Procesamiento de Datos Eduardo Chávez Castro Coordinador Técnico Lucero Ramírez León Coordinadora de Vinculación y Difusión Mario Aguirre Mazón Efrén Arellano Trejo Roberto Aschentrupp Toledo Arón Baca Nakakawa Felipe de Alba Murrieta Gabriel Fernández Espejel José de Jesús González Rodríguez Benjamín Herrejón Fraga Rafael López Vega Salvador Moreno Pérez Yuriria Orozco Martínez Edgardo J. Valencia Fontes Investigadores Luis Ángel Bellota Elizabeth Cabrera Robles Natalia Hernández Guerrero Trinidad Otilia Moreno Becerra Karen Nallely Tenorio Colón Apoyo en Investigación Alejandro López Morcillo Editor José Olalde Montes de Oca Asistente Editorial Claudia Ayala Sánchez Corrección de estilo Documento de Trabajo, núm. 183, diciembre de 2014. Publicación del Centro de Estudios Sociales y de Opinión Pública de la Cámara de Diputados, LX Legislatura. Av. Congreso de la Unión 66, Edificio I, primer piso, Col. -
The Political Role of Business Magnates in Competitive Authoritarian Regimes
Jahrbuch für Wirtschaftsgeschichte 2019; 60(2): 299–334 Heiko Pleines The Political Role of Business Magnates in Competitive Authoritarian Regimes. A Comparative Analysis https://doi.org/10.1515/jbwg-2019-3001 Abstract: This contribution examines the role of business magnates (“oli- garchs”) in political transitions away from competitive authoritarianism and towards either full authoritarianism or democracy. Based on 65 cases of compet- itive authoritarian regimes named in the academic literature, 24 historical cases with politically active business magnates are identified for further investigation. The analysis shows that in about half of those cases business magnates do not have a distinct impact on political regime change, as they are tightly integrated into the ruling elites. If they do have an impact, they hamper democratization at an early stage, making a transition to full democracy a rare exception. At the same time, a backlash led by the ruling elites against manipulation through business magnates makes a transition to full autocracy more likely than in competitive authoritarian regimes without influential business magnates. JEL-Codes: D 72, D 74, N 40, P 48 Keywords: Business magnates, economic elites, political regime trajectories, competitive authoritarianism, Großunternehmer, Wirtschaftseliten, Entwick- lungspfade politischer Regime 1 Introduction Wealthy businesspeople who are able to influence political decisions acting on their own are in many present and historical cases treated as “grey eminences” who hold considerable political power. While it is obvious that they influence specific policies, their impact on political regime change is less clear. This ques- tion is especially relevant for so-called “soft”, i.e. electoral or competitive au- || Heiko Pleines, (Prof. -
(Title of the Thesis)*
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Huddersfield Repository University of Huddersfield Repository Treewai, Pichet Political Economy of Media Development and Management of the Media in Bangkok Original Citation Treewai, Pichet (2015) Political Economy of Media Development and Management of the Media in Bangkok. Doctoral thesis, University of Huddersfield. This version is available at http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/26449/ The University Repository is a digital collection of the research output of the University, available on Open Access. Copyright and Moral Rights for the items on this site are retained by the individual author and/or other copyright owners. Users may access full items free of charge; copies of full text items generally can be reproduced, displayed or performed and given to third parties in any format or medium for personal research or study, educational or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge, provided: • The authors, title and full bibliographic details is credited in any copy; • A hyperlink and/or URL is included for the original metadata page; and • The content is not changed in any way. For more information, including our policy and submission procedure, please contact the Repository Team at: [email protected]. http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/ POLITICAL ECONOMY OF MEDIA DEVELOPMENT AND MANAGEMENT OF THE MEDIA IN BANGKOK PICHET TREEWAI A thesis submitted to the University of Huddersfield in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Strategy, Marketing and Economics The University of Huddersfield March 2015 Abstract This study is important due to the crucial role of media in the dissemination of information, especially in emerging economies, such as Thailand. -
Comisión Permanente Punto De Acuerdo 1
COMISIÓN PUNTO DE PERMANENTE ACUERDO Fecha de Publicación: Martes 20 de Septiembre de 2011, Gaceta de la Cámara de Senadores Tema General: Ciencia y Tecnología – Temas Relacionados PUNTO DE ACUERDO QUE EXHORTA AL TITULAR DEL PODER EJECUTIVO FEDERAL CONVOCAR A LA COMUNIDAD CIENTÍFICA MEXICANA PARA SOMETER A PRUEBAS Y EXPERIMENTOS LOS DETECTORES Título: MOLECULARES GT200 ADQUIRIDOS POR EL GOBIERNO MEXICANO; ASÍ COMO SOLICITARLE UN INFORME DETALLADO SOBRE LA ADQUISICIÓN DE DICHOS DETECTORES Legislatura y Legislatura LXI (2009-2012). Periodo de Sesiones: 3° Año de Ejercicio, Primer Periodo Ordinario (Septiembre 2011 – Diciembre 2011). Senadores Francisco Javier Castellón Fonseca, Yeidckol Polevnsky Gurwitz y Legislador (es): Carlos Sotelo García, PRD. Comisión (es) de Ciencia y Tecnología Turno: Exhorta Al titular del Poder Ejecutivo federal, a convocar a la comunidad científica mexicana para someter a pruebas y experimentos los detectores moleculares GT200 con el fin de determinar su efectividad. Sinopsis: Al titular del Poder Ejecutivo federal remitir un informe detallado sobre los detectores moleculares GT200. Situación actual: Pendiente de Dictamen 1 COMISIÓN PUNTO DE PERMANENTE ACUERDO PROPOSICIÓN CON PUNTO DE ACUERDO POR EL QUE SE EXHORTA AL TITULAR DEL PODER EJECUTIVO FEDERAL CONVOCAR A LA COMUNIDAD CIENTÍFICA MEXICANA PARA SOMETER A PRUEBAS Y EXPERIMENTOS LOS DETECTORES MOLECULARES GT200 ADQUIRIDOS POR EL GOBIERNO MEXICANO; ASÍ COMO SOLICITARLE UN INFORME DETALLADO SOBRE LA ADQUISICIÓN DE DICHOS DETECTORES Los suscritos, FRANCISCO JAVIER CASTELLÓN FONSECA, YEIDCKOL POLENVSKY GURWITZ y CARLOS SOTELO GARCÍA, Senadores de la LXI Legislatura del H. Congreso de la Unión, e integrantes del Grupo Parlamentario del Partido de la Revolución Democrática (PRD), con fundamento en lo dispuesto en los artículos 8, numeral 1, fracción II y 276, numerales 1 y 2, y demás disposiciones aplicables del Reglamento del Senado de la República, sometemos a la consideración de esta H. -
From April 2007 to September 2010, Thailand Was in Political Turmoil, Torn Between Two Competing Factions That Divided the Nation
COUNTRIES AT THE CROSSROADS COUNTRIES AT THE CROSSROADS 2011: THAILAND 1 DUNCAN MCCARGO INTRODUCTION From April 2007 to September 2010, Thailand was in political turmoil, torn between two competing factions that divided the nation. There was a constitutional referendum, a general election, three governments, and four different prime ministers during this period, in addition to several major protest movements, some of which ended in violence. Yet neither parliamentary politics nor extra-parliamentary developments could bridge the color-coded divide between yellow and red shirts that threatened to tear the nation apart. Thailand is now divided between two competing power networks, each backed by a sizeable element of the population. On one side are those loyal or sympathetic to Thaksin Shinawatra, a self-exiled billionaire former police officer who made his fortune in telecommunications. Thaksin‘s Thai Rak Thai Party won decisive election victories in 2001 and 2005. Thaksin supporters look back on his period in office with great nostalgia, as a time of unprecedented civilian political dominance, when the bureaucracy became more responsive and efficient, and the government paid more attention to the concerns of the less well-off. His support base is strongest in the populous north and northeast regions of the country, which contain the majority of the country‘s parliamentary seats. On the other side are those whose primary orientation is towards the monarchy, the military, and the bureaucracy, often linked to the Democrat Party. The Democrats form the core of the government, led by Abhisit Vejjajiva. The Thai monarchy exerts considerable extra-constitutional influence, mainly through an extensive network of allies. -
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Bibliography ABC News. “Car Bomb Attack outside Busy Pattani Supermarket in Thailand Injures at Least 60”. 10 May 2017 <http://www.abc.net.au/news/2017-05-10/ car-bomb-attack-outside-thailand-supermarket-injures-60/8512732> (accessed 6 December 2017). Abdul Hadi Awang. “PAS Condemns Bombing of Supermarket in Southern Thailand”. Buletin Online, 12 May 2017 <http://buletinonline.net/v7/index. php/pas-condemns-bombing-supermarket-southern-thailand/> (accessed 6 December 2017). Abu Hafez Al-Hakim (pseud.). “The Peace Talk Resumes?” Deep South Watch, 4 December 2014 <https://www.deepsouthwatch.org/node/6485> (accessed 6 December 2017). ———. “What is MARA Patani?” Deep South Watch, 26 May 2015 <https://www. deepsouthwatch.org/en/node/7211> (accessed 6 December 2017). ———. “Dissecting the T-O-R”. Deep South Watch, 19 May 2016 <https://www. deepsouthwatch.org/node/8733> (accessed 6 December 2017). Aim Sinpeng. “Party-Movement Coalition in Thailand’s Political Conflict (2005– 2011)”. In Contemporary Socio-Cultural and Political Perspectives on Thailand, edited by Pranee Liamputtong, pp. 157–68. Dordrecht: Springer, 2013a. ———. “State Repression in Cyberspace: The Case of Thailand”. Asian Politics & Policy 5, no. 3 (July 2013b): 421–40. ———. “The Power of Political Movement and the Collapse of Democracy in Thailand”. Doctoral dissertation, University of British Columbia, 2013c. Akhom Detthongkhum. Hua chueak wua chon [The knot of the fighting bull]. Bangkok: Thailand Research Fund, 2000. Akin Rabibhadana. “The Organization of Thai Society in the Early Bangkok Period, 1728–1873”. Southeast Asia Program Data Paper Series, no. 74. Ithaca: Southeast Asia Program, Cornell University, 1969. Al Jazeera America. “Thai Opposition to Boycott 2014 Election”. -
SYMBOLIC COMMUNICATION THROUGH GUY FAWKES MASKS and WHISTLES in POLITICAL MOVEMENTS in THAILAND Praewpan Parnnuch a Dissertatio
SYMBOLIC COMMUNICATION THROUGH GUY FAWKES MASKS AND WHISTLES IN POLITICAL MOVEMENTS IN THAILAND Praewpan Parnnuch A Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Communication Arts and Innovation) The Graduate School of Communication Arts and Management Innovation National Institute of Development Administration 2018 ABSTRACT Title of Dissertation Symbolic Communication through Guy Fawkes Masks and Whistles in Political Movements in Thailand Author Miss Praewpan Parnnuch Degree Doctor of Philosophy (Communication Arts and Innovation) Year 2018 The objective of this research is to study and analyze the signification and the roles including the communication adjustment of the Guy Fawkes masks and whistles used in Thailand’s political movements. It is a qualitative research done by means of documents analysis and in-depth interview methods. The research results are as follows: There are several aspects in terms of the meanings of the Guy Fawkes masks and whistles used in Thailand’s political movements, such as Thaksinocracy (or Thaksin regime) and Yingluck government, politics/governance, monarchy, definition of protesters and their movements, emotions, concept and methods of movements, needs and goals There are also several roles of the Guy Fawkes mask, for example; it’s used for concealing the identities of participants, reflecting the current situations, representing ideas and political ideology, icons of the destruction of political ideology, universality, methods and tools for a movement. About the reconstruction of the meanings, it is found that the ways Guy Fawkes masks are used in Thailand’s political movements, not only do they kept the original meaning but also they adjusted to a different meaning and sometimes create a new meaning. -
Historical Legacies and Problems of Democratization in Thailand
Successful Transition, Failed Consolidation: Historical legacies and Problems of Democratization in Thailand Inaugural-Dissertation zur Erlangung der Doktorwürde der Philosophischen Fakultät der Albert-Ludwigs-Universität Freiburg i. Br. vorgelegt von Chaiwatt Mansrisuk aus Bangkok, Thailand SS 2017 Erstgutachter: Prof. Dr. Jürgen Rüland Zweitgutachter: Prof. Dr. Andreas Mehler Vorsitzender des Promotionsausschusses Der Gemeinsamen Kommission der Philologischen, Philosophischen und Wirtschafts- und Verhaltenswissenschaftlichen Fakultät: Prof. Dr. Joachim Grage Datum der Fachprüfung im Promotionsfach: 11.07.2017 Acknowledgements This dissertation which was a product of my long and complicated journey would not be complete without the generosity of and support from numerous people and institutions. First and foremost, I am indebted to Thailand's Commission on Higher Education for granting me a scholarship to pursue my study in Germany between 2009 and 2013. I also would like to thank the German Academic Exchange Service (DAAD) for financially supporting me to attend German language courses at Goethe Institutes in Bangkok and Mannheim before enrolling in a doctoral study at the University of Freiburg. At the University of Freiburg, I would like to express my deepest gratitude to my supervisor, Professor Dr. Jürgen Rüland. I am extremely grateful for the time and effort he has dedicated to inspiringly and patiently supervising my dissertation, and kindly providing me assistance whenever I needed it. I also wish to thank Paruedee Nguitragool for her kind assistance throughout the period of my stay in Freiburg. I am fortunate to pursue my doctoral study at the Political Science Department and the Southeast Asia Program where I was privileged from support, fascinating ideas and friendship.