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Changing Highbrow Taste: From to Omnivore Author(s): Richard A. Peterson and Roger M. Kern Source: American Sociological Review, Vol. 61, No. 5 (Oct., 1996), pp. 900-907 Published by: American Sociological Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2096460 . Accessed: 28/03/2014 00:50

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This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Fri, 28 Mar 2014 00:50:18 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions CHANGING HIGHBROW TASTE: FROM SNOB TO OMNIVORE*

RichardA. Peterson Roger M. Kern VanderbiltUniversity VanderbiltUniversity Appreciation offine arts became a mark of high status in the late nineteenth century as part of an attempt to distinguish "highbrowed"Anglo Saxons from the new "lowbrowed"immigrants, whose popular entertainmentswere said to corruptmorals and thus were to be shunned (Levine 1988; DiMaggio 1991). In recent years, however, many high-status persons are far from be- ing and are eclectic, even "omnivorous,"in their tastes (Peterson and Simkus 1992). This suggests a qualitative shift in the basis for marking status-from snobbish exclusion to omnivorous appropriation. Using com- parable 1982 and 1992 surveys, we test for this hypothesized change in tastes. Weconfirm that highbrows are more omnivorousthan others and that they have become increasingly omnivorous over time. Regression analyses reveal that increasing "omnivorousness"is due both to cohort replacement and to changes over the 1980s among highbrows of all ages. Wespeculate that this shift from snob to omnivore relates to status-group politics influ- enced by changes in social structure, values, art-world dynamics, and gen- erational conflict.

]\Not only are high-status Americans far (1992) suggest that a historical shift from more likely than others to consume the highbrow snob to omnivore is taking place. fine arts but, according to Peterson and Simkus (1992), they are also more likely to MEASURES be involved in a wide range of low-status ac- tivities. This finding confirms the observa- The 1982 national survey on which Peterson tions of DiMaggio (1987) and Lamont and Simkus (1992) base their findings was (1992), but it flies in the face of years of his- replicated in 1992, so it is now possible to torical showing that high-status per- test for the changes in highbrow taste that sons shun cultural expressions that are not they posit.' Both surveys ask respondents to seen as elevated (Lynes 1954; Levine 1988; select the music genres they like from a list Murphy 1988; Beisel 1990). In making sense of alternatives ranging across the aesthetic of this contradiction, Peterson and Simkus spectrum, and then to pick the one kind of * music they like the best. We focus on musi- Direct correspondence to Richard A. Peter- cal taste, rather than taste for types of son, Department of Sociology, Vanderbilt Uni- art because only for music were respondents Nashville, TN 37235. We thank Nara- versity, asked to choose from such a list of contrast- simhan Anand, Bethany Bryson, Paul DiMaggio, Michael Epelbaum, Larry Griffin, Michael ing alternatives. Hughes, Guillermina Jasso, Barbara Kilbourne, Highbrow is operationalized as liking both Michele Lamont, Holly McCammon, Claire classical music and opera, and choosing one Peterson, and Darren Sherkat for comments on of these forms as best-liked from among all the or on an earlier draft of this pa- per. Early versions were presented at the 1994 I The data come from the Survey of Public Par- annual meeting of the American Sociological As- ticipation in the Arts, which polled two national- sociation in Los Angeles, at Princeton and area probability samples of persons over age 18, Harvard Universities, and at the New School for one in 1982 and the other in 1992. The surveys Social Research. Finally, we gratefully acknowl- were conducted by the U.S. Bureau of the Census edge the support of the National Endowment for for the National Endowment of the Arts. For a the Arts and of its Director of Research, Thomas detailed description of these data sets see Bradshaw. Robinson et al. (1985) and Robinson (1993).

900 American Sociological Review, 1996, Vol. 61 (October:900-907)

This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Fri, 28 Mar 2014 00:50:18 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions CHANGING HIGHBROW TASTE 901 kinds of music. This measure appears to be a sure can range from 0 to 3. Omnivorousness valid index of being highbrow because those can range from 0 to 8. respondents we labeled highbrow attended In both years (1982 and 1992) highbrows, performances of plays, ballet, classical mu- on average, have about two years more edu- sic, musicals, visited art galleries, and at- cation, earn about five thousand dollars more tended opera significantly more often than annual family income, are about 10 years did others in the sample. older, are more likely to be White, and are Among highbrows, the snob is one who more likely to be female than are others in does not participate in any lowbrow or mid- the sample.3 All of these differences are sta- dlebrow activity (Levine 1988), while the tistically significant. Neither highbrows nor omnivore is at least open to appreciating others, however, are more likely to be cur- them all. Perfect snobs are now rare in the rently married.4 . Indeed, in the 1960s Wilensky (1964:194) "could not find one [Detroit area resident] in 1,354 who was not in some area FINDINGS exposed to middle- or low-brow material," The top row of Table 1 shows that, on aver- and in our national sample of 11,321 we age, highbrows chose 1.74 lowbrow genres found just 10 highbrow respondents in 1982 of 5 possible in 1982 and 2.23 in 1992, a sta- and 3 in 1992 who said they did not like a tistically significant increase of nearly half a single form of low- or middlebrow music. genre per person in just one decade. This We operationalize omnivorousness as a finding is in line with the prediction of in- variable that can be measured as the number creasing highbrow omnivorousness. The first of middle- and lowbrow forms respondents row also shows that others increased their choose. Following Wilensky (1964) and number of lowbrow choices as well, but the Rubin (1992), we differentiate between rate of change for highbrows is significantly middlebrow and lowbrow because they are greater than for non-highbrows (p < .05, dif- distinctly different and because critical ob- ference of proportions test). Also, in the servers have suggested that when highbrows 1982-1992 decade, highbrows overtook oth- are open to non-highbrowart forms, they seek ers in the number of lowbrow genres chosen. out lowbrow forms created by socially mar- In the second row of Table 1 we see that in ginal groups (Blacks, , isolated rural 1982 highbrows, on average, liked almost two folks) while still holding commercial middle- of the three middlebrow music genres. This brow forms in (Lynes 1954; Sontag sharply contradicts the expectations of Lynes 1966). (1954) and Sontag (1966) that highbrows will Five music genres are considered lowbrow: shun middlebrow forms, but is congruent country music, bluegrass, gospel, rock, and blues. Each of these genres is rooted in a spe- parable from one survey year to the next. Jazz cific "marginal"ethnic, regional, age, or re- was included on both years, but it was not put in ligious experience (Malone 1979; Lipsitz either of the scales because, while its roots are 1990; Ennis 1992). There are three middle- clearly lowbrow, it is now taught in conservato- ries of music as highbrow and largely consumed brow music genres-including mood/easy- as middlebrow (Leonard 1962; Nanry 1972; listening music, Broadway musicals, and big Ennis 1992), and survey data has clearly shown band music. These forms have been in the an unusually diffuse evaluation of what is called mainstreamof commercial music throughout "jazz" by different people (DiMaggio and Ostro- the twentieth century (Goldberg 1961; Nanry wer 1990; Peterson and Simkus 1992). 1972; Ennis 1992).2 The lowbrow measure 3 Unfortunately respondents to the 1992 survey can range from 0 to 5; the middlebrow mea- were not asked their occupation, so we cannot as- sess this important component of po- 2 Both the 1982 and 1992 surveys asked about sition as Peterson and Simkus (1992) did using other musical forms as well. Barbershop, rap, the 1982 data. reggae, New Age, and marching band music, for 4 Currently married respondents were distin- example, were included in one survey year but guished from all others because, on average, they not the other, so they could not be included ex- attend arts performances less often than do those cept as noted below. In addition the category who are single, divorced, and widowed (Di- "folk" was reworded in a way that made it incom- Maggio and Ostrower 1990).

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Table 1. Univariate Statistics for Highbrows and Others, 1982 and 1992

Highbrows Others Variable 1982 1992 Difference 1982 1992 Difference

Number of lowbrow 1.74 2.23 .49** 1.80 2.07 .27** music genres liked (max. = 5) Number of middlebrow 1.98 2.12 .14 1.01 1.12 I ** music genres liked (max. = 3) Percent male 44 35 -9 46 46 -2** Age in years 54.19 56.18 1.99 42.98 46.59 3.61** Family income $26,360 $33,304 $6,945** $20,614 $28,301 $7,686** Percent married 66 63 -3 64 64 0 Percent White 96 96 0 88 86 -2 in years 14.57 14.33 -.24 12.19 12.67 .48**

<.05 level p < .10 level (one-tailed tests) Note: A highbrow is defined as a respondent who likes both opera and classical music and chooses one of these forms as the music genre he or she likes best. with Peterson and Simkus's (1992) ideas To answer these questions, we pool the two about omnivorousness because highbrows are years of data and employ four OLS regres- found to like more middlebrow forms than sion analyses. The dependent variable in others and because this difference increases each analysis is the number of middlebrow (although not significantly statistically) from or lowbrow genres chosen by highbrows and 1982 to 1992. by others, analyzed separately. The indepen- Taken together, these findings suggest that dent variables of interest in each of the in 1992 highbrows, on average, are more analyses are the birth year of the respondent omnivorous than they were in 1982 and have (measured by subtracting the respondent's become more omnivorous than others. At the age from the year of the interview) and the same time, non-highbrows are increasing year of the interview (measured as a dummy their number of musical preferences as well. variable; 1 = 1992). With just these two data points it is not pos- A number of variables have been shown to sible to say definitely whether there is a long- influence arts participation independent of term secular trend toward omnivorousness or age.5 These include education, , race, whether the change is due to forces just af- (measured here as Whites versus others), ad- fecting the decade under study. We returnto justed family income,6 and the size of the res- these questions below. pondent's residential community7 (DiMaggio Did all highbrows tend to become more and Useem 1978; Blau 1989; DiMaggio and omnivorous between 1982 and 1992-in other words, could the difference be called a 5 Each control variable was tested for interac- period effect (Rogers 1982)? Alternatively, tions with both birth year and year of interview, and no significant interactions were found. did individual highbrows retain their tastes 6 Because family income was reported in cat- unchanged, with the observed difference re- egories, the midpoint of the respondent's income sulting from older cohorts of highbrows category was subtracted from the mean of the in- with more snob-like tastes being displaced come midpoints for the year in which the inter- by younger, more omnivorous cohorts? view took place. This transformation means that Abramson and Inglehart (1993), for ex- the income distributions for each year were to of ample, show that cohort replacement has a mean of zero, nullifying any effect inflation while retaining the effect of changing distribu- dramatically changed values in eight West- tions of income across years. ern nations. Cohort is here measured as year 7 This was measured in 12 categories ranked of birth (Rogers 1982). from small to large.

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Table 2. OLS Coefficients from the Regression of Number of Lowbrow and Middlebrow Musical Genres Liked on Birth Year, Year of Interview, and Selected Control Variables

Highbrows Others (Model 1) (Model 2) (Model 3) (Model 4) Number of Number of Number of Number of Lowbrow Middlebrow Lowbrow Middlebrow Genres Liked Genres Liked Genres Liked Genres Liked Variables b Beta b Beta b Beta b Beta

Birth year .02 .16++ -.01 -.07 .01 .12++ -.01 -.23++ Year of interview .44 .15+ .25 .13+ .20 .07++ .15 .07++ (1 = 1992) Control Variables Male -.07 -.02 -.20 -.10 .01 .01 -.20 -.09** Adjusted family .00 -.1 1 .01 .04 .00 .01 .00 .12** income White -.92 -.13 .60 .13* .18 .05** .38 .12** Education in years .05 .10 .00 .01 .05 .11 .10 .28** Size of -.01 -.04 .00 .02 -.02 -.08** .02 .08** Constant -27.45* 9.25 -16.61 ** 26.20**

Significance of F .00 .12 .00 .00 Adjusted R2 .06 .02 .06 .16 Number of 354 354 10,967 10,967 respondents +p < .05 ++p < .01 (one-tailed tests) *p < .05 **p < .01 (two-tailed tests)

Ostrower 1990; Robinson 1993). Each of dlebrow music taste, but highbrows inter- these could conceivably influence the degree viewed in 1992 did like significantly more of omnivorousness, so they are included as middlebrow genres than did those inter- control variables. Marital status was not in- viewed a decade earlier, an increase of .25 cluded as a control variable because it was genres. Taken together, these results show not significantly linked with the number of that both cohort replacement and period ef- music genres chosen. fects increase highbrows' tastes for lowbrow The results of the four OLS regression music, while only period effects increase analyses are presented in Table 2. The posi- their taste for middlebrow music. tive coefficient for birth year in Model I The results of the OLS regression analyses shows that, controlling for the year of the in- for non-highbrows are shown in Models 3 terview and the other variables, highbrows in and 4 of Table 2. We see a pattern similar to later cohorts like significantly more lowbrow that for highbrows: Controlling for the other forms than do older highbrows. The size of variables in the model, in 1992 non-high- the effect is such that two people born 20 brows liked more low- and middlebrow mu- years apart differ by .40 (20 x .02 =.40) mu- sic genres than they had in 1982, and youn- sic genres chosen. The positive effect of ger cohorts of non-highbrows liked more 1992 interview year shows that, net of the lowbrow genres and fewer middlebrow gen- controls, highbrows interviewed in 1992 res than did older cohorts. liked significantly more lowbrow music gen- res than highbrows did a decade earlier, indi- DISCUSSION cating an increase of .44 forms chosen. Turning to the number of middlebrow mu- Taken together, the findings of this study sic genres liked by highbrows, Model 2 support the assertion that omnivorousness is shows that birth year has no effect on mid- replacing snobbishness among Americans of

This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Fri, 28 Mar 2014 00:50:18 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 904 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW highbrow status. The change is due in part to an indifference to distinctions. Rather its cohort displacement, but has occurred mostly emergence may suggest the formulation of because highbrows of all ages are becoming new rules governing symbolic boundaries more omnivorous. This is not to say that (Lamont and Fournier 1992). most highbrows have become perfect omni- Several studies have shown that criteria of vores. (In 1982 only eight and in 1992 only distinction, of which omnivorousness is one seven highbrows said that they liked all other expression, must center not on what one con- types of music.) The point is that in 1992 sumes but on the way items of consumption highbrows, on average, reported liking sig- are understood. Bourdieu ([1979] 1984, nificantly more kinds of nonelite music of all [1965] 1990), for example, contrasts unre- genres than did highbrows a decade earlier flective consumption for personal enjoyment and also that in 1992 highbrows are more with intellectualized appreciation. He identi- omnivorous than non-highbrows. This latter fies intellectualized appreciationin ways that finding is strengthenedby using the informa- most easily fit a monolithic symbolic land- tion on all 17 nonelite genres of music in- scape appropriate to the era of the elitist cluded in the 1992 survey. Highbrows report snob. Nonetheless, the of critical dis- liking 7.49 of the 17 genres of music in- course (Gouldner 1979) central to Bourdieu's cluded in 1992 versus 4.84 genres, on aver- view is also amenable to a discriminating age, for the non-highbrows, and this differ- omnivorousness if the ethnocentrism central ence is significant.8 In addition, the findings to snobbish is replaced by cultural for non-highbrows show that the increase be- relativism. Under these conditions, cultural tween 1982 and 1992 in the number of mu- expressions of all sorts are understood in sic genres liked, while greatest among high- what relativists call their own terms.9 brows, is a society-wide trend. If this indeed is the way omnivores mark symbolic boundaries, they do not embrace contemporarycountry music, for example, as Theorizing on Omnivorousness representinghow they identify themselves as The omnivorousness of high-status persons, do hard-core country music fans (Peterson as reported by Peterson and Simkus (1992), and Kern 1995). Rather, they appreciate and is an empirical generalization and does not critique it in the light of some knowledge of provide an explanation for why there has the genre, its great performers, and links to been such a profound shift in the way high other cultural forms, lowbrow and highbrow. status is designated. Having found strong have long provided the grounds support for the shift from snobbishness to for an aesthetic understandingof jazz, blues, omnivorousness, we now focus briefly on the rock, and bluegrass music. More recently omnivore concept and suggest a number of country music has begun to be taken seri- factors that contribute to this shift. ously as magazine articles in elite cultural As we understandthe meaning of omnivo- periodicals such as American Heritage rous taste, it does not signify that the omni- (Scherman 1994) and books by humanist vore likes everything indiscriminantly. scholars (Tichi 1994) begin to provide omni- Rather, it signifies an openness to appreciat- vores with the tools they need to develop an ing everything. In this sense it is antithetical aesthetic understandingof country music. to snobbishness, which is based fundamen- tally on rigid rules of exclusion (Bourdieu Why the Historic Shift from Snobbishness [1979] 1984; Murphy 1988) such as: "It is to Omnivorousness? de rigueur to like opera, and country music is an anathema to be shunned." While by Changes in fashion are often ephemeral definition hostile to snobbish closure (Mur- (Davis 1992), but a shift in the basis of taste phy 1988), omnivorousness does not imply from snobbishness to omnivorousness sug- 8 The significance of the difference between 9 As critical thinking within anthropology has these two means is inferred from a test of the dif- made clear, the idea of "culturalrelativism" itself ference of proportions of the number of music is a form of because it is impossible for an genres liked by highbrows and others, which is outsider to experience another's culture as a na- significant at the p < .01 level (one-tailed test). tive does (Clifford and Marcus 1986).

This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Fri, 28 Mar 2014 00:50:18 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions CHANGING HIGHBROW TASTE 905 gests that significant alterations in social brow into snob and more recently provided power relationships are involved (Williams the rationale for the omnivore. The elitist 1961). In concluding we speculatively sug- theorists of the early nineteenth century Eu- gest five linked factors that may contribute ropean Royal Academies of music, painting, to the shifting grounds of status-group poli- drama, and dance argued among themselves, tics (Shiach 1989). but they stood united in their that there Structural change. A number of social was one standard and that all other expres- processes at over the past century make sions were vulgarities (White and White exclusion increasingly difficult. Rising lev- 1965). Thus they created an aesthetic and els of living, broader education, and presen- moral environment in which highbrow snob- tation of the arts via the media have made bery flourished (Arnold 1875:44-47; Levine elite aesthetic taste more accessible to wider 1988:171-241). segments of the population, devaluing the The market forces that swept through all arts as markers of exclusion. the arts brought in their wake new aesthetic At the same time, geographic migration entrepreneurs who propounded avant- and social class mobility have mixed people guardist theories that placed positive holding different tastes. And the increasingly on seeking new and ever more exotic modes ubiquitous mass media have introduced the of expression, but in the latter half of the aesthetic tastes of different segments of the twentieth century the candidates being cham- population to each other. Thus the diverse pioned for inclusion were so numerous and folkways of the rest of the world's popula- their aesthetic range so great that the old cri- tion are ever more difficult to exclude, and at terion of a single standardbecame stretched the same time, they are increasingly available beyond the point of credibility. It became in- for appropriationby elite taste-makers (Lip- creasingly obvious that the quality of art did sitz 1990). not inhere in the work itself, but in the evalu- Value change. If structuralchanges shape ations made by the art world (Zolberg 1990: the opportunity, value changes concerning 53-106), and that expressions of all sorts gender, ethnic, religious, and racial differ- from around the world are open to aesthetic ences rationalize the change from snob to appropriation(Becker 1982). This is the aes- omnivore. In the nineteenth century group thetic basis of the shift from the elitist exclu- was widely sanctified by scientific sive snob to the elitist inclusive omnivore. theory and expressed society-wide in laws of Generational politics. Before the third exclusion. This changed gradually, and the quarter of the twentieth century youngsters Nazi brutalities of World War II gave "rac- were expected to like pop music and pop ism" of all sorts such a bad name that most culture generally but to move on to more discriminatory laws in this country have "serious" fare as they matured. Beginning in since been abolished. It is now increasingly the 1950s, however, young of rare for persons in authority publicly to es- all classes embraced popular African Ameri- pouse theories of essential ethic and racial can dance music styles as their own under group differences (Takaki 1993).10 The the rubric of rock'n'roll (Ennis 1992), and change from exclusionist snob to inclusionist by the late 1960s what was identified as the omnivore can thus be seen as a part of the "Woodstock Nation" saw its own variegated historical trend toward greater tolerance of youth culture not so much as a "stage" to go those holding different values (Inglehart through in growing up but as a viable alter- 1990; Abramson and Inglehart 1993). native to established elite culture (Lipsitz Art-World change. Developments in the 1990; Aronowitz 1993), thus, in effect, dis- fine art worlds over the past one and one-half crediting highbrow exclusion and valorizing centuries first provided the theories and the inclusion. One of the lasting impacts of this modes of display for the making of the high- view is that not as many well-educated and well-to-do Americans born since World War 10 Essentialist arguments are still often made the elite arts as did their elders concerning certain behavioral differences be- II patronize tween the sexes and as explanations for sexual (Robinson 1993; Peterson and Sherkat orientation (the latter are made both by advocates 1995), and many say they like a wide array for and opponents of men and lesbians). of musical forms (Schaefer 1987; Peterson

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and Sherkat 1995). REFERENCES Status-group politics. Dominant status groups have regularly defined popular cul- Abramson, Paul R. and Ronald Inglehart. 1993. ture in ways that fit their own interests and "GenerationalReplacement and Value Change have worked to render harmless subordinate in Eight West European Countries." British Journal of Politics 22:183-228. status-group and Cobb (Sennett Aronowitz, Stanley. 1993. Roll over Beethoven: 1972; Shiach 1989). One recurrent strategy The Return of Cultural Strife. Hanover, MA: is to define popular culture as brutish and Wesleyan University Press. something to be suppressed or avoided (Ar- Arnold, Matthew. 1875. Culture and Anarchy. nold 1875; Elliot 1949; Bloom 1987); an- New York: Smith, Elder. other is to gentrify elements of popular cul- Becker, Howard S. 1982. Art Worlds. Berkeley, ture and incorporate them into the dominant CA: University of California Press. status-group culture (Leonard 1962; Tichi Beisel, Nicola. 1990. "Class, Culture, and Cam- 1994). Our data suggest a major shift from paigns against Vice in Three American Cities, 1872-1892." American Sociological Review the former strategy to the latter strategy of 55:44-62. politics. Blau, Judith. 1989. The Shape of Culture: A Study While snobbish exclusion was an effective of Contemporary Cultural Patterns in the markerof status in a relatively homogeneous United States. New York: Cambridge Univer- and circumscribed WASP-ish world that sity Press. could enforce its dominance over all others Bloom, Allan. 1987. The Closing of the Ameri- by force if necessary, omnivorous inclusion can Mind. New York: Simon and Schuster. seems better adapted to an increasingly glo- Bourdieu, Pierre. [ 1979] 1984. Distinction: A So- bal world managed by those who make their cial Critique of the Judgement of Taste. Re- print, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University way, in part, by showing respect for the cul- Press. tural expressions of others. As highbrow . [1965] 1990. Photography: A Middle- snobbishness fit the needs of the earlier en- Brow Art. Reprint, Stanford, CA: Stanford Uni- trepreneurial upper-, there also versity Press. seems to be an elective affinity between Clifford, James and George E. Marcus. 1986. today's new business-administrative class Writing Culture: The Poetics and Politics of and omnivorousness. Ethnography. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Richard A. Peterson is of Sociology at Davis, Fred. 1992. Fashion, Culture, and Iden- Vanderbilt University. WithRoger Kern, Michael tity. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. Hughes and others, he is exploring the changing DiMaggio, Paul. 1987. "Classification in Art." ways that tastes are used in signalling status dif- American Sociological Review 52: 440-55. ferences. In connection he is editing a forthcom- . 1991. "Social Structure, Institutions and ing special issue of Poetics: Journal of Empirical Cultural Goods: The Case of The United Research on Literature, the Media and the Arts. States." Pp. 133-55 in Social Theory for a With Narasimhan Anand, he is researching the Changing Society, edited by P. Bourdieu and role of information in structuring industrial J. Coleman. New York: Russell Sage Founda- fields. In addition, he is completing a monograph tion. for the University of Chicago Press on the fabri- DiMaggio, Paul and Francie Ostrower. 1990. cation of authenticity and the institutionalization "Participationin the Arts by Black and White of the field of "country music." Americans." Social Forces 63:753-78. DiMaggio, Paul and Michael Useem. 1978. "So- Roger M. Kern is a Ph.D. student in Sociology at cial Class and Arts Consumption in America." Vanderbilt University. He is currently completing Theory and Society 5:109-32 his dissertation, which explores the relationships Elliot, T.S. 1949. Notes toward the Definition of between cultural capital and ac- Culture. New York: Harcourt, Brace. quired in adolescence and the attainment of so- Ennis, Philip H. 1992. The Seventh Stream: The cial status as an adult. Other projects include an Emergence of Rocknroll in American Popular analysis of countervailing relationships between Music. Hanover, MA: Wesleyan University parental social class and juvenile delinquency Press. (with Gary Jensen ), and a content analysis of the Goldberg, Isaac. 1961. Tin Pan Alley: A use of personal resources by upper-middle-class Chronicle of American Popular Music. New in personal advertisementsappearing in the York: Ungar. New York Review of Books. Gouldner, Alvin W. 1979. The Future of Intellec-

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