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Ọmọ Mímọ , O Filho Do Amor Um Estudo Sobre Os Filhos De Lóògùn Ẹdẹ

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Ọmọ Mímọ , O Filho Do Amor Um Estudo Sobre Os Filhos De Lóògùn Ẹdẹ Universidade de Brasília Instituto de Ciências Sociais Departamento de Antropologia Programa de Pós Graduação em Antropologia Social Ọmọ Mímọ , o filho do amor Um estudo sobre os filhos de Lóògùn Ẹdẹ Requisito parcial à obtenção do título de doutora. Autora: Mariana de Lima e Silva Orientadora: Lia Zanotta Machado Co-orientadora: Kelly Cristiane da Silva Brasília 2013 A Lóògùn Ẹdẹ, Oluwa o! 2 As coisas não querem mais ser vistas por pessoas razoáveis: Elas desejam ser olhadas de azul (Manoel de Barros) Amar é um elo entre o azul e o amarelo (Paulo Leminski) 3 Mariana de Lima e Silva Ọmọ mímọ , o filho do amor Um estudo sobre os filhos de Lóògùn Ẹdẹ Tese apresentada ao Programa de Pós- Graduação em Antropologia Social da Universidade de Brasília, em cumprimento às exigências para obtenção do título de doutora em Antropologia Social. Banca Examinadora: Presidenta: Profa. Dra. Lia Zanotta Machado (Universidade de Brasília, Departamento de Antropologia) Examinadora: Profa. Dra. Christine de Alencar Chaves (Universidade de Brasília, Departamento de Antropologia) Examinador: Prof. Dr. Carlos Alexandre Barboza Plínio dos Santos (Universidade de Brasília, Departamento de Antropologia) Examinador: Prof. Dr. Wanderson Flor do Nascimento (Universidade de Brasília, Departamento de Filosofia) Examinador: Prof. Dr. José Bizerril Neto (Centro Universitário de Brasília, Faculdade de Ciências da Educação e Saúde) Suplente: Profa. Dra. Carla Costa Teixeira (Universidade de Brasília, Departamento de Antropologia) Brasília, 2013 4 RESUMO O presente estudo buscou privilegiar uma análise biográfica das experiências de membros de uma categoria particular de praticantes do candomblé, quais sejam, as filhas e filhos do òrìṣà Lóògùn Ẹdẹ. O propósito dessa investigação é o de elucidar as formas dos vínculos que elas e eles estabelecem com a divindade. A relação da pessoa com o òrìṣà não me parece ser uma experiência isolável do conjunto da vida da adepta (ou adepto), mas uma constante integração entre ambos que permite, por vezes, a confusão entre os seus limites. Para estudar essa relação, propus aos meus interlocutores que desenvolvêssemos uma apreciação retrospectiva sob a perspectiva da vida de santo e da culminação no sacerdócio – meus interlocutores são mães e pais de santo. Procurei assim encontrar subsídios para uma teorização mais adequada do relacionamento entre a pessoa e sua divindade e que fizesse justiça às diversas dimensões que o òrìṣà assume no cotidiano de seus filhos. Há aí a noção primordial, no meu entendimento, de que o òrìṣà é; ou seja, de que ele existe em si, não somente como um arquétipo ou um repertório de imagens para o povo de santo com os quais se identifica, mas que a adepta a ele se relaciona como uma alteridade com agência e com a qual se comunica. As interpretações e acionamentos dos adeptos admitem sempre variabilidade pois são acionados pelas experiências subjetivas. Nos processos de identificação e relacionamento, os adeptos conflituam, negociam e reinterpretam. A variabilidade dos acionamentos dos adeptos em relação aos òrìṣà, depende não apenas da variabilidade das experiências subjetivas mas das características estruturais do repertório cosmológico dos òrìṣà que admite plasticidade e inconsistência. Dadas as intensas articulações entre a vida cotidiana e a vida religiosa, as negociações com os òrìṣà produzem-se também como um “cuidado de si”. Palavras-chave: Antropologia da Religião; Religiões Afro-Brasileiras; Noção de Pessoa 5 ABSTRACT This study regards a biographical analysis over the experiences of followers of Candomblé, which understand themselves as "daughters and sons" of the òrìṣà Lóògùn Ẹdẹ. The purpose of this investigation is to elucidate the ways of bonding they come to establish with the deity. The relationship between the person and the òrìṣà does not seem to be a seclusive experience, but rather a constant dialogue between both of them, occasionally overlapping their limits. In order to study this connection, I have suggested to my interviewees the development of a retrospective appreciation of their life stories through the perspective of a follower and the conceptions about òrìṣà. I have searched to find appropriated subsidies aiming a better approach for theorization about the relationship between the person and one's deity, which could do justice to the several dimensions that the òrìṣà takes in his followers' everyday lives. The preeminent notion in such context is that òrìṣà is a being, it exists in itself, not only as an archetype or a repertoire of images with whom the practioners identify themselves. For the adherents there is also the notion of establishing relationship and communication with òrìṣà as a being, as someone else. The interpretations and correlated actions of supporters admit always variability and overlapping because they are activated by subjective experiences. In the processes of identification and relationship, adherents are sometimes at odds, negotiating and reinterpreting. The variability of the drives of the adherents in relation to òrìṣà, depends not only on the variability of subjective experiences but of the structural characteristics of the repertoire of cosmological òrìṣà which can be regarded as inconsistent. Given the strict links between daily and religious lives, the bargains with the òrìṣà produce an double- bind action and signify. Keywords: Anthropology of Religion; Afro-Brazilian Religions; Personhood 6 Agradeço Ao meu pai Onairam Mariano (in memoriam) e a meu pai Logun, sem esses dois pais eu nada seria. À minha mãe Stella Regina que me fez de água e ainda faz (minha mãe foi tudo neste itinerário!). Stella Regina foi também patrocinadora da pesquisa e escrita da tese em todos os momentos em que os recursos provindos de demais instituições patrocinadoras foram insuficientes. Aos meus avós Teresinha e Mario Mariano (in memoriam), Vitália e João Batista. Às educadoras e aos educadores, queridos professores do Departamento de Antropologia da UnB, que participaram da minha formação e que me abriram as portas para me tornar antropóloga. Aos antropólogos com quem faço interlocução, especialmente aqueles a quem devo pelo repertório de todas as reflexões e pesquisas já feitas sobre candomblé e que me abriram caminhos para que eu pudesse fazer minhas considerações e diálogo. Agradeço com carinho muito especial à Lia Zanotta Machado, querida orientadora desde os tempos de Pibic e que participou intensamente na minha formação sendo um constante estímulo intelectual e pessoal. Sem sua ajuda de orientação a tese nunca teria chegado ao final. Tenho ainda muito a aprender com você e reconheço muito mais do que caberia nestas poucas linhas de agradecimentos. Agradeço a José Flávio Pessoa de Barros (in memoriam) que me ofereceu sua co-orientação e também sua casa de santo como espaço de aprendizado. Agradeço também a sua esposa Lucinha Pessoa de Barros pela acolhida em sua família de santo. Reconhecimento do investimento de trabalho de orientação de Kelly Cristiane da Silva. A Rosa Cordeiro que sempre foi uma grande amiga e não poupou esforços em favor desta pesquisa. Saio do DAN sentindo saudades e orgulho por ter tido a oportunidade de trabalhar com ela durante estes 12 anos de formação. À Adriana Sacramento pela amizade, por ser essa mulher linda. Aos colegas de pós graduação e à katakumba (sala onde os alunos de pós-graduação se reúnem para estudar e que, infelizmente, está hoje com os dias contados). A Hugo Loss, Thiago Coelho, Potyguara Alencar, Paique Duques, Raoni Rosa, Rafael Almeida, Bernardo Almeida, Márcio Adriano, Luís Guilherme, Mariana Souza, Elena Nava, Rodrigo Rocha e Wanessa Sousa pelo carinho e por suas amizades. Wanessa, muito obrigada por me trazer Pae João de Angola. À Biblioteca Central da UnB (e seu acervo insuficiente). Às Bibliotecas da UFRJ e da UFBA. Ao Restaurante Universitário da UnB (que só funciona uma parte de cada semestre letivo). Agradecimentos especiais ao CNPq pelo financiamento do doutorado. Agradecimentos especiais ao DPP pelo financiamento de parte da pesquisa de campo. Agradeço sobretudo a cada um dos Omo Loguns que me receberam e compartilharam comigo suas vidas, seus medos, suas lágrimas, seus amores e sua fé. Desenvolvi por cada um de vocês um profundo sentimento de admiração e reconhecimento. Em especial, agradeço ao meu querido irmãozinho Kassius Bruno e ao axogun André de Logun. Simplesmente, este é um orixá perfeito. Oluwa o! Ao Pedro Mariano pelo apoio emocional e psicológico (além de logístico dos últimos meses de sobrevivência na selva do real). Ao André Mariano pelo carinho e pela paciência. Ao Luiz Otávio pelo carinho e pelo interesse em antropologia. Dindinha, Iron Mariano, Zalita, Iara R. Mariano e Márcio Melo pelo apoio constante. Ao professor e padrasto querido Franklin Costa Silva. A Uã Flor do Nascimento que me trouxe um Exu mais verdadeiro e um Oxalá mais complicado. Pelas consultorias, pelas bagagens teórica e de vida de santo que me auxiliaram ao longo de todos estes anos. Felipe Areda por todo o estímulo intelectual e afetivo, por seu feminismo autêntico e por sua perspectiva crítica. Sobretudo - e por meio de seu próprio filho - Oyá deu o recado de que esta pesquisa deveria ser feita e sem sua determinação eu certamente não teria levado a cabo uma empreitada que por vezes me demandou tanto. Oyá Mesan Orun. Eparrei, Oyá! 7 A Luciana Oliveira filha de Oxum que me entregou a Oxóssi. A Erinlé que me acolheu, a seu filho, Odé Kamboasi que me iniciou. A Lonan que eu amo sempre. À família toda do Ile Ode Àse Opo Inle. Aos Ibeji e a Luciene Oliveira pela amizade. Ao babalorixá e querido pai pequeno André de Inlé, agradeço cada um dos cuidados. À mãe Celinha de Oxum Ypondá. Silvie Eidam querida amiga e artista sensível que fez ofás e abebés para esta tese com muito carinho. Obrigada minha Ypondá linda! A Aîa Hipácia (Vânia) amiga querida e Meryver (Thiago) por seus apoios, ouvidos, conversas e sugestões. A Antônio Marques pela leitura cuidadosa e por todas as críticas e apoios.
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