A survey of race relations in : 1971

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Aluka is a not-for-profit initiative dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of materials about and from the developing world. For more information about Aluka, please see http://www.aluka.org A survey of race relations in South Africa: 1971

Author/Creator Horrell, Muriel; Horner, Dudley; Kane-Berman, John Publisher South African Institute of Race Relations, Johannesburg Date 1972-01 Resource type Reports Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) South Africa, South Africa, South Africa, South Africa, South Africa, Namibia Coverage (temporal) 1971 Source EG Malherbe Library, ISBN 0869820109 Description A survey of race relations in South Africa in 1971 and includes chapters on: White political parties: developments in 1971; The political future of the Coloured community; Indian political bodies; Constitutional development of the African homelands and attitudes of leaders there; Attitudes of Africans elsewhere in the Republic; Organizations concerned with race relations; The population of South Africa; Measures for security and the control of persons; Administration of justice; Detention and trials under the security laws; Political movements-in-exile and guerilla fighters; Foreign affairs; The African reserves; Urban African administration; The "Pass Laws"; General matters; Group areas and housing; Employment; Bantu school education; School education for members of the Coloured Community; School education for Indians; School education for White childre; Technical and vocational education; University education; Student organizations; Scholarships; Health and nutrition; Welfare; Sport and recreation; South West Africa (Namibia); Legislation of 1971. Format extent 374 pages (length/size)

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A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS IN SOUTH AFRICA Compiled by MURIEL HORRELL DUDLEY HORNER JOHN KANE-BERMAN Research staff South African Institute of Race Relations ISBN 0 86982 010 9 I SOUTH AFRICAN INSTITUTE OF RACE RELATIONS P.O. BOX 97 JOHANNESBURG JANUARY 1972

WHITE POLITICAL PARTIES: DEVELOPMENTS IN 1971 THE NATIONAL PARTY In two contests held during the year-the Waterberg constituency parliamentary by-election, and the Potgietersrus provincial by-election-the National Party retained the seats against ultra-right wing Herstigte Nasionale Party' opposition. Leaders of both parties gave strong support to the candidates in the Waterberg campaign, in which Dr. Andries P. Treurnicht (N.P.) was opposed by the deputy- leader of the H.N.P., Mr. Jaap Marais. Both elections, however, showed that the H.N.P. remains a force to be reckoned with in the more conservative constituencies. (The N.P. majority in Waterberg was 3 374 in 1970 and 3 274 in 1971, the voting in the latter year being N.P. 5 456; H.N.P. 2 182.) Many of those who are commonly regarded as being verkrampt remain in the N.P. (including Dr. Treurnicht, who, as editor of Hoofstad, was frequently strongly critical of verligte members of the party). Their public statements are not always in accordance with official party policy: as described later, one example is in regard to the political future of the Coloured community. Verligte politicians have continued to toe the party line; but there has been a ferment of political re- thinking among Afrikaner verligte "intellectuals" (not all of whom are members of the N.P.). Some of the basic questions on which the "intellectuals" have been seeking clarity were listed early in 1971 in the independent monthly periodical Woord en Daad, issued by the Afrikaanse Calvinistiese Beweging, which has its headquarters in Potchefstroom. While commending the Government for the emphasis it was placing on the "positive" side of separate development, the authors said that guide-lines were needed on certain basic aspects, for example: (a) How much additional land would be needed to enable the Bantu homelands to carry their populations? (b) What was to be the future of the Africans who were permanently settled in "white" South Africa? (c) Would there be a link between South Africa and the eventual new Bantu states, and what form would it take? (d) Would "petty" be maintained for all time? (e) What was to be the future of the Coloured people and the Indians? i.e. Reconstituted National Party. See 1970 Survey, page 3. for a summary of this party's policy.

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 Political commentators2 have pointed out that the Tomlinson Commission-the original architects of the policy of separate development-emphatically rejected the possibility of a middle road between ultimate integration or separation so far as Whites and Africans were concerned. Yet, in regard to the Coloured and Indian people, the National Party was attempting to find a middle road, termed parallel development, between territorial separation (which party leaders state is impracticable) and eventual integration with the Whites (which tens of thousands of Nationalists would resist bitterly). These two alternatives have, in general, been advocated by the verkramptes and the verligte "intellectuals", respectively. (Their views are described in more detail later.) During the year under review the Prime Minister, Mr. Vorster, has further developed his "outward-looking" policy, seeking closer economic and other ties with African states. President Banda of Malawi paid a State visit to South Africa. Increased powers of self-government have been granted to African "homeland" governments within the Republic and South West Africa; and for the first time the Prime Minister has met the leaders of these governments, at interviews in , and has toured certain of their territories. For a first time, too, the State President, Mr. J. J. Fouche, Mr. Vorster, and leading members of the Cabinet dined with prominent non-white personalities from South Africa, at a banquet given by President Banda. (At a banquet given by the State President on the previous evening the only non-white guests were the visitors from Malawi.) Mr. Vorster has made it clear that the only land to be added to the African homelands is to be the balance of the 7 250 000 morgen (roughly, 24 000 square miles) promised in 1936. He and other Government spokesmen have reiterated that Africans living in "white" areas will exercise political rights in their "homelands" only. Eventually, he has said,3 a consultative body may emerge between the homelands and the white South African government: in the meanwhile, the necessary close relationship can be maintained by way of bilateral diplomatic and economic contact. Other major issues before the country have again been the shortage of skilled labour (caused by governmental and other curbs, over the years, on non-white educational and economic progress), and the rising cost of living. A progressive step, widely welcomed, was the decision to narrow the gap gradually between the salaries of white and non-white public servants occupying equivalent posts. In spite of an announcement of a revised policy for inter-racial sport at an "international" level, there were demonstrations against white South African teams that competed over2 e.g. Mr. Allister Sparks in the Rand Daily Mail, 5 June, quoting an article by Professor H. W. van der Merwe published in New Nation, and Mr. John D'Oliveira in the Star, 18 May. 3 Press conference on 30 July, and radio interview on I August.

UNITED PARTY seas, and eventually a Springbok cricket tour of Australia was cancelled by the Australian Board of Control. As described later, further withdrawals followed of invitations to South African teams. A number of leading Nationalists have warned the country that South Africans will have to adapt themselves much faster to international and internal developments. During July Mr. Theo. Gerdener, the Minister of the Interior, said at a meeting in Durban' that unless South Africa speeded up its rate of development radically and without delay, more especially in regard to the policy of separate development, there would be no second chance for the country: it would probably then be too late to accelerate the pace of development. The decade of the 1970's would be decisive. He pleaded, inter alia, for more flexibility of mind, and more supple and humane attitudes to non-whites. Writing in Rapport on 29 August the political commentator, Mr. Schalk Pienaar, said that, in relation to Coloured and African affairs, the National Party was bound to patterns of thinking that were a quarter of a century out of date. The theory that the urban African was a temporary sojourner in "white" areas had long since become "pure fiction". Mr. Pienaar was endorsing views expressed by Professor Jan Moolman, Director of the Africa Institute (he served on the Tomlinson Commission), who was reported5 to have declared that whites must accept the millions of urbanized Africans as a permanent part of "white" South Africa. Views expressed on other issues, for example the future of the Coloured people, are mentioned later. THE UNITED PARTY The United Party's policy of a federal system of government, based on a federation of racial communities, was outlined on page 2 of last year's Survey. Further developments of this policy in regard to the future of the Coloured people and of the African homelands are described in subsequent chapters. In a statement issued on 1 September the leader of the party, Sir de Villiers Graaff, said, "The United Party believes it is possible for different peoples of different colours and races and at different levels of development to live within the framework of one State. But that framework will have to be such as to afford each racial group adequate opportunities for self-expression and selffulfilment, control over matters of intimate and peculiar concern to themselves, and a sayin matters of mutual concern to all groups commensurate with their standards of development". On several occasions the United Party has drawn attention to the increasing frustration and bitterness among urban Africans. During the debate on the Prime Minister's vote Sir de Villiers ' As reported in the Rand Daily Mail, 20 July, and Race Relations News, August. ' Star, 30 August.

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 said6 that the situation could easily become explosive. A large section of these people was still on the side of law and order. The United Party considered that a property-owning middle class should be allowed to develop, which stood to lose something if law and order broke down. Urban Africans suffered from unnecessary "petty apartheid" measures. Influx control was necessary, he maintained, but the pass laws were operated in such a way as to make many thousands of criminals out of comparatively innocent people every year. Exemptions for certain classes of Africans should be re-introduced. If work was available, wives should be allowed to come to the towns. Longer-term contracts of work should be introduced. At a national congress held in November, a full vote of confidence in Sir de Villiers Graaff was passed. He was empowered to make policy decisions on behalf of the party without awaiting the next biennial congress. PROGRESSIVE PARTY At a national congress of the Progressive Party, held in February, Mr. Colin Eglin was elected party leader in succession to Dr. Jan Steytler. At this congress Mr. Eglin claimed' that both the National Party and the United Party had become heavily institutionalized, bound by past loyalties and committed to past prejudices. The Progressives, he said, were more flexible and less dogmatic. They were, for example, the only party represented in Parliament to advocate the abolition of the industrial colour bar, positive action to alter the migrant labour system, equal political rights for all citizens through a common voters' roll, and the repeal of the racial sections of the Immorality Act. The Progressive Party, Mr. Eglin said, would keep alive a set of values including the concept of individual human dignity, the rule of law, and simple human justice. Among its immediate tasks was to campaign for members among young people and modem urban (who were often less staid than their Englishspeaking counterparts). The party has commenced publishing a journal in . Five standing committees have been appointed to advise the party leadership on specified areas of policy: Manpower and Economics, headed by Mr. Harry F. Oppenheimer; Education, headed by Dr. W. G. McConkey; The Family, headed by Professor Hansi Pollak; The Cities, headed by Professor E. W. N. Mallows; Political Planning, headed by Dr. Zac. J. de Beer. 6 Assembly, 21 April, Hansard 11 cols. 4851-9, 4941, 4968-9. 7 Rand Daily Mail report, 20 February.

PROGRESSIVE PARTY During October, Mr. Eglin visited for discussions with the leaders of the state. He and Mrs. Helen Suzman, M.P., then toured Africa, meeting President Senghor of Senegal, President Jawara of Gambia, Prime Minister Dr. Kofi Busia of Ghana, VicePresident Mr. Arap Moi of Kenya, President Nyerere of Tanzania, and President Dr. Banda of Malawi. On their return, Mrs. Suzman and Mr. Eglin stressed the warmth and friendliness they had encountered, and the lack of animosity to whites as such. They were convinced that the leaders they met would prefer a non-violent approach to the question of racism in South Africa. Some leaders felt that official dialogue with the Republic would be meaningless unless there were some prior indication of change there. All were in favour of dialogue under the conditions of the Lusaka Manifesto, i.e. that a prerequisite must be a commitment on South Africa's part to the principle of human dignity and equality. It was recognized that, thereafter, gradualism in regard to change was inevitable. The Progressive Party leaders said that they had been impressed by the absence of race consciousness and tension in the countries they visited, the comparative stability of governments, and the degree of democratic dissent, even in the one- party states.

THE POLITICAL FUTURE OF THE COLOURED COMMUNITY OFFICIAL NATIONAL PARTY POLICY As described elsewhere, there has been controversy within the ranks of the National Party over the future of the Coloured community. On two occasions the party has, in consequence, published a long declaration of its official policy, by way of advertisements in the Transvaler. Members were warned that they would have to abide by this policy unless it was changed at a party congress. The main points made were as follows. 1. The National Party believes that the Coloured people, as a separate community, can only properly maintain and develop and realize their own identity on the road of parallel development. Coloured and Whites must not be interwoven, nor must they evolve closer to one another. 2. Coloured people will vote for members of the Coloured Persons' Representative Council and of Coloured local government bodies, but will not be represented on White government institutions, including municipal councils. 3. The Coloured people are "a nation in the making". 4. A Coloured homeland is an impracticable idea and cannot be implemented. 5. Contact between the White Parliament and the Coloured Persons' Representative Council will be maintained by way of meetings between the Prime Minister, the Minister of Coloured Affairs and other Cabinet Ministers, and the Council's Executive. This method of liaison will be reviewed in the future if either of the two sides feels that the time has come for this to be done. When opening a congress of the Afrikaanse Studentebond in June, the Prime Minister1 repeated a previous statement that it was not for his generation to foresee what the outcome of the Coloured question would be. He outlined basic principles which the students should bear in mind when their turn came to govern the country. It was wrong, foolish, and arrogant, he said, for any policy to be based on the assumption that one man was better than the next because he had a white skin. "One does not have the right to belittle and ridicule the human dignity of others." At the same time, he continued, whites should strive to preserve their identity by maintaining apartheid. Integration had to be ruled out because I Star, 29 June.

POLITICAL FUTURE OF COLOURED COMMUNITY it would create friction and tension. If South Africa were to discard parallel development, it would "become the world's most popular corpse". When opening the 1971 Session of the Coloured Persons' Representative Council,2 Mr. P. W. Botha (Minister of Defence and Cape leader of the National Party) referred to Coloured group areas as "cantons". He said in the Assembly3 that, in the fullness of time, the Coloured Persons' Representative Council might become a wholly elected body. More powers would gradually be delegated to it, including the levying of taxes. Eventually, "twin Parliaments" might develop, the Coloured governing their own people in respect of all matters delegated to them. PROTAGONISTS OF A SEPARATE COLOURED HOMELAND On the eve of the Waterberg by-election, Dr. Andries Treurnicht, the N.P. candidate, published an article in Hoofstad in which he suggested that a separate Coloured homeland be created.4 (This was before the National Party had issued its statement of policy, but the Cabinet, the Parliamentary caucus, the Party's Federal Council, and Mr. Vorster personally had previously rejected the idea in unequivocal terms.) The Sunday Times reports,' however, that certain Cabinet Ministers, including Dr. Connie Mulder, had appeared to support the concept. Two of them, Mr. M. C. Botha and Mr. Marais Viljoen, had, towards the end of 1970, maintained that the Coloured people and the Whites "must move further apart, not closer together". After Mr. Vorster's opening speech at the congress of the Afrikaanse Studentebond, an address was given by Professor Gerrit van N. Viljoen, Rector of the Rand Afrikaanse University and chairman of the S.A. Bureau of Racial Affairs. He is reported6 to have said that the idea of twin parliaments possibly offered a working solution which could last "for a long time, and possibly permanently, in so far as there can be any talk of permanence in politics". But, in terms of this arrangement, the white parliament would be dominant. If the scheme were rejected by the Coloured people, it might become necessary to look to "the alternative of separate freedoms in their own geographical area or areas". The A.S.B. students were divided in their views.' Delegates from Potchefstroom University rejected the idea of a separate homeland. Delegates from the Rand Afrikaans University and individual delegates from Stellenbosch University' appeared to be 2 Rand Daily Mail, 7 August. 3 9 June, Hansard 18 cols. 8602-4. 4 Sunday Times, 25 April. 5 18 July. 6 Rand Daily Mail, 1 and 5 July. Star, 29 June; Rand Daily Mail, 1 July; Sunday Times, 4 July. The S.R.C. of Stellenbosch Universty is not affiliated to the A.S.B.

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 divided. But the other delegations, led by students of the Pretoria and Orange Universities, outvoted the supporters of official N.P. policy. Various motions were passed in terms of which the students rejected integration, but also rejected the idea that the Coloured people could be allowed to develop to the stage where they had a sovereign parliament without a territory in which to exercise their political rights. AFRIKAANSE CALVINISTIESE BEWEGING Early in 1971, in its journal Woord en Daad, the Afrikaanse Calvinistiese Beweging (with headquarters in Potchefstroom) published a series of articles on the Coloured people under the title "Volk? Sonder Land?" (Nation? Without a Country?). In the issue which concluded these articles, Woord en Daad stated that it supported the National Party's racial policy "in its main points". It agreed that a separate homeland was unthinkable. The kernel of the question was political, it was said. The fact was that without their own country in which the Coloured people could live out their political aspirations, and without the franchise up to the highest level, these people were pure subjects, and not real citizens of the country. It was suggested that the choice did not lie only between integration, separation, or domination. "Integration we do not want. Separation we cannot have. Domination we dare not have." A fourth possibility was "co-ordination"-that is, survival as a distinguishable group or so-called sub-culture of the South African population, but acceptance as people entitled to equal personal and political rights. The article pointed out that General J. B. M. Hertzog's answer to the problem of English and Afrikaans rights had been the concept of a "two-stream policy". While the two groups had the right to retain their cultural identities and either make contact with one another or stay apart, they shared political rights. Woord en Daad asked whether a way out of the current untenable situation could not be found in a version of General Hertzog's concept. Did the eventual equal treatment and justice for the Coloured perhaps not lie in an adapted three-stream policy? Could this be the goal to be reached gradually through the avoidance as far as possible of points of friction, but without unnecessary restrictions on healthy contact? PROPOSALS BY PROFESSOR S. P. CILLIERS An address given to the Institute of Citizenship in Cape Town on 1 April by Professor S. P. Cilliers (Professor of Sociology at the University of Stellenbosch) evoked much interest.9 9 This was published by the Institute of Race Relations under the title Topical Talks No. 26: A Sociological Perspective on the South African Situation.

POLITICAL FUTURE OF COLOURED COMMUNITY Professor Cilliers said that neither the direction of the common society nor that of the evolvement of separate nation-states could in themselves provide complete solutions to the South African political dilemma. The development of the Bantu homelands could provide a partial solution, in the sense that these areas could accommodate about one half of the Bantu population in what could be developed into real nation-states. There would then be a possibility of the evolution of a common society in the rest of the country, where the White, Coloured, and persons would form just under a half of the total population. These groups already had much in common on the social, cultural, and economic levels-enough, in fact, to provide the basis for the development of a commonly shared culture. In this, they were further strengthened by a growing proportion of the Bantu who had been living with them for some time-especially the permanently urbanized Bantu. Those among these population groups who shared what was commonly called Western civilization and culture would form such a comfortable majority that a political system accommodating all these elements would have a reasonable chance of survival and stability. "It would seem that the best hope we have of maintaining stability and order, as we change to meet the ideological challenges of the 20th century, would be by pursuing the idea of separate development of the Bantu homelands with the utmost vigour at all levels, and by progressing towards full citizenship for , Asiatics, and permanently domiciled Bantu, together with White persons, in the rest of the country at the same time." The system to be adopted should evolve through consultation and mutual consideration, Professor Cilliers said. He stressed that there was a vast difference between full citizenship and integration in the sense of assimilation. STATEMENTS BY AFRIKANER ACADEMICS It was reported early in 1971 that prominent Afrikaner academics, professional and businessmen, and journalists, had been holding private discussion groups in various parts of the country to consider National Party policies, more especially in regard to the future of the Coloured community. At the end of July,10 ten Transvaal professors and nineteen lecturers, from the Universities of South Africa, Pretoria, and the Witwatersrand, issued a public "declaration of faith". They were convinced, they said, that continued adherence to colour prejudice was indefensible in the light of the civilized values which they, in South Africa, shared with the rest of the Western world. They appealed to all South Africans to think again, especially about the eventual achievement of full citizenship by Coloured people. 10 Star report, 30 July.

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 The authors of the statement stressed their conviction that the political future of these people could not be considered without consultation with them. They warned, "It is clear to us that any policy aimed at encouraging a Coloured nationalism while, at the same time, recognizing that a separate country for them is impossible, unavoidably increases the chances of group conflict between Whites and Coloured, and threatens peaceful co-existence." These Afrikaner academics stated that they could no longer subscribe to current Government policy in so far as this policy involved permanent political segregation of the Coloured people and placed a platform on their political development. They considered that, in the long term, there could be no middle course between a Coloured homeland and political integration. The policy of "parallel development" was seen as an intermediary stage which would gradually lead to closer political association, and eventually to political integration. The Coloured people would have to be accepted as a full and equal element of the Western community in South Africa. Full citizenship would not exclude the Coloured from being represented on a group basis by their own people in executive bodies from the lowest to the highest level. The degree of social contact that would develop would remain a matter of free personal choice, it was stated. "We reject any thought of enforced social integration." Full citizenship for the Coloured would not mean the automatic disappearance of separate residential areas and schools. However, facilities connected with public services and places of entertainment would gradually have to be opened to Whites and Coloured on an undifferentiated basis. A few days later"1 a further statement was issued by 109 Afrikaners in the Western Cape-academics, writers, professional men, and farmers. They were convinced, they said, that the existing political dispensation for the Coloured people could not make provision for their full political development. Among other reasons, it would be impracticable and a contradiction in terms to have two sovereign parliaments within the same constitutional system. Those subscribing to the statement, therefore, wished to support in principle the statement issued in Pretoria. They called for urgent attention to be given to the question of how equal and full citizenship could be implemented in practical politics. It was added that the drafting of this statement had been spontaneous and unorganized, and was in no way connected with any political party. One of the Stellenbosch professors who signed it emphasized that there had been no mass compaign for support. The Rand Daily Mail invited English-speaking South Africans to endorse the "declaration of faith", and considerable numbers did so. 11 Various newspapers. 5 August.

POLITICAL FUTURE OF COLOURED COMMUNITY In a radio interview on 1 August,'2 the Prime Minister said he was aware of the statement by the 29 "people with plenty of leisure time, with no responsibility, and with little practical knowledge". The Government's policy of parallel development was no interim stage, he emphasized, but was a policy that could and would be consistently and logically applied. OTHER SUGGESTIONS BY PROMINENT AFRIKANERS According to the Press,'3 during July a Nationalist Member of Parliament, Mr. Nic. F. Treurnicht, suggested that one way of tackling the question of Coloured political rights might be to reform the Senate, making it an institution linking the White House of Assembly with the Coloured Persons' Representative Council. He was immediately taken to task for "non-conformity" by the secretary of the National Party's Federal Council. Questioned by the Press4 on his views, a few days later, Mr. Dawid P. de Villiers, S.C., the managing director of the newspaper group Nasionale Pers, emphasized that any developments should take place on the basis of consultation between Coloured and White governmental authorities. One possibility would be the eventual creation of a consultative body on which the governments of the White, Coloured, and Indian groups and the African territories could be represented, participating on a basis of equality. This body would have such powers as might be agreed upon by the constituent entities, and would act by consensus. In a speech made at Potchefstroom University on 27 August, the Prime Minister rejected this idea. He believed in close co-operation between national groips in the sub-continent at the economic level, he said. But "I do not believe that our future lies in the removal of boundaries." It lay, rather, in the preservation of identity. Professor Nic. J. Rhoodie, head of the department of sociology at the University of Pretoria, pointed out subsequently5 that the African territories and states need not, necessarily, be included in an "umbrella constitutional body" or form of super-parliament. He asked whether it was far-fetched to think in the long term about an institution which would evolve from South Africa's White parliament and the developing Coloured and Indian parliaments -an institution in which the Whites, because of their level of development, would play the major role, but in which representatives of the other communities would share in the decision-making process. It would be a parliament of communities, not one based on the one-man-one-vote concept, and would deal with matters of national significance. The "community parliaments" would deal with day-to-day communal matters. 12 As reported in various newspapers. 13 Rapport, 11 July; Sunday Times, 18 July; Rand Daily Mail, 14 July. 14 e.g. Star, 19 July. Is Star, 3 September.

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 During October, a number of Afrikaner intellectuals and prominent professional men, businessmen and farmers from various centres held discussions with leading Coloured personalities on a farm in the Western Cape. It was reported6 that Professor Marinus Wiechers, a professor of law at the University of South Africa, suggested that the Coloured Persons' Representative Council should be used as an electoral college to elect its own representatives to the Assembly, as a first step towards full citizenship for the Coloured community. A continuation committee was elected to hold further talks, to include members of other non-white groups. THE UNITED PARTY'S VIEWS Early in the 1971 Session of Parliament Mr. J. du P. Basson, seconded by Mrs. C. D. Taylor, introduced a Private Member's motion calling for the appointment of a top-level and non-political commission to draw up a comprehensive charter for the rehabilitation and development of the Coloured population group.' Opening the debate on the Vote of the Minister of Coloured Affairs in the Assembly on 9 June,2 Sir de Villiers Graaff outlined his party's policy. Coloured people should be represented in the central parliament by six Members of Parliament and two Senators, he said, who could be either Coloured or White persons. They would be elected on a separate roll. The Coloured Persons' Representative Council should be transformed into a wholly elected communal council, with wider powers than it now possessed. A statutory parliamentary standing committee should be created, representative of both the government and the opposition in the House of Assembly and the Coloured Council. Coloured people should not be deprived of the municipal vote before adequate alternative rights were available. A vast upliftment programme should be undertaken, similar to that carried out in the 1930's to eliminate the "poor white" problem. During the Session a nine-member committee of party M.P.'s and Senators was appointed, under the chairmanship of Mr. Myburgh Streicher, M.P., to review the party's Coloured policy. Its report was subsequently presented to the various provincial congresses and to the national congress, but was not published in full. One of the points apparently made in this report was that race policies should no longer be drawn up by white parties without consultation with the non-white group concerned. The committee proposed the direct representation of Coloured people by Coloured, not only in parliament, but also in provincial councils and local government bodies. Points accepted at the Cape congress of the Party3 were that 16 Sunday Times, 24 October. 1 Assembly, 19 Fcbruary. cols. 1256-66, 1272-82. 2 Hansard 18 cols. 8558-68. 3 Various Press reports, including the Rand Daily Mail and Star of 18 August, and the Sunday Express, 5 September.

POLITICAL FUTURE OF COLOURED COMMUNITY social contact should be a matter of individual choice. As far as possible, equal and parallel public amenities should be provided for members of the various racial groups: where this was not practicable, there should be elasticity if the presence of mixed groups was likely to be commonly acceptable. Owners of private amenities should be free to decide for whom they would cater. Job reservation should be abolished in general, but more particularly where it applied to Coloured people. The State should ultimately give equal pay for equal work and responsibility. Free and compulsory education for Coloured children should be introduced in phases; the Population Registration Act in its present form should be abolished and the racial clauses of the Immorality Act re-examined; and the Group Areas Act should immediately be suspended where large sections of the Coloured population were without housing or were inadequately housed. Urgent steps should be taken to eliminate poverty. Speaking at the opening of the party congress in the Cape,' and subsequently, Sir de Villiers Graaff supported most of these proposals, including the municipal franchise; but he opposed Coloured representation in provincial councils. The latter, he considered, should serve as White communal councils. Some form of permanent liaison should be established between them and the Coloured communal council, which would take over, for the Coloured people, most of the functions of existing provincial councils. It was reported5 that not all of the party leaders agreed with Sir de Villiers, and that this matter would be discussed further at subsequent congresses. At the national congress, held in November, this question was referred to a constitutional committee. Shortly afterwards the Transvaal party leader, Mr. S. J. Marais Steyn, suggested' that there should ultimately be a Greater South African Federation of Communities, dealing with nation-wide interests, which would constitute "a national convention of all the races, in permanent session." The United Party's policy was rejected by the leaders of both of the major parties in the Coloured Persons' Representative Council.7 Mr. Tom Swartz of the Federal Party said that Coloured people would never be satisfied with such inadequate measures. "We want absolute equality," he said, "but would like to retain a separate identity as in the case of Jews and Afrikaners." Mr. Sonny Leon of the Labour Party stated, "We want direct representation on all governing bodies" on a common roll. Mr. A. M. Rajab, Chairman of the S.A. Indian Council, commented that he did not think that the United Party was aware of the speed with which things were changing in South Africa. 4 Rand Daily Mail, 18 August. 5 Star, 2 September. I Star, 26 August. I Rand Daily Mail. 19 and 24 August. A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 THE PROGRESSIVE PARTY Speaking at a meeting in Cape Town,1 Mr. Colin Eglin re-emphasized that, in his party's opinion, "nothing less than full citizenship can do justice to the Coloured man's inalienable right to recognition as a full South African citizen". In the Assembly on 9 June Mrs. Helen Suzman said,2 "It strikes me as extraordinary that White people should sit in Parliament and debate what the Coloured people want and what they do not want. They are perfectly capable of saying this for themselves". THE FEDERAL PARTY During April3 Mr. Tom Swartz, the Government-appointed Chairman of the Executive of the Coloured Persons' Representative Council, warned the Government that "a system which allowed injustice and discrimination could create a very disloyal and disgruntled section in the population-a fifth column. There are individuals and political groups exploiting the bitterness of the people, and they could succeed in making the situation dangerous * . . We must get away from the idea that everything must be assessed on the basis of a person's colour," he said. Among the major causes of irritation, Mr. Swartz continued, were petty apartheid, job reservation, and the disparity in salaries paid to whites and non-whites doing equivalent work. At a party congress held in Natal during July,4 the aims of the party were changed from support of "parallel" development to that of "positive equal" development. Mr. Swartz said that the Coloured people wanted "everything the White man 'has for himself". With some dissension, a new constitution for the party was adopted at this congress. It was stated, inter alia, that the party would strive to realize its aims by "leading the Coloured people into a new era of mature and fully-fledged citizenship", and by "forging a new foundation of vertical equal development in our national community". Delegates called for protection for Coloured businessmen in their proclaimed group areas against "crowding out" by members of other race groups. At a congress held in the Transvaal, the idea of a Coloured homeland was rejected. During August, the former leader of the party in the Eastern Cape, Mr. P. F. Kievetts, resigned, stating that he could no longer join in any defence of the apartheid policy.5 On a comparatively minor issue being debated in the Representative Council (that of the control of nursery schools and places I Cape Times, 8 June. 2 Hansard 18 col. 8629. 1 Sunday Times, 18 April. 4 Natal Mercury, 2 July: Sunday Express, 11 July. 5 Rand Daly Mail, 21 August.

COLOURED PERSONS' REPRESENTATIVE COUNCIL of care), four Federal Party members crossed the floor to vote with the Labour Party, with the result that the Federal Party's amendment to an original motion was defeated by 31 votes to 26.6 Mr. Jaap Muller was reported to have been expelled from the caucus because he had twice voted with the opposition.7 THE LABOUR PARTY In an article published in Reality in May, Mr. Sonny L. Leon, leader of the Labour Party, said that although the Coloured people could be regarded as an indigenous plant with roots deep in the soil of South African history, since the earliest days they had so often been robbed of their dignity by the Whites. They were the voiceless ones; the people for whom decisions were made by others; the people who lived in humiliation. The deputy leader, Mr. David Curry, said in July,8 "We stand for full political rights for all South Africans in one parliament. The terms 'White, Coloured, or African' never appear in our constitution .... We will not accept a move to give us political rights at the expense of the African.. . . Are the Whites trying to make us allies for fear of Black danger?" The Natal leader of the party, Mr. E. G. Rooks, resigned during April, becoming an Independent member of the Council. As mentioned later, the stand of the former party leader, Mr. M. D. Arendse, was not clear during the early part of the Council's session. The tactics of the Labour Party during this session are described in a subsequent section of this chapter. NATIONAL COLOURED PEOPLE'S PARTY At the time of the 1969 Council elections,9 the National Coloured People's Party was a right-wing group, based in Johannesburg, and headed by Dr. Clifford Smith. It won one seat in the elections. During August, Dr. Smith resigned from the party. He called on members to disband and throw in their lot with the Labour Party.1" But the party continued in being under the new leadership of Mr. Clarrie September. LIAISON BETWEEN THE GOVERNMENT AND THE COLOURED PERSONS' REPRESENTATIVE COUNCIL The Prime Minister announced in the Assembly on 23 April1 that he and other members of the Cabinet had on several occasions held discussions with government and opposition members of the 6 Ibid. I Ibid, 25 August. 8 Ibid, 13 July. 9 See 1969 Survey, page 7. 10 Rand Daily Mail, 25 August. 1" Hansard 11 cols. 5111-21.

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 Coloured Persons' Representative Council. The leaders of all the parties represented in the Council had been invited to set up a committee to discuss with the South African Government the question of liaison between these bodies; but the Labour Party had refused to participate in the proceedings of the committee. Representatives of the other parties had decided to recommend that the link should be the Council's Executive Committee, and that this Committee should have formal discussions with the Prime Minister annually before the opening of parliament, and with the Minister and Deputy Minister of Coloured Affairs every two months. Other Cabinet Ministers or Council members might be invited to attend on occasion. The Government had agreed to these proposals, but had made it clear that if the Coloured people came to feel that the arrangement should be reviewed, this would be done. BUDGET AND STAFF OF THE COLOURED COUNCIL AND ITS ADMINISTRATION According to the Government's Estimates of Expenditure from Revenue and Loan Accounts for 1971-2,'2 the following amounts were voted by Parliament for the work of the Coloured Persons' Representative Council. Revenue Account R76 180 000 for the Coloured Council; Loan Account R 1 993 000 for the Coloured Council; R 40 000 for the Council Chamber; R 20 000 for houses for Executive Committee members. It appears, from the Estimates, that 1 213 White public servants had been seconded to the Administration of Coloured Affairs. According to the Minister,13 there were 18 710 Coloured persons (including teachers) on the Administration's staff early in 1971. PROCEEDINGS OF THE COUNCIL IN 1971 Mr. Curry is reported" to have said in April that the Labour Party considered the Government's policy of separate development to be pure hypocrisy-a cloak for maintaining White political domination. The traditional pattern of South Africa's racial policies was not going to be changed by decisions made in the Coloured Persons' Representative Council. For this reason, the Labour Party's tactics were to embark on a programme of exposure and embarrassment. Many of the motions it introduced during the Council's session were framed in such a way that it was virtually impossible for the Federal Party to disagree entirely without running the risk of alienating its supporters. The Labour Party boycotted the official opening of the 12 R.P. 2/1971 Vote 43; R.P. 7/1971; R.P. 3/1971 Votes B and G. 13 Assembly. 20 April, Hansard 11 col. 732. 14 Sunday Express, 11 April.

COLOURED PERSONS' REPRESENTATIVE COUNCIL Council, during August, by the Minister of Defence and Cape leader of the National Party, Mr. P. W. Botha. It also boycotted the budget debate after proposing an amendment that the budget was unacceptable because the Council had no power to change it. At the start of the session, Mr. Sonny Leon introduced a motion calling for the abolition of the Council and for the inclusion of its 40 elected members in the House of Assembly as representatives of the Coloured people. He proposed that these 40 M.P.'s should sit as an electoral college to nominate Coloured Senators. Mr. Leon said that the Labour Party suggested this scheme, not because it accepted the principle of group representation, but as an interim "practical move". In an amendment, Mr. Tom Swartz reaffirmed support for the Government's policy of parallel development, and for the institution of the Representative Council as a medium through which the Coloured people could achieve full citizenship. He added, however, that at the present stage, the Council did not provide adequate machinery for the full expression of the political rights of citizenship. He agreed with much of what Mr. Leon had said in support of his motion, Mr. Swartz continued, but it had to be recognized that politics was the art of the possible. The Federal Party's amendment was passed by 31 votes to 28, the Independents and members of the minor parties voting with the Labour Party.15 During the session Mr. Swartz said the fact that the Government had at last accepted the principle of equal pay for equal work was a victory for the Coloured people. Members urged that this principle be implemented speedily. Later, however, Mr. Swartz attacked the Government for "evasive and negative" replies to other Council resolutions. All parties strongly attacked the Population Registration Act, especially the division of the "Coloured" group into seven subgroups including "other Coloured". A Government-appointed member, Mr. W. Africa, said, "I do not want to be labelled as a 'Coloured'. All I want is to be known as a South African... We 'have the fullest right to full citizenship of this country, and the Government should be called upon to withdraw the term 'Coloured' from the Statute book". There was criticism of the staffing (by Whites) and the activities of the Coloured Development Corporation. Mr. M. D. Arendse, the former Labour Party leader, urged that the Government should consider the immediate appointment of a judicial commission to review all discriminatory legislation, with a view to its ultimate annulment. A Federal Party amendment, to the effect that the Coloured people themselves, and not a i" Rand Daily Mail report, 9 August.

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 judge, should be asked to define what hurt them, was carried by 30 votes to 27. Other motions passed called for: (a) a commission to enquire into the question of housing for Coloured people throughout South Africa; (b) Government legislation to facilitate the taking over by Coloured interests of public transport services to and from proclaimed Coloured areas; (c) social pensions equal to those paid to Whites; (d) freedom to be given to all sporting bodies to formulate their own policies on the participation of all South Africans in national and international sport.1" Throughout the session there were rumours that a group of Labour and Federal Party members and Independents, led by Mr. M. D. Arendse, were planning to form a new, centre, party. This move was, however, thwarted, for the time being at any rate. Part of the reason was, possibly, the more outspoken criticism of the Government by Mr. Swartz. But another factor was a decision taken by the Labour Party caucus, at the end of the session, to change its tactics. The caucus decided that, although the Representative Council was an inadequate political institution, it would accept this body as an instrument to achieve its aims. It would advocate "Brown power", not of a militant kind, but as a way of uniting the Coloured people; and would set itself the primary aim of securing the socioeconomic upliftment of the Coloured community. These decisions were subject to ratification by the party's national executive committee."7 After the session, Mr. Leon challenged Mr. Arendse and those who supported him to resign their seats and contest by-elections under the banner of a centre party. RIOT AT GELVANDALE, Over the years, Coloured housing schemes have been developed inland from Port Elizabeth city, at distances ranging from two to ten miles. To these areas have been moved Coloured people who previously lived in "mixed" suburbs near the city centre. There have never been adequate numbers of houses, however, resulting in serious overcrowding; and the provision of social amenities has lagged behind the building of dwellings. There is much poverty: according to a survey conducted at the University of Port Elizabeth, 54,3 per cent of the male workers earn less than R67 a month, whereas the bare poverty datum line is about R70. School-leavers find it difficult to obtain suitable employment.' (It 16 Account compiled from numerous Press reports. 17 Report by Mr. Stanley Uys in the Sunday Times, 4 August. 1 Information from the Cleary report, mentioned later.

RIOT AT GELVANDALE should be stated that these conditions are by no means unique to Port Elizabeth.) Tensions mounted, and were exacerbated when the privatelyowned bus company serving the Coloured townships decided, early in 1971, to increase the fares. It transpired that their application to the local transportation board to do so was advertised in the Government Gazette on 22 January and that no objections were lodged. However, as was pointed out by Mrs. C. D. Taylor, M.P., few Coloured (or any other) citizens read the Gazette, and the proposal was not discussed with the Coloured community. Reports of what transpired did not coincide in all respects: they were made, among others, by the police and by a group of seven clergymen. The brief account given here is based mainly on an official report by Mr. Cleary, the municipal Director of Housing. The Government refused requests from various sources to appoint a judicial commission of enquiry. The increased bus fares came into operation on 28 February. A boycott of the service began, and by 6 March the usage had dropped to between 20 and 30 per cent of the normal, the people walking to work instead. At a public meeting, an action committee was elected, which called for a mass rally on Sunday, 7 March, at the Gelvandale playing fields (which then had only one entrance). A crowd of about 10 000 people assembled there. Some policemen patrolling in the vicinity arrested a man for drunkenness. Bystanders began stoning the police vehicle. Over a loud-speaker, the chairman of the action committee announced the immediate closure of the meeting and asked the people to leave. Those doing so encountered police re-inforcements arriving at the entrance. Police vehicles and buses were stoned, some of the passengers on the buses were assaulted, the police used their batons, and arrests were made. The crowd converged on the local police station to, demand the release of those who had been arrested. The premises were stoned. After issuing a warning, the police released teargas and made baton charges. Some shots were fired. It was reported that seven civilians had been wounded by gunfire, and 23 civilians and 20 policemen injured during the disturbances. Serious unrest continued for about three weeks, buses being stoned, and attempts made to set up road-blocks. More than 40 persons were subsequently charged in court with various offences, such as public violence or malicious injury to property. Eleven men were later found guilty of public violence, receiving sentences ranging from nine cuts to 18 months' imprisonment. Leave to appeal was granted. Mr. Cleary considered that the announcement of increased fares had triggered off a general public resentment of many aspects

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 of the living conditions. He warned that further disturbances, in Port Elizabeth or elsewhere, might well occur unless decisive action was taken to improve matters. Municipal officials held discussions with leading members of the Coloured community to discuss grievances. Mr. F. J. van Wyk, Director of the S.A. Institute of Race Relations, commented,2 "The clash . .. clearly demonstrated how close the racial flashpoint is behind the apparent facade of peace in urban non-white townships. To regard the massive non-white population in the urban areas as the silent majority which will remain silent for all time, is to live in a fool's paradise." Among various others, the Trade Union Council of S.A. expressed similar views. In a letter to the Prime Minister3 its general secretary, Mr. Arthur Grobbelaar, urged that a top-level enquiry be instituted into the future of the Coloured people. It was evident, he said, that this community was "becoming increasingly resentful of the treatment they are receiving, and their frustration is moving towards an explosion point." Mr. David Curry of the Labour Party said,4 "I warn the Government that, as much as we are trying our best to avoid anything that may harm relations between the authorities and the people, if nothing positive is done, we will not be able to prevent a situation developing that may get out of hand". Mr. Swartz's remarks about the possible emergence of a "fifth column" are recorded earlier. DIVERGENCE FROM WHITES On other occasions,' Mr. Curry has pointed out that a new generation of Coloured people has grown up since apartheid came into force in 1948. It did not grow up amongst the Whites, as had its parents. There were now Coloured adults who had never met or talked to a White on the same social level. Many Whites knew only the employer/servant relationship. Coloured people had, once, been true South Africans. Now there were many who went to international sports matches especially to jeer at the White South African teams, as a form of political protest. Coloured people, Mr. Curry said, were moving away from White society towards their fellow-oppressed, the Africans. "Powerpoints" were developing around apartheid institutions such as the Coloured Persons' Representative Council and the "" Assemblies, and these were passing out of the Government's control and were developing their own "anti-White momentum". The poet and philosopher, Mr. Adam Small, has written,6 2 Rand Daily Mail, 10 March. 3 Quoted in the Star, 17 May. 4 Ibid, 19 May. 5 e.g. Rand Daily Mail, 13 July, Star, 1 May; Sunday Times, 8 August. 6 Rand Daily Mail, 13 July.

ATTITUDES OF COLOURED PEOPLE 21 "Racism is a phenomenon of inferiority. Our blackness is a phenomenon of pride. . . We can no longer care whether or not whites understand us. What we do care about is understanding ourselves, and, in the course of this task, helping whites to understand themselves. . . . We are rejecting the idea that we live by their grace (that is, that they have the right to decide our future). We may live by the Grace of God, but we do not live by the grace of the whites".

INDIAN POLITICAL BODIES SOUTH AFRICAN INDIAN COUNCIL The constitution of the South African Indian Council was described on page 15 of the 1968 Survey. All of its members are nominated by the Government, and it has advisory powers only. During 1971, the members were re-appointed for a further term of three years. The chairman of the Council's Executive Committee, Mr. A. M. Rajab, said in May' that the Council had made it clear to the Minister of Indian Affairs that public pressure was mounting for a fully elected council, with real responsibilities. The Minister had replied that practical difficulties made this impossible for the time being: these included the finalization of group areas and the resettlement of people, which must be done before voters' lists could be compiled and electoral divisions demarcated. The system of elected members would then be introduced gradually. During its session in March, the Council was again concerned mainly with the effects of the Group Areas Act, including the distress suffered by displaced traders and the lack of adequate amenities in new townships. Other matters discussed were the desirability of establishing an Indian Investment Corporation, salary scales for professional workers, the admission to South Africa of further professionally qualified Indians, the need for more agricultural land and for Indian agricultural extension officers, and the development of local government in urban areas. The Council noted with appreciation that, as a result of its representations, some Indians had been accepted as articled accountants, and others were being trained as telephone mechanicians.' Mrs. Fatima Meer, a sociologist, contributed an article to the Spro-Cas publication South Africa's Minorities in which she said that the nominated South African Indian Council served very little purpose for the Indian people. Indians, she continued, believed their position to be the most precarious of all in South Africa. Because the Government had stifled all resistance, for the first time in eighty years there was no expression of Indian political aspirations. PLANS TO REVIVE THE NATAL INDIAN CONGRESS A few months afterwards, however, Mr. Mewa Ramgobin of Durban announced that he planned to revive the Natal Indian Congress, which had been inactive since the banning or imprison- I Rand Daily Mail, 18 May. 2 Fiat Lux, March.

INDIAN COUNCIL ment of its former leaders.' In September, Mr. Ramgobin (who had previously been banned) was served with a fresh set of fiveyear banning orders, including house arrest. 3 Rand Daily Mail, 7 July.

CONSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT OF THE AFRICAN HOMELANDS, AND ATTITUDES OF LEADERS THERE TRANSKEI CONSTITUTION AMENDMENT ACT, No. 31 OF 1971 In terms of the principal Act of 1963, the Chief Minister of the Transkei is elected by secret ballot by the members of the Legislative Assembly from among their number at the first session after a general election. Previously, other Ministers were similarly elected by members at least one day later. In terms of the 1971 Amendment Act, they will in future be appointed by the Chief Minister after each general election. (This did not affect Ministers holding office at the date when the Act came into operation.) Should the Chief Minister wish to remove a Minister from office, he must submit a petition to the State President, giving his reasons. Similarly, the Legislative Assembly itself may by petition ask the State President to remove the Chief Minister from office. The number of chiefs in the Assembly was increased from 64 to 65, to allow for representation from the Kentani district. According to the Deputy Minister of Bantu Administration,1 four chief tainships had shortly before been created in this district, where there had previously been no chiefs. It was stipulated that the number of chiefs with seats in the Assembly shall at no time exceed 65. The number of elected members remains 45. The United Party opposed the Bill, on the ground that it objected to a policy of political development of the homelands that would lead to their eventual sovereign independence.2 BANTU HOMELANDS CONSTITUTION ACT, No. 21 OF 1971 Terms of the Act In a preamble, an Explanatory Memorandum issued with the Bantu Homelands Constitution Bill stated that the Government reaffirmed that it was its firm and irrevocable intention to lead each individual Bantu nation to self-government and ultimate independence. To this end, the Bantu Authorities Act had been passed in 1951, the Promotion of Bantu Self-Government Act in 1959, and the Transkei Constitution Act in 1963. Further legislation was 1 Assembly, 8 February, Hansard 2 cols. 441-2. 2 Ibid. col. 442.

BANTU HOMELANDS CONSTITUTION ACT now required. It was considered to be more satisfactory to introduce a blanket measure rather than a separate Act for each Bantu area. The new Act can be applied to all Bantu areas (other than the Transkei) in respect of such matters as finance and powers of legislation; while matters which are peculiar to a particular area, such as the constitution of the legislative body, will be determined by the State President by proclamation after consultation with the people concerned. Chapter I of the Act deals with the establishment of legislative assemblies to replace territorial authorities, while Chapter II deals with a subsequent stage, when a further degree of selfgovernment will be granted. After consultation by the Minister of Bantu Administration and Development with a territorial authority, the State President may by proclamation replace this authority by a legislative assembly, to have jurisdiction in the same area, or in an area specified in the proclamation. After the assembly has been established, its executive council must be consulted before boundary changes are made. A legislative assembly will be constituted from citizens of the area concerned. The Minister will consult the territorial authority in regard to the constitution of the new body, details of which will then be set out in the relevant proclamation. Matters which will at no time be transferred to legislative assemblies, even after self-government is granted, include defence, foreign affairs, the preservation of peace and security, postal, telephone, and related services, immigration of non- citizens, currency and banking, and customs and excise. (There are similar provisions in the Transkei Constitution Act.) In the initial stage, there will be considerable State control in respect of even the matters that are transferred to legislative assemblies, for example the applicability of laws passed to citizens of the area who reside outside this area, the establishment of townships and factories and business undertakings, the placement outside the area of workseekers, the appointment and dismissal of chiefs, and educational courses and syllabuses, media of instruction, and examinations. Even after the second stage of self-government is granted, all laws passed in relation to matters transferred to a legislative assembly will require the State President's approval. He may refer them back for further consideration. In the initial stage, such laws may not be inconsistent with Acts of Parliament. Executive councils will be constituted, and later, Cabinets. Various departments will be set up, assisted initially by public servants seconded by the Republic. Public services will be created. Revenue Funds will be established. Into these will be paid all moneys accruing to the assemblies, together with grants from the Consolidated Revenue Fund. An annual grant will be made

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 corresponding to the State's expenditure on matters transferred to the legislative assembly during the year preceding the date of transfer. An additional grant may be appropriated by Parliament, on the recommendation of the Minister in consultation with the Minister of Finance, after he has scrutinized the executive council's estimates of revenue and expenditure. When the amount of any additional grant has been decided upon, the executive's estimates will be put before the legislative assembly for appropriation. All accounts will be audited by the Controller and Auditor-General. After a legislative assembly has been created, it may be empowered to take over the control of magistrates' and Bantu Affairs Commissioners' courts in its area in so far as the proceedings relate to its citizens. After self-government is granted, the State President may constitute a High Court to replace any provincial or local division of the Supreme Court or any Bantu Court in the area. The Appellate Division will continue to hear appeals. The Supreme Court or High Court, but not a magistrate's court, will be competent to pronounce upon the validity of a law of the legislative assembly. When self-government is eventually granted, the area concerned will have its own national flag, and, with the State President's approval, its national anthem. Subject to such approval, the legislative assembly will then have power to alter Acts of Parliament in so far as these relate to the matters it controls and to its citizens. The State President may legislate by proclamation in regard to matters that are not controlled by the legislative assembly. Such proclamations must be tabled in Parliament and will cease to have effect if they are not approved (but without prejudice to action already taken). Proclamations establishing legislative assemblies or granting self-government must similarly be tabled. Parliamentary debate When introducing the Bill at its second reading,' the Minister of Bantu Administration and Development said that its terms had been accepted by all the existing territorial authorities. At the second and at the third reading, the United Party moved that the Bill be read that day six months. During the committee stage it called for divisions on every clause or groups of clauses. Its attitude was that it would not be associated in any way with a measure which set the homelands on the path to possible sovereign independence outside the Republic, and would not consider itself bound by any promises of independence made by the National Party. On behalf of the United Party, Mr. T. Gray Hughes said4 3 Assembly, 8 February, Hansard 2 cols. 477-86. 4 9 February, cols. 504-11. BANTU HOMELANDS CONSTITUTION ACT that Chapter I, providing for legislative assemblies with limited powers, was not opposed in principle, but that his party had the strongest objection to Chapter II, which could be a prelude to the granting of complete independence. White South Africa might in future become ringed with a horseshoe of foreign states, which possibly might become hostile. Mr. Hughes opposed the very wide powers to be granted to the Minister. Parliament, he said, would lose control over the timetable for the granting of self- government, and over the demarcation of the boundaries of the homelands. It was true that all proclamations would have to be tabled in Parliament and would cease to have further effect if not approved, but irrevocable steps might have been taken in terms of a proclamation before it could be considered by Parliament if the measure was gazetted during a Parliamentary recess. The proposed Act offered no solution to the political aspirations of Africans in the White areas, Mr. Hughes stated, who would continue to be in the majority numerically. Mrs. Helen Suzman of the Progressive Party opposed the Bill, too.' She suggested that Africans themselves, rather than the Minister, should decide whether they wanted the proposed form of national identity, or whether, instead, they would prefer to be "absorbed in the wider aspect and greater benefits of Western civilization". There were some Africans, she said, who would accept the scheme because they realized it was the only way in which they were likely to get any development at all for their territories. The Government, Mrs. Suzman stated, considered the Bill to be a sort of quid pro quo for the deprivation of the rights of the majority of the Africans who lived in the so-called white areas. These people ought to enjoy political rights in the part of the country where they lived and worked and would spend the major portion, if not all, of their lives, she said. Both Mrs. Suzman and Mr. George Oliver (U.P.) suggested that the large African townships of Johannesburg and Cape Town should be given homeland status. The Minister replied,6 "This will not be done as long as the National Party is in power - and that will be forever." CONSTITUTION AMENDMENT ACT, No. 1 OF 1971 The South African Constitution Act was amended in 1963 to provide for the recognition of an African language (or more than one such language) as an additional official language in any Bantu area if Parliament passed an Act to this effect. 5 Cols. 598-607. 6 Hansard 4 col. 1544.

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 The Amendment Act of 1971 substituted the words "Bantu territory" for "Bantu area", and empowered the State President, by proclamation, to introduce additional African official languages in any such territory. Parliamentary approval would not be required. As this measure amended one of the entrenched clauses of the South Africa Act, a joint session of both Houses of Parliament had to be convened to consider it. Both the United Party and the Progressive Party opposed the Bill on the ground that it was transferring functions of Parliament to the executive. However, the measure was passed by the required two-thirds majority at the third reading. PUBLIC SERVICE AMENDMENT ACT, No. 65 OF 1971 This Act made it clear that, on the recommendation of the Public Service Commission, a non-white public servant may be transferred from the employment of the State to that of a nonwhite authority. The relevant clause was amended in the House of Assembly to provide that the employee's consent to the transfer must be obtained. BANTU AUTHORITIES SERVICE PENSIONS ACT, No. 6 OF 1971 Bantu Authorities in the Republic and South West Africa are empowered to employ staff, but many Authorities are not yet in a position to establish their own pension funds. The Bantu Authorities Service Pensions Act makes provision for a joint pension fund for permanent employees, and a joint superannuation fund for other employees. Only basic requirements are prescribed: in each case details will be arranged by means of regulations. The Minister of Bantu Administration and Development may delegate powers to administer the funds to officials of his Department or of the Department of Social Welfare and Pensions. CREATION OF LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLIES The following legislative assemblies have been created, their membership, for the time being, consisting of those who were serving on the territorial authorities that were replaced:7 Ciskeian Legislative Assembly: Proclamation 118 of 21 May; Tswana Legislative Assembly: Proclamation 87 of 30 April; (North Sotho) Legislative Assembly: Proclamation 156 of 30 June; Machangana Legislative Assembly: Proclamation 148 of 25 June; Venda Legislative Assembly: Proclamation 119 of 21 May; See 1969 Survey, pages 128 to 131, for the constitutions of these bodies.

FUTURE OF AFRICAN HOMELANDS Basotho-Quaqwa Legislative Assembly (replacing the Basotho Ba Borwa Territorial Authority): Proclamation 225 of 1 October. Regulations in respect of the staff of these bodies were gazetted on 19 March and 2 April. The legislative assemblies remain responsible (as were the previous territorial authorities) for departments of Authority Affairs and Finance, Community Affairs, Works, Agriculture, Education and Culture, and Justice. Chief Gatsha Buthelezi, Chief Executive Officer of the Zulu Territorial Authority, announced in September8 that this body would be elevated to a legislative assembly early in 1972. Its constitution would differ from the others because the Zulus were the only ones to have a monarchy. In addition to the portfolios handled by the other legislative assemblies, it would have departments of Economic Affairs and Forestry. Chief Buthelezi would be entitled Chief Minister (as Matanzima is in the Transkei). The future capital would be sited at Ulundi, but work would be commenced in temporary premises in Nongoma and elsewhere. There are, as yet, no territorial authorities for the Swazi and Ndebele groups. People of Ndebele extraction have no recognized homeland. FURTHER DISCUSSION BY WHITE POLITICIANS OF THE FUTURE OF THE HOMELANDS National Party During 1971 the Prime Minister, Mr. Vorster, has held discussions, in his offices in Pretoria, with the leaders of all the African homeland governments. In July, accompanied by the Ministers of Finance and of Bantu Administration and Development, he visited the Lebowa, Venda, and Machangana homelands in the Northern Transvaal. The Commissioners General, and not the African leaders, were the hosts. Each African executive committee member was presented with a pair of engraved gold cufflinks. Mr. Vorster and his colleagues were given works by African craftsmen described in a Press article as "collectors' dreams come true." In statements made during July9 Mr. Vorster said that the end of the road, for the various homelands, would be complete independence and self-realization - but this would be a long and difficult road and the end lay far ahead. He was, however, sure that the people had the will to achieve this goal. The future independent states would be economically dependent on South Africa, and vice versa. In the course of time, Mr. Vorster continued, the leaders of 8 Rand Daily Mail, 9 September. 9 Ibid, 31 July; and Sunday Times, I August.

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 the various homelands would be brought together for discussions. It was self- evident that a consultative body would eventually emerge between the homelands and the White South African government. No practical purpose would be served by speculating about the precise nature of such a body, for the matter lay far in the future. But the representatives of South Africa and of the independent states would meet as equals, and decisions would be made on the basis of consensus. In the meanwhile, the necessary close relationship could be maintained by way of bilateral diplomatic contact. Mr. Vorster added, emphatically, that he did not envisage any form of overall political body which would tend to become a super-parliament, restricting the sovereignty of constituent members. The United Party During relevant debates throughout the parliamentary session, the United Party very strongly opposed the creation of independent homelands. Sir de Villiers Graaff maintained" that the Government was likely to lose control of the timetable. "History has proved," he said, "that when a government refuses the demands of impatient political leaders in countries fired by the idea of political freedom, then a growing hostility develops between that country and those trying to limit it in any way." The United Party's tactics were criticized from various quarters. In an editorial published on 22 August, the Sunday Times said, "The Bantustan policy is now so deeply entrenched that for all practical purposes it can be regarded as irrevocable. Is the United Party to proceed on the basis that it can reverse the irreversible? Or, alternatively, are the perpetually to be held out to the white electorate as constituting a danger to South Africa?" The United Party might find itself in a position where one of its principal weapons of attack on the National Party would be a swart gevaar" platform, trying to frighten the whites into opposing any concessions to the homeland governments. Paramount Chief Matanzima said at a public meeting'" that the Transkeian Government would unilaterally declare the territory independent of South Africa if the United Party ever came into power with its present policies. Mr. S. J. Marais Steyn, the Transvaal leader of the United Party, then stated3 that the party would continue to fight the establishment of independent Bantustans "every inch of the way". But it accepted that the situation was changing. It would recognize territories declared independent during Nationalist Government 10 Assembly, 21 April, Hansard 11 cols. 4859-60. 11 "Black danger". 12 Rand Daily Mail, 24 August. 13 Star, 26 and 30 August.

FUTURE OF AFRICAN HOMELANDS rule. The status of other territories expecting independence, or on the verge of it, would be a matter for negotiation. Whether or not the Bantustans were independent, the United Party would invite them to join in a Greater Federation of South African Communities - an "umbrella" federal parliament which would deal with the national needs of South Africa as a whole, requiring the co-operation of all the races. It would subsidize the many development projects needed to make the homelands viable. Wide-ranging powers, including powers of taxation, would be vested in Bantustan legislatures and in wholly-elected communal councils for the Coloured and Indian groups. The provincial councils would become communal councils for the Whites. Africans living permanently outside the homelands would be represented on a separate non-ethnic legislature, Mr. Steyn said. It would appear that, in terms of this policy, earlier party proposals for group representation in the present House of Assembly remain unchanged. Coloured people would elect six members, who could be Coloured or White. Indians would elect two White representatives, and Africans a maximum of eight Whites. In statements made shortly after those by Mr. Steyn, Sir de Villiers Graaff said'4 that citizens of Bantu states that became independent would not receive the same treatment in South Africa as those from homelands remaining part of the Republic. There were obvious financial and economic reasons why independent states might decide to return in a federal arrangement with the rest of South Africa. Sir de Villiers charged the Government with using the homelands as a means of distracting attention from the "burning problem" of the urban Africans. The Progressive Party At a national congress held in February,5 the Progressive Party resolved, "We are fully aware of the changing circumstances in our country, and our policies are geared to these changes. As an example, we should extend to Bantustans the same principles and values we intend to apply in the whole Republic, and we emphasize that the development of these entities will present no constitutional difficulties in our proposed federal scheme." In terms of this scheme, a number of provinces would exist, with wide powers of self-government in all local matters. There would be a federal House of Assembly, with members elected by qualified citizens of all racial groups, on a common roll. The Senate would be so constituted that it would be able to reject legislation detrimental to any racial group. 14 Star, 1 September; Sunday Times, 5 September. 15 Star report, 22 February.

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 VIEWS EXPRESSED BY LEADERS OF HOMELAND GOVERNMENTS The Transkei In 1968, and again in 1970, the Chief Minister of the Transkei, Paramount Chief Kaiser Matanzima, asked the Republican Government to incorporate into his government's area of jurisdiction the districts of Elliot, Maclear, Matatiele, Mount Curry, Umzimkulu, and Port St. Johns, in which the land is owned mainly by Whites. Speaking, during April,' at a congress of his ruling Transkei National Independence Party, the Chief Minister again raised this matter. The land question, he said, was the most important aspect of the policy of separate development. Unless it was settled fairly, there could never be good relations between the racial groups. No country could be self-governing if it did not have full control of the land within its boundaries. The Transkei was over-crowded, and as a result of the Republic's influx control measures, a lot of people were unemployed. Yet thousands of Transkeians were still being repatriated. Where were they to be resettled? Two days later, the Minister of Bantu Administration and Development said in the Assembly2 that he had "reprimanded" the Paramount Chief for making these remarks from a public platform. This had not revealed "good statesmanship": Governments negotiated in private consultations. Before demanding more land, the Transkeians should increase the productivity of their existing area. The Republican Government, the Minister said, had no intention whatsoever of including the White districts named in the Bantu areas. In a speech made shortly afterwards in the Legislative Assembly,3 Paramount Chief Matanzima thanked the Republican Government for "the generous assistance of the past seven years", calling this Government "our best friend". For some years to come the Transkei would still be part and parcel of South Africa, sharing a common loyalty. But, the Paramount Chief continued, he was bound to express the sentiments and aspirations of his people, which did not always "coincide with those of the electorate in White South Africa". He repeated that the consolidation of the various Bantu homelands was one of the most important and contentious issues still to be resolved in the implementation of separate development. Later, on 14 August,4 Paramount Chief Matanzima totally rejected the establishment in the Transkei of resettlement camps like Sada. If Africans were to be sent back from urban areas, he said, "we must be given more land". His government has insisted I Rand Daily Mail, 14 April. 2 16 April, Hansard 10 cols. 4641-5. 3 Rand Daily Mail, 4 May. ' Star of that date.

VIEWS OF LEADERS IN THE HOMELANDS that, before families are repatriated, accommodation must be available, and employment for the breadwinners. During its session in 1971, the Transkeian Legislative Assembly moved that the South African Government be asked to carry out the policy of separate development "urgently to its logical conclusion".' In the speech made at his party's congress,' the Paramount Chief asked why the Departments of Health, Posts and Telegraphs, Transport, Police, and Defence had not been transferred to his government. This had been requested year after year, in respect of the first four of these departments. The ruling Transkei National Independence Party (in contrast to the Democratic Party) is opposed to the granting of political rights to Whites in an independent Transkei. During June,' Mr. Sydney Dubeni was appointed as the Transkei's chief urban representative in the Republic. He is stationed at Tembisa in the Transvaal. Under him are three assistant urban representatives, stationed at Cape Town, Durban and Bloemfontein respectively. Zululand Chief Gatsha Buthelezi, Chief Executive Officer of the Zululand Territorial Authority, has been pressing urgently, too, for more land. (Certain land has still to be acquired in Zululand by the S.A. Bantu Trust in terms of the Trust and Land Act of 1936, but the situation of this land has not been defined.) The Chief's repeated statements that even this additional land would be insufficient were confirmed during September' by the president of the Natal Agricultural Union, Mr. D. C. Sinclair, who said that the African areas of Natal were "hopelessly overpopulated". The problem in Zululand is exacerbated by the fact that possibly about 400 000 Africans are being affected by the "phasingout" of the labour tenant system on the farms of whites in Natal. Former tenants being evicted from these farms qualify only for a small plot of land in a resettlement village; and if they accept this they have to dispose of their cattle, which are especially precious in the eyes of the Zulu. In an interview with the Sunday Times on 18 April, Chief Buthelezi said, "There is unfolding one of those great human tragedies for which South Africa is becoming well known... Thousands of evicted Zulus are wandering homeless through Northern Natal and Zululand - a great Black trek preferring to keep on the move rather than lose their cattle". The African areas of Zululand are especially fragmented; and black and white farmers alike are anxious to know where the future homeland boundaries will be. (A statement by the Deputy 5 Rand Daily Mail, 30 April. 6 lbid, 14 April. 7 Star, 5 June. 1 Rand Daily Mail, 9 September.

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 Minister of Bantu Administration on the Government's intention to promote the further consolidation of the homelands is mentioned on page 114.) Chief Buthelezi has urged, without success, that Richards Bay should be developed as a seaport for Zululand instead of as an overflow port for Durban. Once again, during 1971, the Zulu Territorial Authority has unanimously pleaded for free and compulsory education, and for the introduction of one of the official languages as the medium of instruction from Standard III onward. The Executive of the Territorial Authority is anxious that urban Zulus should be represented in the future legislative assembly;2 and the Authority has urged that Zulu soldiers and policemen should have the right to carry arms for defensive and protective purposes.' It has pleaded, too, for equal pay for equal work, and for the right to form trade unions. It has attacked the Bantu Investment Corporation, calling for the establishment, instead, of a Zulu Development Corporation. It wants Zulu representation on the Road Transportation Board, in order that more blacks may be licensed to provide transport services for their people. Chief Buthelezi has rejected the Government's policy that most of the Coloured people should eventually be removed from Zululand.4 In the course of a speech made in Soweto during July,' the Chief appealed to the Government to consult with Africans before making laws that affected them. "Even the present policies, in the implementation of which we are co-operating, were formulated for us and not with us", he said. Black men wanted to be recognized as fellow human beings, and to have equal opportunity in the land of their birth and a share in the wealth of South Africa, which they had helped to produce. In an interview given to the Sunday Times on 29 August, Chief Buthelezi said that an independent Zululand would operate initially on a non-party basis, all members of the Assembly having the right to agree or disagree with the Executive. An Opposition would not be created artificially just for the sake of having one; but if an Opposition developed spontaneously, this development would be encouraged. The Chief emphasized that the future independent state would be run on completely non-racial lines. Those whites who were prepared to become citizens of independent Zululand, and to commit themselves to working towards the best future of the 2 Ibid, 19 July. 3 Star, 11 July. 4 Star. 19 June. 5 Various newspapers of 19 July.

VIEWS OF LEADERS IN THE HOMELANDS country, would be regarded as "White Zulus" and accorded full political rights, including the right to stand for the Zulu parliament. The Tswana group During a session of the (then) Tswana Territorial Authority held in Mafeking during March' the Chief Councillor, Chief Lucas Mangope, said that his people should concentrate on developing the nation before asking for the independence they wanted. The Authority had set up a special committee to investigate the economic potential of the Tswana areas and to make recommendations for their development. This committee suggested, inter alia, that apprenticeships in mines in their homeland be extended to Tswanas, and that Tswanas be allowed to buy shares in the mining companies concerned. The committee (like the Zulu Territorial Authority) was critical of the activities of the Bantu Investment Corporation which controlled business undertakings in the homelands and was the only financial institution there with money-lending powers. Tswana businessmen, it was stated, could only lease (and not buy) building and trading sites, and could not get trading licences without the Corporation's approval. The Corporation had established a monopoly over wholesale concerns. The rates of interest it charged on loans were too high; and officials inspecting the businesses of those who had received loans adopted a high-handed attitude. Chief Mangope urged 2 that a Tswana Development Corporation be established, with Tswanas (and not only Whites) serving on the board of directors. The Chief pleaded for equal pay for equal work. Everyone had to pay the same for food and other basic commodities, he pointed out. The Lebowa (N. Sotho) group The Chief Councillor of the (then) Lebowa Territorial Authority, Chief M. M. Matlala, is another leader who has been pressing for more land. Former squatters and labour tenants on farms of whites in parts of the Northern Transvaal are being ejected, and are finding it difficult to obtain plots in overcrowded homeland "locations". The Chief has made representations for a review of influx measures in the towns pending the further economic development of the homelands. He pointed to the hardships caused by the separation of husbands and wives. He, too, has urged that there should be equal pay for equal work.' Ibid, 25, 26, and 27 March. 2 Financial Mail, 30 March. 3 Rand Daily Mail, 21 April and 25 June.

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 Chief Matlala is enthusiastic about the development of selfgovernment, as fast as possible. In the future, he said, his government would support the creation of a federation of black homeland states.4. The Machangana group In a statement made on 15 April,' Professor Hudson W. E. Ntswanwise, Chief Councillor of the (then) Machangana Territorial Authority, said that at the moment there was more on the debit side of separate development than there was on the credit side, but he believed that the position would change, for otherwise he would not be taking an active part in the process. On the debit side he listed "petty apartheid" measures, unequal pay for equal qualifications, and the inferior service that Africans received in government offices and white businesses. On the credit side was an improvement in educational facilities, and the fact that Africans were being given the chance to develop themselves and to participate increasingly in that development. The Machangana people gave the Prime Minister an enthusiastic welcome when he visited their capital, Giyani, during July. Professor Ntswanwise gave strong backing to Mr. Vorster's outward policy in Africa. But he made some forthright demands. His people needed more land, he said. Meanwhile, the repatriation of urban Africans should be stopped. "We must be realistic on this question." The Machangana people numbered about 736 000, of whom only 392 000 were in the homeland, the rest being in the cities. "I do not see how we can possibly resettle these people now. They should stay where they are. We welcome back those who can start businesses, but we know we have nothing very spectacular to offer at present". "Nation-building does not consist in drawing arbitrary lines on a map and calling that the birth of a new nation", Professor Ntswanwise continued. The homeland must be developed, and industries started. He was of the opinion that South Africa would remain one economic unit; and foresaw some form of federation or commonwealth as the end result of the policy of separate development. The Venda group The Prime Minister was warmly welcomed by the , too, when he visited Sibasa, although it was reported' that some of the leading and more educated Africans present appeared to disagree with remarks by the Chief Councillor, Chief Patrick ' Star, 27 July. 5 Various newspapers of the following day. 6 Star, 29 and 30 July. 7 Rand Daily Mail, 29 July.

VIEWS OF LEADERS IN THE HOMELANDS Mpephu, to the effect that his people were satisfied with the pace of the development of their homeland. The Chief is reported to have said, during November, that the Venda people would never again accept a system whereby they were represented in Parliament by white men. The Chief strongly supported separate development; but he, too, asked for more land. Basotho Ba Borwa group Following talks with the Prime Minister during June, the Chief Councillor of the (then) Basotho Ba Borwa Territorial Authority at Witzieshoek, Captain Wessels Mota, said' that his people were strongly in favour of separate development. He welcomed recent improvements in educational facilities and water supplies. Ibid, 30 June.

ATTITUDES OF AFRICANS ELSEWHERE IN THE REPUBLIC NEWSPAPER POLL OF AFRICAN OPINION During November 1970, a pilot survey of the opinions of certain Africans was conducted through the columns of a weekend edition of the World (a newspaper that circulates mainly among Africans). It was based on a questionnaire drawn up by Dr. Dennis Worrall and Mr. E. Bertelsman, both at the time on the staff of the University of South Africa, with the help of seven African university lecturers. The replies received from readers totalled 226. The organizers made it clear that the survey was limited in that it was undertaken among readers who could understand English, and was probably confined to members of the African elite who were politically aware. Mr. F. J. van Wyk, the Director of the Institute of Race Relations, pointed out, however, that these people were probably the opinion-makers of the community. Eighty-eight per cent of the replies expressed the view that there was no goodwill between whites and non-whites in South Africa, and some said they had given up hope of any improvement. If they had a choice, less than a quarter of those who replied would live in South Africa. The United States and Zambia were popular alternate homes. Asked which groups treated Africans most courteously, 45,78 per cent said the English-speaking Whites, 35,34 per cent said Jews, 7,63 per cent said Portuguese, and 6,83 per cent Afrikaners. If they had a vote, 68 per cent would vote for the Progressive Party. 13 per cent for the United Party, and 2 per cent for the National Party. More than 78 per cent said they were better treated in shops than in post offices. Questioned on where the Black man was happiest, Africans placed Zambia first, the United States second, Malawi third, Nigeria fourth, and (a long way behind) Rhodesia fifth and South Africa sixth. SURVEY CONDUCTED AMONG SOWETO MATRICULATION PUPILS On 11 September, the Sunday Times published the results of a survey conducted among matriculation pupils at Soweto, Johannesburg, by a team of carefully selected and trained African social workers under the direction of Mr. M. L. Edelstein, chief welfare officer of the municipal Non-European Affairs Department. Mr. Edelstein's aim was to gain a better understanding of the views of the more educated and articulate youth of the largest concentra-

ATTITUDES OF AFRICANS tion of urban Africans in South Africa, with a view to examining how better race relations could be fostered. His study did not purport to represent the views of Africans throughout the country, he said, but might indicate the feelings of the leaders of tomorrow. A random sample of 200 pupils was selected. Social distance and stereotype tests were conducted to ascertain the attitudes of the pupils to members of different groups. Mr. Edelstein said that any position on the social distance scale further than about 3,5 "begins to show significant hostility". Predictably, the respondents' first preference was for people belonging to other African groups (distances ranging from 1 to 2,3). Then followed English- speaking Whites and Coloured people (at 3,0 on the scale), Indians (at 3,4), Jews (at 3,6), and Afrikaners (at 4,0). Ethnic groups with the highest scores for various traits, in the stereotype tests, were: hardworking-Indians; intelligent-Xhosas; practical, cruel, and domineering- Afrikaners; generous and progressive-; brave-Zulus; self- controlled-Jews; peace-loving-Vendas; conceited-Coloured; backwardShangaans. A number of questions of a political, social, and economic nature were then posed. In an attempt to gauge their feelings about black nationalism, the pupils were asked how they felt about being black: 96,5 per cent said they were proud of it. Mr. Edelstein commented, "This was the largest frequency of positive responses on the questionnaire". Asked about name preferences, however, 64 per cent wanted to be called "Africans", 13 per cent "Blacks", 7,5 per cent "Natives", and 7 per cent "Bantu". An overwhelming majority (88,5 per cent) were in favour of their children being educated through the medium of English: 9,5 per cent chose the vernacular, and 2 per cent Afrikaans. In reply to an "open" question on the type of government preferred, 70 per cent wanted a multi-racial government (they provided this term themselves). More of the pupils (17 per cent) said they would prefer to live in South Africa under a White government than in the homelands under a tribal government (13 per cent). There were 68,7 per cent who stated a preference for a Western rather than a tribal way of life. Answering other questions, 90 per cent wanted more social contact with Whites; 88 per cent thought that Africans should form one nation irrespective of tribal origin and that Soweto should not be divided into tribal areas; and 50 per cent said that, if so offered, they would accept a better job in a homeland than one available in town. The main grievances listed were inadequate political rights (73 per cent); influx control (67 per cent); inadequate income (65,5 per cent); inadequate educational facilities (65 per cent);

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 inadequate employment opportunities (49,5 per cent); inadequate accommodation (42,5 per cent); negative White attitudes (42,5 per cent); and restricted mobility within South Africa (40 per cent). STUDY OF THE "ELITE" OF A WITWATERSRAND AFRICAN TOWNSHIP Widely different findings in regard to the attitudes of Africans to the white Afrikaans- and English-speaking sections were revealed in a book entitled Reeftown Elite, by Mrs. Mia Brandel-Syrier, published during September. It was based on the result of lengthy in-depth contact with the feelings and attitudes of 60 African men who constituted the "elite" of a Witwatersrand African township.9 It is impossible to say whether or not, and to what extent, the differences can be accounted for by the facts that Mr. Edelstein's study was conducted in 1970 and Mrs. Brandel-Syrier's between 1960 and 1962; and that she was concerned with men who had "arrived" and whose average age was 44,3 years, while Mr. Edelstein probed the attitudes of young people who would contribute to the leadership-corps of the future. Mr. Edelstein conceded that the views of his respondents were not necessarily based on clear-cut reactions to actual people; whereas Mrs. Brandel-Syrier made it clear that the views of her "sample" were based on personal experience. The reactions of her respondents, when asked whether they preferred to deal with English-speaking or Afrikaans-speaking South Africans, were: Preference No. Percentage Afrikaner ...... 25 41,67 No preference ...... 10 16,67 English ...... 7 11,67 Do not wish to say ... 6 10,00 Neither ...... 4 6,67 It depends . 3 5,00 Question not asked 5 8,32 60 100,00 A strong awareness was shown of African-Afrikaner affinity formed through a long common history and shared experience in a rural past. The Afrikaner was seen as more open, sincere, and human than his English counter-part, more ready to make excuses and exceptions for human reasons. The English-speaking were considered to be too impersonal and aloof, convinced of their own superiority, hypocritical, bound by rules and procedures, and unwilling to forgive mistakes. The summary that follows is based on a lengthy review in the Star, 25 September.

ATTITUDES OF AFRICANS VIEWS OF OTHER OBSERVERS OF AFRICAN ATTITUDES Dr. Anthony Barker has been superintendent of the Charles Johnson Memorial Hospital in Zululand for 26 years, is fluent in Zulu, and has wide knowledge of and concern for the people. In an address to students of the University of the Witwatersrand on 27 May he talked of the growing surliness of the Africans in his area, and their waning trust in people like himself. Among the reasons for this, he considered, were the lack of opportunity for a decent life and decent aspirations, and the poverty and ill-health-tuberculosis and overt malnutrition. The migrant labour system, he said, resulted in untold misery and loneliness. It destroyed responsibility within grown men when they knew that, however decent they were, they could not alter the lot of their families. It developed the community of the careless, the destroyers, the vandals. Dr. Barker talked, too, of the bitter despair of people who were moved to resettlement areas "where goats find it uphill work to keep alive". Especially in the towns, but increasingly in rural areas too, Africans were dangerously near the extreme point when frustration surpassed hope in any sort of future, when sense failed before anger, Dr. Barker said. Mr. Lawrence Schlemmer, Senior Research Fellow of the Institute for Social Research of the University of Natal, contributed an essay on "Factors Underlying Apartheid" to the Spro-Cas publication Anatomy of Apartheid, published at the end of 1970. In this he said that, when attempting to understand the prevailing political incapacity of blacks, one had to look beyond "obvious and important factors" like the destruction of the previous black leadership, fear of official reprisals, the presence of a network of police informers, and the general ability of whites to put pressure on blacks to conform. His lack of privilege and low status weakened the morals of the black man, Mr. Schlemmer said, diminishing his confidence in his dealings with whites, and causing him to feel inferior. At the end of his term of office as Mayor of Johannesburg, early in 1971, Mr. Sam Moss talked of the feeling of frustration and desperation that was building up in the municipal African townships of Soweto. The Director of the Institute of Race Relations, Mr. F. J. van Wyk, has drawn attention1 to the "explosive discontent" building up among urban Africans-"a simmering anger, which has not yet been recognized by the Government, or if it has been, is being ignored". On 13 September, Chief Gatsha Buthelezi addressed a meeting of more than 600 students of the University of Stellenbosch. He 1 e.g. Rand Daily Mail, 16 March.

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 told them2 that he was very worried about the growing antagonism of urban blacks. "As long as their future is insecure and uncertain, our whole future is insecure and uncertain", the Chief said. BLACK CONSCIOUSNESS South African Students' Organization The emergence of the (black) South African Students' Organization (Saso) was described on page 245 of last year's Survey. In various speeches made in 19711 the current president of Saso, Mr. Barney Pityana, said that blacks must stand on their own feet, and reject all value systems that made them foreigners in the land of their birth and reduced them from common humanity. They must build themselves to a position of nondependence on whites, so helping themselves towards a deeper realization of their potential and worth as self-respecting people. "This is not the same as separate development, which dictates to us what we should have. We envisage a situation where we ourselves can make demands". There was no close parallel with the Black Power movement in the United States, Mr. Pityana said. Members of this movement were working for a practical implementation of constitutionallyguaranteed rights. In South Africa, racism was institutionalized as a way of life. There was nothing for blacks to aspire to in the constitutional situation. All they could do was to start doing things for themselves. In the past, Mr. Pityana added, leaders of the black community had made an error of judgment in trying to talk as people and to work in terms of the situation. Modern leaders must talk as self-reliant blacks. Saso organized various congresses and seminars during the year. One, on "The Black Consciousness Revival", was held at the University of the North during May. Professor E. P. Lekhela (of the staff of this university) is reported' to have said that black universities must not only preserve their loyality to the universal standards of Western traditions, but they must also discover and proclaim a loyalty to the indigenous values of black society. Another speaker urged the students to dissociate themselves from white-led churches. Saso has rejected white liberals. Some members feel that the attempts of liberals have been directed merely at relaxing oppressive legislation and allowing blacks into a "white-type" society. At a conference convened by the Abe Bailey Institute of InterRacial Studies (described later), the immediate past-president of Ibid, 14 September. e.g. Rand Daily Mail, 25 January; Star, 8 April. 2 Rand Daily Mail. 14 May.

BLACK CONSCIOUSNESS Saso, Mr. Steve Biko, said that total identification with an oppressed group, in a system that forced one group to enjoy privilege and to live on the sweat of another, was impossible. As mentioned in a subsequent chapter, Saso debarred whites from attending all except the public sessions of its annual congress, held in July. It sent no delegates to the Nusas congress. The National Catholic Federation of Students held a congress at Eston, near , early in July, on the theme "Christians and Social Change". For the first time in 23 years, no non-whites were present. Four previously-affiliated non-white societies had resigned shortly beforehand, considering that their main responsibility was to their own communities.' Black Theology In an article contributed to, The Black Sash in June, Dr. Basil Moore of the University Christian Movement pointed out that theologians are also particular historical beings, and bring their own particularities with them as they grapple with the prime sources of the Christian faith and attempt to interpret the significance of these for their time. Studies had been made of "British Theology", "German Theology", "American Theology", etc., and of particular periods of theological history in these countries. In recent years there had been the emergence of the "Theology of Liberation" of Latin America, the "Black Theology" of the United States and Africa, and the "Theology of Women". "Black Theology", he said, can best be described as a theological study of disinheritance and liberation, from the perspective of people who are oppressed because of their colour. Black men are trying to interpret the significance of the Christian sources and of the working of God in their own situation. It was tragic, Dr. Moore said, that so much of theological understanding in Africa had been shaped by men whose existential situation was that they were of the ruling, oppressing, colonising elite. Jesus appeared to be the one making vain appeals to the rich to relieve the burdens of the poor, and hardly at all as one standing alongside the poor, encouraging them to stake their rightful claims. Even black ministers, trained in white-staffed seminaries, failed largely to relate the Gospel to the situation of the black people in the pews. Blacks often regarded Christianity as a religious agent of colonization, serving to enable them to accept their disinheritance, Dr. Moore said. Discussing black theology elsewhere in Africa, Edward B. Fiske said,' "For most African theologians the starting point for 3 Ibid, 3 July. 4 Star, 31 March.

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 the developing of indigenous theologies has been the study of traditional tribal religions, and the discovery that many of them are not as antithetical to Christianity as most missionaries and African church leaders have supposed". At the gathering of Roman Catholic priests at Hammanskraal (near Pretoria) during August,5 Father Nicholas Lamla said, "We have accepted Christ, Who has been brought by the white man. But we do not accept what the white man says about Christ. We are going to find this out for ourselves, what Christ has to say to us." Chief Gatsha Buthelezi has pointed out' that the black man in South Africa finds it increasingly difficult to reconcile the theory of Christian brotherhood with the discriminatory practices of the majority of whites. During March, the University Christian Movement organized a conference at the Wilgespruit Fellowship Centre, near Roodepoort, to discuss black theology. No whites were invited-the participants were black priests, ministers, and theological students. Discussions were based on the question, "In terms of our own experience as blacks in South Africa, to what extent is Jesus Christ identified with the plight of the black oppressed masses in South Africa today?" Speakers criticized missionaries for breaking down traditional African society, and for imposing Western music, architecture, and religious symbolism in worship. The hypocrisy of white Christians in multi-racial churches was condemned. Many considered that the liturgies of white-dominated churches did not meet the needs of blacks. In a diocesan newsletter7 the Anglican clergyman, Bishop A. H. Zulu, who had attended the discussions, said that their purpose "is the grandest thing so far which has come from young concerned Christians. They are shocked by the drift from the Church of young educated blacks, especially in the cities. They find the reason for this withdrawal a challenge to Christian leaders to demonstrate the relevance of Jesus Christ for black persons in apartheid and discriminating South Africa. They want black theologians to reply to the charge that Jesus is Lord and Saviour of the white people only." During 1971, the Inter-Denominational African Ministers' Association decided no longer to have any white ministers on its executive committee. The activities and membership of the S.A. Council of Churches and the Christian Institute of are described in the next chapter of this Survey. 5 Rand Daily Mail, 28 August. 6 Star, 29 June. I Quoted in the issue of Kalros for May.

BLACK CONSCIOUSNESS Other manifestations of Black consciousness Some (a minority) of the members of the Association for the Educational and Cultural Advancement of the African People were opposed to the acceptance of a grant offered to this Association by the American Polaroid Corporation, on the ground that the money offered, though American, was white.' One of those who held this opinion was Mr. David Thebehali, a Johannesburg Urban Bantu Councillor. At a meeting convened by the Institute of Race Relations in July, Mr. Thebehali said that blacks were looking for an identity which had become lost when the white man came. They were seeking to overcome a feeling of psychological inferiority that had been induced by the whites, and to stand on their own feet, working for self-help, selfreliance, and self-determination. White liberals had no place in this process, Mr. Thebehali continued. Their function was to educate members of the white community. In August, the Interdenominational African Ministers' Association sponsored a conference at Edendale, near Pietermaritzburg, attended by about 100 delegates representing 26 African welfare, religious, educational, sporting, and student bodies from many parts of the country. Among a large number of resolutions passed was one to the effect that, although political strategy could not be confined to any one cut-and-dried pattern, it must be based on black solidarity. Blacks were urged to support their own businessmen, and to assist self-help educational and cultural projects. It was considered that the Church should engage itself actively in the economic upliftment of blacks. Many of the resolutions dealt with the advancement of education: inter alia, the conference deplored sections of the Bantu Education Department's syllabus for social studies which "indoctrinated African children into blind acceptance of the policy of separate development." Plans were made to set up a confederate organization to promote black educational, economic, political, and ecumenical development.' The Valley Trust in Natal reports"0 that, because of the increase in frustration, anxiety, and insecurity, the number of "diviners" (Isangoma) has increased in recent years. Their activities, it was stated, are to a degree responsible for the survival of many taboos and of conceptions of disease which negate much of the work of orthodox medical services and educationalists. A similar phenomenon was reported by an observer in the Eastern Transvaal who said that Africans were increasingly turning to "witch-doctors" rather than visiting medical clinics. ' Star, 1 May. ' Rand Daly Mali, 16 August. " In Focus II. published in August by the S.A. Council of Churches.

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 At a conference of the Society of University Teachers of Law, Professor R. ver Loren van Themaat said that the traditional African marriage was gaining increasing recognition.1 11 Star, 23 July.

ORGANIZATIONS CONCERNED WITH RACE RELATIONS THE CHURCHES South African Council of Churches, and the Christian Institute of Southern Africa During August, the Rev. August W. Habelgaarn, president of the Federation of the Evangelical Lutheran Churches of Southern Africa, was elected president of the South African Council of Churches. It was the first time that this position had not been held by a White churchman (Mr. Habelgaarn's racial grouping is Coloured). The Council has commenced publishing a new periodical entitled In Focus. In his report to its 1971 national conference, the Council's general secretary analysed the individual membership of memberand observer-churches, as follows: Percentage membership Member-churches Observer-churches African ...... 72 78 White ...... 15 10 Coloured ... 13 12 Since then, the percentage of African members has grown, for in August the Council accepted an application for full membership from the African Independent Churches' Association, which represents 358 out of some 3 000 of the African Independent Churches. (As mentioned in previous issues of this Survey, the Christian Institute helped in the creation of this association and, at the request of churches concerned, organized theological training for their ministers.) At the national conference the Anglican Archbishop of Cape Town, the Most Rev. R. Selby-Taylor, said that the time had passed when it was enough for the S.A. Council of Churches to pass resolutions condemning racial prejudice and social injustice. "We must take positive action", he continued, "which will make it abundantly clear that we are not prepared to accept inequalities based on race". Mr. Habelgaarn described the Council's "programme for justice and reconciliation". The "black theology" discussions have been mentioned in a previous chapter. Describing the proceedings of two seminars, Mr. Sabelo Ntwasa, the travelling secretary of the University Christian Movement, said, inter alia,1 that many participants had I Star, 24 June.

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 wondered what future there was for them in the "white-dominated" churches. A small minority thought that black people should leave and form their own, non- sectarian, church. The main view, however, was that it was still possible for blacks to make their presence felt in the established churches. For some, this meant eventual black domination by sheer weight of numbers; but the general feeling was that the final goal was a "non-racial" church. The Director of the Christian Institute, the Rev. C. F. Beyers Naud6, warned in his annual report that unless all churches and religious bodies opposing South Africa's racial policies embarked on extensive educational and action programmes, challenging and changing race attitudes, there would be increasing withdrawal of African church membership, and a movement of black solidarity which could lead to splits along racial lines in a number of major denominations. The Rev. Brian Stumbles, incoming Moderator of the Presbyterian Church, said at the church's general assembly2 that, because of the black-white dichotomy, there was a growing lack of confidence in the church among non-whites at a time when Communism and Islam were proving themselves to be unifiers in Africa. A Church Unity Commission has been meeting at intervals over some years to lay the groundwork for a possible future union of the Anglican, Methodist, Congregational, and Presbyterian Churches. A spokesman said in May3 that, at a recent meeting, there had been much discussion of the liturgical needs of African members. An expert from an African separatist church had been invited to address the commission on this subject. Although the idea of officially segregated churches was strongly opposed, a pattern of "diversity in unity" might emerge, different congregations deciding to worship in different ways, it was stated. The Evangelical Lutheran Church has elected its second African Bishop, the Rt. Rev. Paulus B. Mhlungu, in the diocese of Natal and Swaziland. (The Rt. Rev. E. P. Rapoo was previously appointed to the Tswanaland area.) In October, the Rev. J. Thorne of Paarl became the first Coloured man to be elected to a full-time executive position in the United Congregational Church, becoming its associate general secretary. For several years, non-white churchmen have been chairmen of this Church, which has about 50 per cent Coloured, 40 per cent African, and 10 per cent White membership. The Anglican Church has become co-publisher, with the Roman Catholic Church, of the Afrikaans-medium periodical Die Brug,4 commenced by the latter church. During August, churches associated with the S.A. Council of 2 Ibid, 16 September. Ibid, 29 May, 24 June. " "The Bridge".

THE CHURCHES Churches organized a Week of Compassion to assist the work of Inter-Church Aid (described in a subsequent chapter) in resettlement villages and other depressed areas. A national day of prayer was held for people who had been arbitrarily restricted without recourse to courts of law. The Christian Institute has been given notice to vacate offices it has rented in Johannesburg for eight years. It transpired that the reason was that other tenants of the building had complained that non-white employees and visitors had used "white" toilet facilities. Contingency plans for a combined office and ecumenical centre are now being put into effect. Spro-cas The Study Project on Christianity in Apartheid Society (SproCas for short), which is sponsored jointly by the Christian Institute and the S.A. Council of Churches, is on the way to the completion of its first project, which arose from the "Message to the People of South Africa".' Following many meetings and discussions, experts in various fields have contributed papers suggesting peaceful ways of bringing about a just and Christian society in South Africa. At the time of writing, the following publications have been issued, including some of these papers: No. 1 Anatomy of Apartheid No. 2 South African Minorities No. 3 Directions of Change in South African Politics No. 4 Some Implications of Inequality No. 5 Education Beyond Apartheid A second programme is now being undertaken, involving the setting up of action groups in various fields, which will work to bring about changes based on the findings of the first programme. Relations between Church and State Particularly in recent years, various Church leaders have expressed their fears that a conflict was developing between Church and State. This was denied by the Prime Minister at a Press conference on 30 January. As mentioned in last year's Survey, the Minister of the Interior said during September 1970 that, after a period of four years' temporary residence in South Africa, clergymen or ministers from overseas might submit applications for permanent residence. After five years of approved permanent residence they might apply for naturalization. During the past few years, a number of church workers from overseas have been refused permits for continued temporary residence (application has to be made annually), or permits for permanent residence, or have been served with deportation orders. 5 See 1968 Survey, page 21.

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 The Prime Minister said on 30 January that there were about 1 440 foreign religious workers in South Africa. During the past ten years, action had been taken against only 25 of them. Regardless of people's occupation, he emphasized, action would be taken if the Government considered that they were endangering the safety of the State. Further church workers have been required to leave South Africa during 1971, for example: (a) the Rev. Marcus Braun, a German Lutheran pastor; (b) Father J. L. Casimir Paulsen, a Roman Catholic priest from the United States; (c) the Rev. Colin Davidson, an Anglican priest who worked for the Christian Institute; (d) three American mission workers in Natal, Mr. and Mrs. Reed Kramer and Mr. Gus Kious; (e) Father Richard Llewellin of the Anglican Church in Johannesburg; (f) Mr. and Mrs. Howard Trumbull of the United Congregational Church in Durban; (g) Father Wilfred Jackson, a Franciscan priest who distributed food and clothing to destitute Africans at Limehill; (h) Mr. David Walker, warden of the Bishop's Hostel in Kimberley. It was mentioned last year that the Christian Institute had published The Discarded People by Father Cosmas Desmond, O.F.M., in which a highly disturbing account was given of conditions in about 60 resettlement villages which he had visited in the Reserves. During June, Father Desmond was served with a very severe set of banning orders, including house arrest at night and during week-ends. He may have no visitors at home, and when outside, may see only one person at a time. His book had to be withdrawn from circulation. Other research workers for the Christian Institute, Mr. Mark Collier and the Rev. Basil Moore, have had their passports seized, while the passport of Father Dale White has been restricted: he is an Anglican priest in charge of the Wilgespruit Fellowship Centre near Roodepoort. Several church workers from overseas countries have been refused re-entry permits after visits to their homes. The Rev. Beyers Naudd said in his annual report on the work of the Christian Institute' that this organization, its staff, and many members as individuals had been subjected to constant pressures, harassment, and intimidation. It was clear, in spite of the denial by the Prime Minister and others, that if the churches and Christian bodies in South Africa were to affirm and implement their Christian I Star, 28 August.

THE CHURCHES beliefs on crucial issues, a direct confrontation with the State was inevitable. The Anglican Archbishop of Cape Town, the Most Rev. R. Selby-Taylor, made it clear' that he regarded Government moves against individual clergymen, for actions taken as prompted by their Christian consciences, as attacks on the Church itself. It was stated by the executive committee of the Congregational Church' that five major churches had apparently become the target of a policy of deliberate intimidation. At a meeting held on 13 November, a standing committee of the (Anglican) Church of the Province resolved to ask the Archbishop to appoint a committee to devise ways of supporting people who were "despised, rejected, and ostracised by those around them. or even banned, restricted, and imprisoned by the authorities", because, in obedience to the demands of the Gospel, they had identified themselves with the poor and rejected. This resolution was welcomed by the president of the Methodist Church, the Roman Catholic Archbishop of Durban, the chairman of the United Congregational Church, the director of the Christian Institute, the Chief Minister of the United Progressive Jewish Congregation in Johannesburg, and the vice- president of the Muslim Judicial Council in Cape Town. Events resulting from decisions by the World Council of Churches It was mentioned in last year's Survey' that the executive committee of the World Council of Churches had decided to make grants totalling about R142 800, from a special fund that had been set up to combat racism, to 19 groups, including movements-inexile and freedom fighters. Each group, it was stated, had given an assurance that the money would not be used for military purposes, but for activities in harmony with the purpose of the World Council of Churches. The South African Council of Churches, the Christian Institute, and individual churches in the Republic dissociated themselves most strongly from this decision (in which they had played no part), and issued unequivocal statements rejecting violence as a morally acceptable means of effecting change. The decision made by the executive committee was endorsed, during January, by the Central Committee of the World Council of Churches by 84 votes to nil with 3 abstentions.0 This committee published a programme to combat racism in all countries, which was commended to member-churches. An appeal was made for donations to the special fund set up for this purpose. An invitation by South African churches for joint consultations was welcomed. 7 Rand Daily Mail, 10 March. 8 Ibld, 4 March. 9 Pages 15 et seq. 10 Star, 18 January.

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 At a subsequent meeting, held in March, the World Council of Churches resolved, inter alia, to investigate investments by international companies and banks operating in any country practising white racism; to oppose the sale of arms and to discourage immigration and tourism to such countries; to press for the extension of prisoner-of-war status to political prisoners; and to urge Unesco to sever relations with any non-governmental organization that practised racial discrimination or co-operated in any way with the South African Government in its policy of apartheid. On 22 February, a delegation from the S.A. Council of Churches was granted an interview with the Prime Minister. He disclosed, later, that he had agreed to allow a deputation of the World Council of Churches to visit South Africa "to give the S.A. Council of Churches an opportunity to confront the World Council with the abhorrence of its decision" (to aid groups of freedom fighters) and then to discuss with South African memberchurches their future relationships with the world body. The World Council of Churches announced in April1 that it had received a formal invitation from South Africa to send a delegation there for joint talks. It insisted on its right to send a multi-racial delegation. The S.A. Council of Churches appointed a 25-man delegation, including eleven non-white churchmen. It was to be headed by the Anglican Bishop Alpheus Zulu. During June, however, the Prime Minister announced2 he had suggested that the agenda should be: "The grants made by the World Council of Churches to terrorists in Southern Africa and the reactions of the South African member- churches in terms of their respective resolutions against this abhorrent decision". He would not allow visiting delegates to go further than the international hotel at Jan Smuts Airport, nor to stay longer than the actual duration of the confrontation. The secretary-general of the World Council of Churches replied that these conditions were totally unacceptable. The World Council of Churches, it was stated,13 would be prepared, instead, to hold joint discussions outside South Africa. Leaders of South African member-churches, too, found the new conditions for the proposed meeting to be unacceptable. It was stated1" that "member-churches in South Africa and the World Council of Churches are at one in their deep concern about eradicating the evils of racism. However, there is division on the methods selected to overcome racism". In the circumstances dialogue was necessary and would be useful. It was announced during September5 that the World Council " Star, 3 April; Rand Daily Mail, 26 May. ' Rand Daily Mail. 15 June. l' Ibid, 25 June. 14 Race Relations News, August. 15 Rand Daily Mail, 10 and 13 September.

ORGANIZATIONS CONCERNED WITH RACE RELATIONS 53 of Churches had voted another R91 000 to combat racism and to support liberation groups. As before, the money was to be used for humanitarian, not military, purposes. Again, the S.A. Council of Churches dissociated itself from this decision. Early in September, the Prime Minister received another delegation from the S.A. Council of Churches. He announced afterwards16 that he had said he was now not prepared to allow a delegation from the World Council of Churches to come to South Africa under any conditions. He would, however, not stand in the way of a meeting held outside the country. He had told the churchmen that, should member-churches in South Africa retain their membership of the World Council of Churches, the Government would not allow any affiliation fees or other funds to be sent. He was prepared, he said, to meet the churchmen again at any time. Money from the World Council is, apparently, still being allowed into South Africa for humanitarian purposes. THE S.A. INSTITUTE OF RACE RELATIONS At the opening of the annual Council meeting of the S.A. Institute of Race Relations, held in Cape Town during January, Professor S. T. van der Horst gave her presidential address, entitled Progress and Retrogression in South Africa: A Personal Appraisal.' The Council meeting was followed by a national conference on the theme "Education for Progress, with Special Reference to the Needs of the Coloured Community". The main papers delivered were: Opening address, by Dr. E. G. Malherbe; "Educational Priorities for the Last Quarter of the Twentieth Century", by Mr. M. C. O'Dowd; "Socio-Economic Status of the Coloured Community, and Implications for Education", by Professor S. P. Cilliers; "Present Facilities and Future Plans", by Mr. L. V. Mohr, Director of Coloured Education. The proceedings and findings of the conference, as compiled by Professor Hansi Pollak, were published under the title Education for Progress. Professor A. S. Mathews gave the annual Hoernl6 Memorial Lecture, entitled Freedom and State Security in the South African Plural Society. During June, the Institute convened consultations at the Wilgesprujt Fellowship Centre on the theme "Towards Social Change in South Africa". Representatives of 23 organizations working in the fields of leadership, community organization, and 16 Ibid, 17 September. This and the other addresses mentioned have been published by the Institute of Race Relations.

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 group awareness met to exchange information about the work they were doing and to discuss potential areas for constructive change. At the time of the tenth anniversary of the establishment of the Republic of South Africa, the Institute arranged for a series of articles to be published in the Star under the general heading of "While you celebrate, consider . . .". These articles were: "The Tasks ahead", by Dr. E. G. Malherbe; "African Point of View", by Dr. W. F. Nkomo; "Civil Liberty under the Republic", by Professor C. J. R. Dugard; "The Next Decade: Perspectives and Priorities", by Mr. Lawrence Schlemmer. The head office and regional offices of the Institute have arranged a large number of talks and symposia, for example on "African Viewpoint", "The Changing R61e of Women in a Modern World", "Meeting the Other Three Quarters", and other topics. Special programmes on prejudice and human relations were arranged for university and college students and for senior school pupils. The Institute continues to subsidize certain studies by research workers at various universities on subjects related to race relations, and to publish books and articles by authorities in various fields. New regional offices have been opened in Port Elizabeth and East London (in addition to previously-existing offices in Johannesburg, Cape Town, and Durban). Other work of the Institute is mentioned in relevant chapters of this Survey. THE S.A. BUREAU OF RACIAL AFFAIRS During the school vacations, Sabra again convened congresses for high school pupils, in various parts of the country, on the task of young people in regard to the policy of separate development. In reply to a question in the Assembly on 23 February2, the Minister of National Education said that his department had assisted by making an ad hoc grant of R2 400. It was reported' that at a congress held in Robertson in the Western Cape there were considerable differences of opinion between youths from that area and from the Transvaal. The views of the chairman of Sabra, Professor Gerrit van N. Viljoen, on the subject of a separate homeland for the Coloured people have been described in an earlier chapter. On 12 September Sabra's Director, Dr. C. J. Jooste, issued a Press statement in which he said that the organization fully supported the standpoint of the Prime Minister that "the Coloureds, in spite of a certain measure of heterogeneity, are a nation in 2 Hansard 4 col. 290. 3 Star, 15 April.

ORGANIZATIONS CONCERNED WITH RACE RELATIONS 55 their own right". It also supported the Government's rejection of integration "as a possible end-point in the process of parallel development." Sabra had urged that a large-scale programme of development for the Coloured people be undertaken by the Government, Dr. Jooste said, planned in such a way that areas set aside for them would form a "purposeful basis" for separate development. They should not be allowed to scatter over South Africa. But this suggestion should not be interpreted as favouring the homeland concept. A few days later, Sabra announced' that it was basically wrong to regard urban Africans in White areas as an integral and permanent part of the community. THE ABE BAILEY INSTITUTE OF INTER-RACIAL STUDIES Professor H. W. van der Merwe, director of the Abe Bailey Institute of Inter-racial Studies, told the Cape Times on 5 February that, over the past two years, a series of seminars had been held at his offices and his home, attended by academic personnel from the three universities in the Western Cape. As one outcome, an inter-university research workshop was convened during January. Student-leaders from the Afrikaanse Studentebond, the National Union of S.A. Students, the National Federation of S.A. Students, and the (Black) S.A. Students' Organization, together with a number of university academics, attended, all in their private capacities. Professor Van der Merwe said, afterwards, that considerable conflict of interests had been expressed during the frank discussions of inter-personal relationships in various fields. There was little common ground and even less willingness to compromise between the Afrikaans students and the Blacks. Nevertheless, the discussions had been of value in the frank discussions of the ideals and aspirations of all groups, enabling each to clarify its position. Whites gained an insight into the state of intelligent Black opinion. The proceedings were published in the book Student Activism in South Africa: Its Origins and Growth. Professor Van der Merwe, together with Mrs. N. C. J. Charton and Mr. M. J. Ashley of Rhodes University, have completed A Study of White South African Elites. One of the findings is reported to be that the elite of both language groups showed a' readiness to make important social adjustments, but, because of their vested political and economic interests, acceptable social change would not be of any very revolutionary nature. Another study being undertaken under the Institute's sponsorship is entitled Some Sources of Differentiation Among . t Star, 17 September.

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 THE BLACK SASH The Black Sash has prepared, and distributed widely, a ninepoint Charter for Women. The national president, Mrs. Jean Sinclair, described the clauses as being "fundamental to the normal life of any woman", but "for the most part, denied to African women". The Charter was incorporated in a petition which was presented to Parliament, on behalf of the Black Sash, by Mrs. Helen Suzman, M.P., during February. The petition contained an account of the difficulties which beset African women in their daily lives. Further material on this subject was incorporated in a booklet entitled Who Cares? A further edition has been published of the "Memorandum on the Pass Laws". One of the monthly issues of the periodical Sash contained an article by Mrs. Leo Marquard on inter-racial contacts that are still permissible by law. (This article was published, too, in Pro Veritate, the journal of the Christian Institute.) Mrs. Sinclair's presidential address, given at a national conference of the organization in February, was entitled "Outward Bounty and Inward Baasskap". In her summing-up she said, "Our rulers must accept that if they are gambling with civilisation, and that survival is their motive for this oppression, the sooner they reverse their policy and put into practice a policy of social justice and decency, the sooner will South Africa be accepted in the world community, and our chances of survival will be increased". The work of the Advice Offices run by the Black Sash in Johannesburg and (in co-operation with the Institute of Race Relations) in Cape Town is described in a subsequent chapter. During 1971, the Sash organized further silent protest demonstrations in various centres, for example against detention without trial, action taken by the Government against churchmen, the pass laws, and conditions in resettlement villages. (The lastmentioned was preceded by a 24-hour fast by the participants.) VOLUNTARY SERVICES Teams of surgical and medical specialists, anaesthetists, theatre sisters, physiotherapists and others have continued to fly to Swaziland and Lesotho at weekends, offering their services free of charge in carrying out operations, and advising local doctors in complicated cases. Mr. Harry Oppenheimer assists with arrangements for the former scheme, and Dr. Anton Rupert with the latter. An anonymous donor has made it possible for those working in Swaziland to start issuing free spectacles to Swazi school children who need them. Similar teams have assisted at mission hospitals in the Republic that have been particularly short-staffed, for example St. Michael's near Kuruman.

ORGANIZATIONS CONCERNED WITH RACE RELATIONS 57 The South African Government paid the expenses of medical teams that have visited Malawi. Students of various universities, enrolled in the S.A. Voluntary Service, have spent vacations building, extending, or repairing schools and clinics for Africans in Swaziland, Lesotho, Botswana, and in farming areas of the Republic. They have helped to provide a water system, housing, and workshops for Bushmen in the Kalahari region of Botswana. The National Council of Women of S.A. is extending its concern with the rights and interests of all , in various fields of need. Where necessary, representations are made to governmental and other officials. Close liaison is maintained with Coloured women's groups and with the National Council of African Women. Assistance has been given with the establishment of home industries in resettlement villages in the African homelands. MULTI-RACIAL TALKS AND SYMPOSIA It was reported in September5 that an inter-racial and interparty political study group called Synthesis had been meeting at intervals since the end of 1970. It consists of powerful and influential leaders of each of the four main racial groups, and provides machinery to enable these men to exchange views frankly in private discussion. During January, private persons organized a multi-racial summer school at the Gandhi Phoenix Settlement in Natal. In the mornings the participants laid out playing fields for children, while in the afternoons there were talks and discussions to further mutual understanding. The United States - South Africa Leadership Exchange Program organized a week-long interracial and international symposium on race relations in Southern Africa, which was held at the international hotel at Jan Smuts Airport during July, under the chairmanship of Mr. Dawid P. de Villiers. It was attended by Negroes and Whites from the United States, people from all of South Africa's racial groups, and guests from Lesotho and Swaziland. The discussions were held in private and no official report of the proceedings was issued; but Mr. De Villiers said afterwards' that the symposium had been a great success in furthering understanding. People who came together with fixed and stereotyped ideas had been able to level out and find a common basis for frank discussion. On 25 August, Chief Gatsha Buthelezi suggested that a national convention be arranged of the leaders of all the racial groups in South Africa, in order to discuss a modus vivendi for : Sunday Times, 12 September. 6 Sunday Times, 18 July.

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 the people of the country. This suggestion was warmly endorsed by Mr. Sonny Leon, leader of the (Coloured) Labour Party, and by Mr. A. M. Rajab, chairman of the executive of the South African Indian Council. It was supported, too, by certain leading members of the Progressive and the United Parties. The Minister of Bantu Administration and Development commented7 that such a convention was totally unnecessary. The National Party, he said, knew precisely what path to take for the future: it was not in search of a policy. In the course of a speech at the University of Potchefstroom a few days later, the Prime Minister said that a convention would contribute nothing positive to solving the country's problems. Mr. Sonny Leon then suggested that, if the Government rejected the idea of a national convention, a summit meeting of non-white leaders should be held instead. Asked for his views, Chief Buthelezi said that such a conference would "not accomplish much by itself, but it would cement non-white solidarity". At its annual meetings, held in Durban during September, the Trade Union Council of S.A. unanimously supported a motion calling for a top-level multiracial convention. This motion was introduced by two prominent leaders of affiliated non-white unions, Messrs. Edgar Dean and J. L. Rampono. It was announced, a few days later, that the Labour Party proposed taking the initiative in arranging a national multi-racial convention. Rand Daily Mail, 26 August.

THE POPULATION OF SOUTH AFRICA SIZE AND DISTRIBUTION OF THE POPULATION On 10 August, the Department of Statistics issued a news release giving revised figures for the size of the population at the date of the last census, on 6 May 1970. These differ considerably from the provisional figures quoted on page 24 of last year's Survey. Calculating from the latest statistics, the population, and its de facto distribution, was: Bantu White areas homelands Total Whites ... 3 730 951 20377 3 751 328 Coloured... 2005325 13128 2018453 Asians ... 616995 3441 620436 Africans ... 8060773 6997179 15057952 Total ...... 14414044 7034125 21448169 African migrant workers, from South African homelands and from other countries, are included in the total for White areas. Their numbers are not known. The number and percentages of the different groups in "white" urban areas were: Number Percentage Whites ...... 3 257 805 86,84 Coloured ... 1494490 74,04 Asians ...... 538 536 86,80 Africans ... 4989371 33,13 Totals ...... 10280202 47,93 It would appear that the total given for the homelands might be regarded as somewhat misleading, for large African towns situated just within the homeland boundaries, but adjoining "White" cities, are included in the homelands for census purposes. In fact, very many of the workers resident in these towns spend all their working hours in the "white" areas. Thousands of Africans who previously lived in municipal townships, and were then enumerated as residents of white areas, have in recent years been resettled in such new African towns. No statistics are available; but further information on the matter is given in the chapter of this Survey dealing with African housing. It is impossible to determine, from available information, whether or not the people living

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 in these towns, and enumerated as "homeland" residents, outnumber the migrants from homeland areas of the Republic who were enumerated in White areas. The distribution of members of the various ethnic groups was given as follows: Xhosa Zulu ...... Swazi ...... Pedi ...... N. Ndebele S. Ndebele Tswana ... Shoeshoe ... Shangaan ... Venda ... Other ...... Within the homelands 2206 182 2134951 112020 1 001 188 70008 55 249 610529 144005 392910 251 235 18902 Outside the homelands 1 723 905 1 891 107 386696 602 666 111 740 177772 1108 838 1 307 785 344 259 106684 299321 Total in the Republic 3930087 4026058 498 716 1 603 854 181 748 233021 1719367 1 451 790 737 169 357919 318 223 Totals ...... 6997179 8060773 15057952 Not all of those residing in the homelands were, however, living in the areas allocated to members of their own ethnic groups. The percentage age distribution of White, Coloured, and Asian groups was given in a Department of Statistics news release dated 18 August. A summary is: Under 20 years ... 20 to 64 years ... Over 65 years ... Whites 39,98 53,34 6,68 Percentage of total: Coloured Asians 56,33 52,21 40,63 45,96 3,04 1,83 POPULATION REGISTRATION In reply to a question in the Assembly on 10 February,' the Minister of the Interior said that during 1970, seven persons were reclassified from Coloured to Bantu as a result of action initiated by Departmental officials. The following reclassifications were made as a result of appeals or objections lodged by the person concerned or his guardian: Reclassification made by White to Coloured Reclassified from: S Coloured ( to White Departmental officials ... 22 23 Race Classification Boards 1 4 The number of appeals that failed was not stated. 1 Hansard 2 col. 133. Bantu to Coloured 14 29

POPULATION REGISTRATION Cases of difficulty and hardship are still reported. Children of the same family may be differently classified. There is, for example, a man in Cape Town who cannot live with his mother and sisters because he is classified as Malay, and the others as Indians.' Mr. E. G. Rooks of the Coloured Persons' Representative Council has given details' of several Coloured families known to him of which some members are classified "Cape Coloured" and the rest "Other Coloured". An African woman was legally married to a Coloured man in a township near Parow, and went to live with him. Their six children are regarded as Coloured. But her husband intends divorcing her. She is likely to be sent back to her former home in an African area near Molteno, but it is uncertain whether her children will qualify to live there.' REGULATIONS UNDER THE BANTU HOMELANDS CITIZENSHIP ACT OF 1970 On 8 and 15 October, Citizenship Regulations were gazetted, applicable in respect of all citizens of the areas for which the Ciskeian, Machangana, Lebowa, Tswana, and Venda Legislative Assemblies have been established. They stated that certificates of citizenship will be issued by the administrative heads of the Departments of Community Affairs of these Assemblies. These officials may make arrangements with the Secretary for Bantu Administration and Development for the processing, printing and issuing of the certificates. Citizens of these homelands may make application for the certificates to their homeland governments, or to the representatives of these governments in urban areas, or to a Bantu Affairs Commissioner. No mention was made of penalties for those who fail to apply. CHARGES UNDER THE IMMORALITY ACT Questioned in the Assembly on 8 February,5 the Minister of Justice gave the following statistics in regard to charges and convictions under the Immorality Act during the period 1 July 1969 to 30 June 1970: Charged Convicted Men Women Men Women White ...... 543 18 284 7 Coloured ... 8 208 3 87 Asian ...... 8 7 3 4 African ... 12 216 4 123 2 Star. 26 March. 3 Rand Daily Mail, 29 January. ' Star, 21 August. 5 Hansard 2 col. 83.

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 Between 24 December 1970 and the end of March, six white men who were facing charges under the Act committed suicide. Mrs. Helen Suzman (Progressive Party) moved a Private Member's motion in the Assembly on 26 February,' calling for the abolition of Section 16 of the Immorality Act and of the entire Mixed Marriages Act. She pointed to the "sickening" reports of misery and degradation caused by Section 16. More than half of those charged under this Section had been acquitted, she said, yet had to face disgrace. The legal and social consequences of crossing the colour line in South Africa were such that a white person who entered into a mixed marriage must be utterly committed to the non-white partner. It should be their business alone. To say that she favoured miscegenation, Mrs. Suzman continued, was equivalent to saying that the Nationalists favoured such forms of immorality as adultery or intercourse between unmarried persons. Yet there were no laws prohibiting these. As an amendment to Mrs. Suzman's motion, Mr. M. L. Mitchell (United Party)' called upon the Government to appoint a commission to examine problems resulting from the legislation. The Minister of Justice8 rejected both the motion and the amendment; but said that, wherever possible in future, the attorney-general's approval would be obtained before prosecutions were instituted. An attorney who had acted for certain accused commented9 that this "concession" would be of little practical help, because the attorney-general's decision would be based only on evidence provided by the police. He would not know what the defence was to be. 6 Hansard 4 cols. 1787-98. Cols. 1804-15. Cols. 1827-39. Rand Daily Mail, 2 March.

MEASURES FOR SECURITY AND THE CONTROL OF PERSONS DEFENCE EXPENDITURE, EQUIPMENT, AND MANPOWER According to the official Estimates of Expenditure for 1971-72,1 a total of R316 500 000 is to be spent from the Revenue Account on defence (R59 400 000 more than during the previous year). This represents about 17,4 per cent of the estimated total expenditure from Revenue Account. In addition, the following sums were allocated from Loan Account: R5 000 000 for the purchase of shares in the Armaments Development and Production Corporation of S.A., Ltd., R4 221 350 for defence buildings. The Minister of Defence said in the Assembly on 5 May2 that the Permanent Force consisted of 19 000 members, the Citizen Forces of 83 000, the Commandos of 60 000, and the Cadets of 56 000, making a combined total of 218 000. He reiterated3 that South Africa had no war-like intentions. The Defence Force was being built up merely as a means of maintaining the country's sovereignty and independence, and of enabling it to take up its place in the free world if a confrontation were to occur. South Africa needed no arms from abroad for ensuring its internal security, and could to a very large extent manufacture the armaments required for ensuring its external security. In some cases it was competitive in regard to prices on the world market, and had received orders from abroad. It was announced in June' that, in terms of an agreement between a French company and the Armaments Development and Production Corporation of S.A., South Africa is to build supersonic Mirage III and F-1 aircraft. The French Foreign Minister is reported to have said on 20 July5 that these aircraft could be used for external security purposes only. When current contracts had been fulfilled, France would not permit the sale to South Africa, Rhodesia, or Portugal of any further weapons that could be used against guerillas, for example helicopters or light armoured vehicles. During September, the Press was informed' that South Africa had developed a new air-to-air missile, which had been successfully 1 R.P. 2/1971 Vote 18; R.P. 3/1971 Votes B and P. 2 Hansard 13 col. 6067. 3 Cols. 6008-9. 4 Rand Daily Mail, 28 June. Star, 21 July. e.g. Star, 10 September.

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 tested. Fired from a Mirage fighter, it had intercepted a target missile flying at twice the speed of sound. The Minister of Defence has stated7 that Coloured men are employed in various capacities in the . It is possible for them to rise to the rank of warrant officer. STATE SECURITY It was mentioned on pages 34 et seq of the 1969 Survey that there had been considerable public concern over the setting up of a Bureau for State Security, the powers of its head, and the provisions of Sections 10 and 29 of the General Law Amendment Act, No. 101 of 1969. In consequence, Mr. Justice Potgieter of the Appellate Division had been appointed a one-man commission of enquiry into matters relating to the security of the State. The Prime Minister announced in the Assembly on 21 April' that a parliamentary committee under his chairmanship, and consisting of equal numbers of members of the government and the official opposition, was to be established to consider how much of the Potgieter report could be released without prejudice to the country's security. The Government, he continued, was prepared to accept certain of Mr. Justice Potgieter's recommendations, and during 1972 would introduce legislation to put these into effect. Amendments would be made to Sections 10 and 29 of the 1969 Act. A State Security Council, already established, would be given statutory status. The Bureau for State Security, the Prime Minister said, was a normal State department. To make this clearer, the title of its head would be changed to the Secretary for Security Information. The Bureau had no powers of search, arrest, or detention: these were the functions of the police. PUBLICATIONS AND ENTERTAINMENTS ACT, No. 32 OF 1971 This Act dealt with three main matters. 1. It was made clear that a film intended for public exhibition must be submitted to the Publications Control Board (established in terms of the principal Act of 1963) before the film is shown in private, or before any particulars relating to it may be published. No particulars may be released about a film that is rejected (other than its title), or about portions that the Board has decided should be excised. 2. The Board was empowered to lay down conditions if it decided to impose control over the holding of a public entertainment. 3. Members of the Board, or persons authorized thereto by it, may enter any place if they have reasonable grounds for Rand Daily Mail, 11 December 1970. ' Hansard 11 cols. 4842-7.

CONTROL OF PUBLICATIONS suspecting that undesirable publications or other objects are produced or exhibited there. They may seize any publication or object which appears to afford evidence of a contravention of the Act. The increased powers to be given to the Board were objected to by the parliamentary opposition and by many others, including the Suid-Afrikaanse Akademie vir Wetenskap en Kuns. PROHIBITION OF PUBLICATIONS Before the establishment on 1 November 1963 of the Publications Control Board, a Board of Censors, appointed in 1956, had power to prohibit the distribution of literature produced overseas which was considered by it to be indecent, obscene, or on any ground objectionable. An Objectionable Literature Index is published annually by Mr. Kenneth Jacobsen of Pretoria. He stated during March9 that, since 1956, the Board of Censors and the Publications Control Board had banned 12 651 publications, films, and records. In February, the Minister of the Interior was questioned in the Assembly about the activities of the Publications Control Board (excluding its consideration of films).1" He replied that, since 1963, the Board had prohibited 5 785 publications, of which 5 771 remained prohibited. During 1970, the Minister said, the Board had examined the following publications or other objects: Publications Other objects Submitted by members of the public ... 143 2 Examined in terms of the Customs Act 735 35 Of the total, 573 publications and 27 other objects had been deemed undesirable. In reply to questions relating to films, the Minister gave the following information:'1 Since During 1970 establishment of Board in 1963 Films submitted to the Board ...... 14440 801 Number totally prohibited ..... 218 49 Number approved subject to the excision of specified portions ... 1 764 273 Number approved for exhibition only to persons of a particular race or class ...... 757 244 Number approved unconditionally ... 11 701 235 9 Rand Daily Mail, 13 March. 10 Hansard 3 cols, 232-3. 11 Hansard 2 cols. 75, 144. A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 On 9 March'2 the Minister was asked about appeals made to courts of law against decisions of the Board. No appeals had been made in regard to films, he said. So far as publications were concerned, eleven appeals had been allowed, and twelve had been dismissed (including an appeal in regard to all subsequent editions of one of the publications concerned). Twelve appeals were pending. Four of the appeals that succeeded were against bans on individual issues of the magazine Scope: the Board was ordered to pay the legal costs involved. One of the issues concerned was banned because it contained an article on abortion entitled "The Agony of the Unborn Child". Mr. Justice Henning, who heard the appeal, stated in the Supreme Court that the public should be encouraged to read this article, and not prevented from doing SO.13 Towards the end of 1970, the Pretoria-based Pasquino Society launched a petition against the "arbitrary and unrealistic" censorship of the Publications Control Board. It was stated, in a preamble, that "the ever-growing prohibitions" were "inconsistent with present-day acceptibility". More than 40 000 signatures were obtained. Mr. W. Vause Raw (United Party) presented the petition to the Deputy Minister of the Interior in the Assembly on 10 June. The latter then produced his own set of signatures, coming, he said, from the Youth of Christ Movement, and supporting the actions of the Board. He did not disclose how many people had signed this document.'4 A few days earlier, Mr. Japie D. du P. Basson (United Party) had pointed out in the Assembly15 that bona fide South African students of affairs in the African continent were seriously handicapped because so many of the relevant books had been banned, and could not be consulted unless special permission was obtained. During June, the British Clarendon Press published the second volume of the Oxford , edited by Professor Monica Wilson and Professor Leonard Thompson. It contained a chapter on "African Nationalism in South Africa, 1910-1964", written by Professor Leo Kuper, who left the Republic some years ago. Professor Kuper had quoted statements made by banned persons, which, in terms of the Suppression of Communism Act, made it illegal to distribute his chapter within South Africa. The publishers, thus, decided to produce an edition for use in the Republic with 53 blank pages where Professor Kuper's chapter would have been. 12 Hansard 6 cols. 442-3. 13 Sunday Times, 6 March. 14 Assembly Hansard 18 col. 8718. 15 Hansard 17 col. 8282.

CONTROL OF PERSONS BANNING ORDERS ON PERSONS In terms of Government Notice 446 of 23 July, a revised list was published of 30 white and 244 non-white people, still in South Africa, who were then subject to banning orders. Since then, further orders have been issued, while others have been allowed to lapse. During the year under review two white and eight non-white persons whose previous banning orders expired were re-banned for further periods of five years. An African man was served with a further two-year banning order. A few people have remained subject to such orders since soon after the Suppression of Communism Act of 1950 originally came into force. Most of the orders issued during 1971, however, have been served for two-year periods on African ex-political prisoners, as their sentences expired. These men have generally been ordered to remain for the time being in a resettlement township in a homeland, where it is extremely difficult to find any employment. An especially severe set of banning orders for five years, including house arrest, was served on the Rev. Father Cosmas Desmond. As mentioned earlier, he was the author of the book The Discarded People which described highly unsatisfactory conditions in about sixty resettlement villages which he had visited in homeland areas. The restrictions imposed on Father Desmond made it impossible for him to continue his previous work with the Christian Institute. Numerous public protests were made. There was Press comment on the irony of the fact that shortly afterwards the Deputy Minister of Bantu Administration, on visiting Sada (one of the townships described in the book) for the first time, said"6 that something would have to be done to ease the misery of the people. Mr. Mewa Ramgobin, who had planned to revive the Natal Indian Congress, was also banned and placed under house arrest for five years. Mr. Justice Moloto, the general secretary of the University Christian Movement, has been confined to the Mafeking area for five years. The first person subjected to house arrest, in October 1962, was Mrs. Helen Joseph. This order remained in force until June 1971, when Mrs. Joseph had to undergo an operation for cancer. Her banning orders were then suspended, but she remained "listed" under the Suppression of Communism Act. Inter alia, her writings or speeches may still not be published. During the trial of the Anglican Dean of Johannesburg (described later), Lt. Col. P. J. Coetzee of the Police is reported17 to have told the court that people could be subjected to banning orders and passport restrictions on the strength merely of reports 16 Rand Daily Mail, 7 August. 27 Star, 10 August.

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 from security police agents. Past trials, for example of men arrested in Victoria West in 1968,"8 have shown that evidence provided by such agents may be far from reliable. BANISHMENT OF AFRICANS IN TERMS OF THE BANTU ADMINISTRATION ACT In reply to a question in the Assembly on 24 April,9 the Minister of Bantu Administration and Development said that three Africans died in banishment during 1970.29 It would appear that nineteen men and one woman were still living in banishment at the beginning of 1971. The first of the orders still in force was issued as long ago as 1950, while two more were served in 1954. EMERGENCY REGULATIONS IN THE TRANSKEI The emergency regulations for the Transkei, issued as Proclamation 400 of 1960, remain in force. The Minister of Bantu Administration and Development said in the Assembly on 18 May1 that 23 Africans were then in banishment from their homes under these regulations, four of them having been exiled for as long as ten years. According to the Minister of Police,2 37 Africans were detained under the emergency regulations during the period 1 July 1970 to 31 March 1971. At the latter date, 24 of them were still being held: four had been in detention for as long as 101 days. The remaining 13, who were all released without charges having been laid against them, had been held for periods ranging from 2 to 78 days. ADMISSION OF PERSONS TO THE REPUBLIC REGULATION AMENDMENT ACT, No. 55 OF 1971 This measure increased very substantially the penalties for certain offences under the principal Act of 1913 as amended, for example: (a) aiding or being accessory to the entry into the Republic of a person who does not have the necessary visa or who is a prohibited immigrant; (b) failing to comply with a summons to appear before an immigration board, or to answer satisfactorily questions asked by the board; (c) in the case of masters of ships or other conveyances, failing to remove from the country, and meanwhile to arrange for the detention in custody of, a person who is not permitted to land, or is a prohibited immigrant (even if this person has arrived as a stowaway). Is See 1969 Survey, page 65. 19 Hansard 11 col. 777. 20 See 1967 Survey, page 43, for the conditions of banishment. 21 Hansard 15 col. 896. 22 Assembly, 2 April, Hansard 9 col. 679.

CITIZENSHIP AND TRAVEL DOCUMENTS Passport control officers were empowered to detain in custody persons who failed to produce the required permits, and to charge them before a competent court. CITIZENSHIP AND TRAVEL DOCUMENTS Loss of South African citizenship The Minister of the Interior said in the Assembly on 12 March23 that, during 1970, 34 persons were deprived of their South African citizenship, in 28 cases because they made use of passports issued by other countries. Four people, while resident in the Republic, acquired foreign citizenship by formal and voluntary means, while another two renounced their South African citizenship with intent to accept foreign citizenship. Passports Questioned in the Assembly on 16 February,4 the Minister said that, in 1970, there were 182 716 applications by South Africans for travel documents of which only 174 were refused. Available statistics did not reveal the racial groups of the applicants. (Some of the passports granted were for limited periods only, instead of the normal South African period of three years.) According to the managing director of a prominent travel agency,25 a total of 551 122 South African residents left the country temporarily in 1970. Of these, 49 185 were non-whites, at least 30 000 of the latter being Muslims on pilgrimages to the East. Prominent persons who had previously been refused passports but were granted them in 1971 included Chief Gatsha Buthelezi, Chief Executive Officer of the Zulu Territorial Authority, Mr. Knowledge Guzana, Leader of the Opposition in the Transkei, and the playwright, Mr. Athol Fugard. Chief Buthelezi, Paramount Chief Matanzima, and Chief Lucas Mangope toured Britain during October, as guests of the British Government. During the debate on his Vote in the Assembly,2" the Minister of the Interior denied that a person's political convictions or religious beliefs were taken into account when applications for passports were considered. Reports from the security police, the Bureau for State Security, and information received from other countries were taken into account. Among the reasons for refusing a passport or a visa were: (a) if the person could become a financial burden to the country; (b) if he could become an embarrassment to himself or a security risk to the country to which he was going; 23 Hansard 6 col. 484. 24 Hansard 3 col. 210. 25 Rand Daily Mail, 6 August. 26 10 June, Hansard 18 cols. 8733-41, 8765-74.

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 (c) if he was a former communist or supporter of a banned organization; (d) if he was a known terrorist or terrorist sympathizer; (e) if he had at any time pleaded for revolution, sabotage, riots, or acts of violence against people or the State; (f) if he undermined peace and order; (g) if he besmirched his own country overseas, going further than normal criticism, or advocated violence against South Africa. Mr. Lionel G. Murray (United Party)27 once again urged that the Minister's decision should not be final, but that a tribunal be established to hear appeals. The existing procedure, he pointed out, made no provision for representations to be made by the person concerned. Action taken against clergymen in regard to the granting or refusal of travel documents is described on page 50. Deportation orders, exit permits, and cancellation of temporary residence permits In reply to questions in the Assembly on 16 February,28 the Minister said that, during 1970, 90 Whites and 56 Africans from South Africa and South West Africa were served with deportation orders. Twenty persons who had been refused passports were granted permanent exit permits: one White person, ten Coloured, five Asians, and four Africans. Mr. Joel Carlson, who had been attorney for the accused in more than twenty political trials, is said29 to have come to the conclusion that it was no longer possible for him to continue his work in South Africa. Inter alia, several attempts had been made on his life. He decided to take up a law lectureship offered him in New York. According to the Minister of the Interior,"0 he and his wife obtained British passports during April, relinquishing their South African citizenship and becoming aliens. Mr. Carlson left in May, his wife remaining to settle their affairs. She and the children were granted temporary residents' permits valid until the end of May, but this period would, if necessary, be extended, the Minister said. Two American citizens, each of whom had been in South Africa for some years, were advised that further extensions of their temporary residents' permits would not be considered. They were Mr. Richard Rock, a lecturer at the University of the Witwatersrand, and Mr. Rex Heinke, president of the Students' Representative Council at the same university. 21 Cols. 8702-3, 8741-4. 21 Hansard 3 cols. 209-10. 21 Sunday Times, 9 May. 30 Rand Daily Mail, 11 May.

TRAVEL DOCUMENTS The stories of Miss Shantie Naidoo and Mr. Robert Sobukwe have been told in earlier issues of this Survey." Both are under strict banning orders, and are confined, respectively, to the Johannesburg and Kimberley districts. During 1970 they both applied to the Department of the Interior for permanent exit permits, which were granted. Miss Naidoo had a permit to enter and to work in Britain, while Mr. Sobukwe had been offered a university lectureship in the United States. They then applied to the Department of Justice for a relaxation of their banning orders to enable them to go to Jan Smuts Airport or some other port of departure. These applications were refused. Application was then made to a Full Bench of the Supreme Court, Pretoria, for an order enabling them to leave the areas to which they had been restricted for the purpose of making use of their exit permits. But the application failed. The three judges concurred in finding that, because of the absolute wording of the Suppression of Communism Act and the powers it gave the Minister of Justice, a restriction order issued in terms of this Act was equivalent to a court order of imprisonment in relation to an exit permit.2 Further appeal has been made to the Appellate Division.* Visas The Minister of the Interior said on 9 February" that, during 1970, visas had been refused to 1 469 foreigners (excluding those refused return visas). He did not say how many had been granted. Among those to whom visas were refused in 1971 was (for a second time) the Negro tennis player, Mr. Arthur Ashe. As mentioned on page 46 of the 1969 Survey, Congressman Charles Diggs, who is chairman of the Foreign Affairs SubCommittee on Africa of the United States' House of Representatives, was, that year, granted a visa on condition that he did not address any public meetings in South Africa and refrained from doing anything that would constitute interference in the Republic's domestic affairs. He then cancelled his proposed visit. Congressman Diggs applied again in 1971. This time, he was granted an unrestricted visa, but, in the event, when he arrived difficulties were placed in the way of his visiting South West Africa and a resettlement village in an African homeland. His visit is described in a subsequent chapter. 31 e.g. 1970 Survey, pages 58, 59, 61; 1969 Survey, page 43. 32 Star, 22 June. 33 Assembly Hansard 2 col. 113. * This appeal failed.

ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE CRIMINAL STATISTICS According to, the Report of the the year 1 July 1969 to 30 June sentenced and unsentenced prisoners During the year, 484 661 sentenced prison, as follows. Male Africans ...... 335 012 Coloured ...... 53 253 Whites ...... 7 906 Asians ...... 2091 Totals ...... 398 262 Commissioner of Prisons for 1970,1 the daily average of during that year was 90 555. prisoners were admitted to Female 74512 11 251 502 134 86399 Total 409524 64 504 8 408 2225 484 661 A summary of the sentences imposed is:2 D eath ...... Life ...... Indeterminate ...... 2 to 8 years ...... Over 4 months but less than 2 years Over 1 month but less than 4 months Up to. and including 1 month ...... Periodical imprisonment ...... Corporal punishment only (cane) ... No. Percentage 95 0,02 19 * 1253 0,2613390 2,7652640 10,86148198 30,58268548 55,41 224 0,05 294 0,06 484661 100,00 * =less than 0,01 per cent. Commenting on these statistics' the Chief Justice, Mr. Justice N. Ogilvie Thompson, is reported to have said that the ratio of South Africa's prison population to the population of the country was just short of six times the figure for France and five times that for Britain. Of the 85,99 per cent of all sentenced prisoners who received sentences of four months or less, a substantial proportion were first offenders. The figures indicated "what a large number of crimes which are in themselves relatively unserious entail a prison sentence", the judge said. The Annual Report of the Commissioner of the for the same year, 1 July 1969 to 30 June 1970,1 showed I R.P. 102/1970. 2 Percentages calculated by the writer. 2 Rand Daily Mail, 26 July. ' R.P. 45/1971.

CRIMINAL STATISTICS the total number of cases sent for trial during the year as being: Offences ...... 644404 Law infringements ... 1 757 811 2402215 Amongst cases in the latter category were infringements of: Laws and regulations relating to the production of documents by Africans ...... 621 380 Masters' and Servants' Acts and Bantu Labour Regulation Act ...... 22 517 643 897 These constituted 26,8 per cent of all cases sent for trial. The vast majority of those prosecuted would have been Africans. The average number prosecuted per day for infringements of these laws and regulations (loosely termed the "pass laws") was 1 764 -a slightly higher figure than for the previous year (1 732). The Minister of Justice said in the Assembly on 25 May' that 42 per cent of all prisoners serving sentences of up to four months had been imprisoned as a result of influx control laws and regulations. Prosecutions for Bantu tax law infringements numbered 138 307, or 5,8 per cent of the total number of prosecutions. IMPRISONMENT UNDER THE SECURITY LAWS Replying to questions in the Assembly on 18 May,6 the Minister of Justice said that, during 1970, one African was convicted under the Terrorism Act, one African under the Unlawful Organizations Act, and three Africans and three Asians under the Suppression of Communism Act. The numbers who, were serving sentences of imprisonment under the security laws as at 1 January 1971 were: Whites Coloured Asians Africans Total Terrorism Act ...... - 49 49 Unlawful Organizations Act ...... -.. - 125 125 SuppressionofCommunismAct 5 1 1 28 35 Section 21, General Law Amendment Act of 1962 (sabotage) 6 9 13 312 340 11 10 14 514 549 5 Hansard 16 cols. 7491 and 7539. 6 Hansard 15 col. 896.

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 CAPITAL PUNISHMENT The report of the Commissioner of Prisons showed that on 30 June 1969 there were 65 prisoners under sentence of death for murder, murder and robbery, robbery with aggravating circumstances, or rape. During the year that ensued, 95 more people were sentenced to death. Of the combined total of 160, 8 were whites. Eighty of these people were executed; 28 of the sentences were commuted; three people lodged successful appeals; and in two cases a retrial was ordered. The remaining 47 were still in custody on 30 June 1970. On pages 43 et seq of last year's Survey, an account was given of the trial of Dr. Barend van Niekerk on a charge of contempt of court, arising from two articles he had written on capital punishment which were published in the South African Law Journal. During the trial, Dr. Van Niekerk and various State officials called as witnesses gave certain statistical information about the number of whites and non-whites who had been sentenced to death for various offences. After hearing the closing address on behalf of the State, the judge informed counsel for the defence that there was no need to hear their argument. He acquitted Dr. Van Niekerk. A full report on the case was published in the annual legal publication Acta Juridica. With the consent of the counsel concerned, the argument that they would have used in Dr. Van Niekerk's defence was included! In the course of this argument, the counsel dealt with death sentences for rape and murder. In the period 1947 to 1966, they said, 288 whites were convicted of rape of non- white women, while 844 non-whites were convicted of rape upon white women. None of the whites was sentenced to death, but 121 non-whites were so, sentenced. Three white rapists did receive the death sentence in this period, but all for the rape of white women or girls. During a period when the ratio of convictions for murder was seven non-whites to one white, the comparable figure for persons held in prison under sentence of death was well over fifty non-whites to one white. As Dr. Van Niekerk had done in his articles, the counsel submitted that a thorough investigation was needed of the racial aspects of the death sentence. It was well known that statistics could be misleading, also that the facts of no two cases were exactly alike. "Nonetheless, it is difficult, if not impossible, to believe that the discrepancies in the imposition of the death sentences over all the years covered by the statistics can be explained by the supposition that, for example, all the rape cases in which non-whites were sentenced to death were more serious than cases 7 The account that follows is from a Sunday Times report. 8 August.

COMMENT ON CRIME AND PUNISHMENT in which white persons were the accused, irrespective of the racial factor." An inaugural meeting of the Society for the Abolition of Capital Punishment in South Africa was convened by Dr. Barend van Niekerk on 18 February. He became its director, and Professor Ellison Kahn of the faculty of law at the University of the Witwatersrand was elected president. In the Assembly on 26 May,8 the Minister of Justice said that, while the supporters of this Society were entitled to their point of view, the Government did not believe that the death penalty should be abolished in South Africa. SOME COMMENTS ON CRIME, TRIALS AND PUNISHMENT As mentioned on page 47 of last year's Survey, the Junior Chamber of Commerce investigated the high incidence of assaults and robbery in Coloured townships around Cape Town. It pointed to an almost exclusive association of such crimes with poverty and prolonged, persuasive, socio-economic frustration. During 1971 there has been considerable concern over the high incidence of crime in the African townships constituting Johannesburg's Soweto. Residents formed an organization called the Masingafi Party (meaning "Let us not be killed"), and sent a memorandum to the police. Three articles on the subject, by Lawrence Mayekiso, were featured in the Rand Daily Mail during September. There was an average of 80 murders a month in Soweto, he said, while the Baragwanath Hospital treated 2 000 casualties monthly, mostly stabbings. The Chief of the C.I.D. for the area, Colonel H. J. Gouws, was reported to have said that a high proportion of the cases was solved, for example, about 70 of the 80 murders that were committed monthly. During the past year, the police had made 1 750 arrests in respect of 2 425 robberies reported, and 460 arrests in connection with 640 cases of house-breaking. It was stated that the criminals were, in the main, "won't works" (whose reference books were in order), or men who were not entitled under influx control regulations to live in Soweto, and had gone underground. The Minister of Police, accompanied by the Commissioner of Police and senior officers, visited Soweto to discuss the situation with the local police and with members of the Urban Bantu Council. A drive has been made to recruit more "Class B" police reservists.9 Early in 1971 the Johannesburg Magistrate's Court sent two test cases, involving probation, to the Supreme Court for review. The judge president approved the increased use of compensatory fines as a condition of suspended sentences for adults.10 8 Hansard 16 col. 7540. 9 See 1967 Survey, page 74. 1 0 Star, 14 July.

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 On several occasions" the General Council of the Bar has expressed its concern over legislation which undermined the rule of law and the independence of the judiciary. During September2 the president of the Association of Law Societies of South Africa, Mr. Tjaart Vorster, said at a meeting of this association that, over centuries, criminal law had developed around the primary principle that the State had to prove an accused's guilt beyond reasonable doubt. "The authorities are now showing increasingly a disposition to break down this cardinal principle by means of regulations, ordinances, and Acts which provide presumptions in favour of the State and thus impose the burden of proof on the accused." He proposed that lawyers should collectively and individually approach as many legislators as possible to impress this principle. Further comment, by the National Institute for Crime Prevention and the Rehabilitation of Offenders, is outlined on page 82. APPEALS FOR CLEMENCY FOR "POLITICAL PRISONERS" Early in the year, a non-political Committee for Clemency (S.A.), headed by Mr. Mewa Ramgobin, was established to urge the Government to include persons imprisoned for offences of a political nature with common law criminals when consideration was given to amnesty or remission of sentences at the time of the tenth anniversary of the Republic. Multi-racial public meetings were held in various centres to support this appeal. Churches held a national day of prayer, during April, for clemency for prisoners who had committed offences because of their political convictions. Mrs. Helen Suzman (Progressive Party) pleaded for this in the House of Assembly, asking for relief, too, for banned people and Africans in banishment. The Government refused these appeals. CONDITIONS IN PRISONS Mrs. Suzman urged in the Assembly on 21 May13 that there should be a full, official investigation of conditions in prisons, coupled with more "surprise" visits by the responsible Minister and others, who should have private talks with prisoners in order to avoid the possibility of recriminations. These representations were made, she said, because she had received complaints from many parts of the country about overcrowding, assaults by warders, food that did not meet with the requirements of ration scales, and generally dirty conditions. She gave the names of particular prisons about which complaints had been made. Proper supervision was especially necessary, she pointed out, because the 11 e.g. in 1969-see 1969 Survey, page 36. 12 Rand Daily Mail, 8 September. 13 Hansard 15 cols. 7273-7.

PRISONS Prisons Act did not permit publicity to be given to conditions in prisons. The Minister of Justice and of Prisons replied" that during the year 1969-70, 35 judges and 119 magistrates had paid surprise visits to prisons. Members of the Cabinet and of the Prisons Board did so, too. On 21 May, three prisoners from the Brandvlei Prison at Worcester refused to give evidence at a trial of six other prisoners unless the Commissioner of Prisons was present in court to afford protection. They made serious charges against certain prison officials. At another hearing of the case, during July, the judge found that the three men had legitimate reason for refusing to testify. He asked that they should not be sent back to the Brandvlei Prison, and urged the appointment of a judicial enquiry to investigate their allegations. After the judge had submitted a formal request to this effect, the Chief Magistrate of Cape Town was appointed as a one-man commission of enquiry.5 It was stated, during the Commission's hearing, that gangs operated within the Brandvlei Prison, having been responsible for the deaths of three fellow-prisoners. (A fourth such murder took place during the hearing.) Criminal proceedings are to be instituted. The Commissioner, Mr. J. W. van Greunen, visited the prison and interviewed prisoners there. His report, he said, would be a confidential one, submitted to the Minister of Prisons and of Justice. Similar gangs have operated in the Klipbank Prison at Paarl. On 5 October, twenty Coloured members of such a gang were convicted of having murdered one fellow-prisoner and of assaulting three others with intent to murder them. Nine of them were sentenced to death; ten to life imprisonment, and one to imprisonment for fifteen years. The Report of the Commissioner of Prisons for the year 1 July 1969 to 30 June 1970" gives details of the examinations passed by prisoners doing part-time studies during this period. Two passed Standard VI, six the Junior Certificate, and twelve the Senior Certificate. Twenty-two passed National Technical Certificate examinations at various levels, while six obtained other certificates or diplomas. Those completing literacy courses in different African languages totalled 363. (Besides this, some prisoners passed university courses, while many others were trained for employment on release: particulars were not given in the Commissioner's report.) PRISON VAN DEATHS Accounts were given in the two previous issues of this 14 Hansard 16 cols. 7497-8. 15 Rand Daily Mail, 27 and 30 July and 25 August. 16 R.P. 102/1970. page 10.

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 Survey1" of the deaths through suffocation and heat, on 2 April 1969, of three African men in an overcrowded prison van that was transporting them from the Modder B prison near Benoni to court in Johannesburg, but broke down on the way. As mentioned, an inter-departmental committee of enquiry was appointed. In early January 197118 the Commissioner of Police announced the decision in regard to compensation. Relatives of one of the three men received R295 for funeral expenses and loss of support for his child. Relations of the second man were paid R91 for funeral expenses: he had no dependants. Mrs. Evelyn Lefefe, the widow of the third man, was deported to Lesotho two months after the accident, and made no claim for a grant. CONDUCT OF POLICE AND PRISON WARDERS According to the report of the Commissioner of Prisons for 1 July 1969 to 30 June 1970,'" during this period 271 prison officials received the Medal for Faithful Service; 136 the Medal for Merit, and one a decoration for bravery. The latest report of the Commissioner of Police did not contain information about the awards made to, policemen. In reply to a question in the Assembly,20 the Minister of Police said that, during 1970, the following persons were shot at and killed or wounded by the police in the execution of their duties: Killed Wounded Whites ... 2 5 Coloured ... 15 51 Africans ... 37 93 Those killed included four African and one White juveniles. During the same year, 3 policemen were killed and 1 893 injured in the execution of their duties, excluding casualties caused by motor accidents and casualties among policemen patrolling the borders against guerillas. So far as prisons were concerned, the Minister said2' that in 1970, one member of the Prisons' staff was killed by prisoners. None was seriously injured. Twenty- eight prisoners were killed, and 143 seriously injured, all by fellow-prisoners. Replying to questions on 19 February and 9 March,22 the Minister gave information about convictions of members of the police for stated offences during 1970, and the number whose services had been retained after their conviction: l 1969, page 55; 1970, page 47. Is Rand Daily Mail, 6 and 7 January. 19 R.P. 102/1970 pages 2-3. 20 9 March, Hansard 6 cols. 437-8. 21 Assembly, 13 May, Hansard 14 col. 865. 22 Hansard 3 col. 263, Hansard 6 col. 430-1, 436.

LEGAL AID No. whose services No. were retained after Convictions for convicted conviction Assault ...... 211 197 Assault with intent to do grievous bodily harm 15 6 Culpable homicide ... 3 1 Attempted murder ... 1 1 230 205 Among those convicted of assault or aggravated assault during 1969 and 1970 and whose services were retained, there were 79 who had previous convictions, the Minister said. These previous convictions varied; but among the men concerned: 21 had one previous conviction for assault; 5 had two previous convictions for assault; 1 had one previous conviction for culpable homicide. Actions for damages brought against members of the Police Force totalled 88 in 1969 and 98 in 1970, the Minister continued. A number of these were still pending. The outcome of those finalized was: 1969 1970 Amount Amount No. paid No. paid Actions that succeeded ...... 3 R1 340 - Actions settled out ofcourt...... 11 R4505 4 R990 LEGAL AID AMENDMENT ACT, No. 56 OF 1971 This measure extended the terms of the principal Act of 1969 to the territory of South West Africa. LEGAL AID The amounts voted by the State for the operation of the Legal Aid Board were R50 000 in 1969-70, R150 000 in 1970-71, and R50 000 in 1971-72. No expenditure had been incurred by the beginning of the year under review. An ex-magistrate, Mr. J. J. A. Mostert, has been appointed Director of the Legal Aid Board. According to various reports, by August about 480 serving officials of the Department of Justice or Bantu Administration and Development had been appointed as part-time legal aid officers in magistrates' courts and Bantu Affairs Commissioners' courts in South Africa (including the Transkei),

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 together with 21 in South West Africa. Agreement has been reached in regard to the tariff of fees to be paid to members of the Bar and the Side Bar. The Board has issued a booklet entitled Legal Aid: General Guide for Legal Practitioners. Persons wanting legal aid approach the nearest legal aid officer, who decides whether or not the case should be referred to an attorney. Unless in exceptional cases, no aid is given in preparatory examinations, private prosecutions, or in cases involving traffic offences, compound offences, or in which the accused pleads guilty (although assistance may be given in respect of a plea in mitigation). The legal aid officer may refuse help, too, if he decides that the applicant leads an idle, dissolute, or dishonest life. The attorney to whom a case is referred may refuse aid if he considers, the matter to, be trivial or such that legal aid will accord the applicant no real benefit. All those who, are refused aid have the right of appeal, firstly to the Director, and then to- the Board. The composition of this Board was described on page 59 of the 1969 Survey. In terms of the means test decided upon, legal aid is free if the applicants' annual incomes do not exceed the amounts in the table that follows. The incomes of husbands and wives are combined for married couples. Unmarried Married Whites ...... R612 R1 224 plus R144 per dependant Coloured and Asians R294 R588 plus R96 per dependant Africans ...... R240 R480 plus R60 per dependant The upper income levels, beyond which legal aid is not provided, are: Unmarried Married Whites ...... R972 RI 944 Coloured and Asians R390 R780 Africans ...... R300 R600 People whose incomes lie between the minimum and the maximum sums decided upon (e.g. between R612 and R972 in the case of an unmarried white) contribute to the legal costs on a sliding scale: Whites: R5 for every R120 earned above the annual minimum; Coloured and Asians: 75 cents for every RIO earned above the minimum; Africans: 50 cents for every RIO earned above the minimum. In a Press interview,23 the Director of the Board said that, 23 Rand Daily Mail, 28 July.

LEGAL AID from its inception in March to the end of June, aid had been given in 124 cases, 95 of these being white divorce cases (it would appear, mainly in Pretoria). Mr. Mostert added that a new scheme was being worked out to handle divorce cases more selectively: probation officers' reports would be obtained. He hoped to establish a full-time office in Johannesburg, Mr. Mostert continued, but this would not interfere with the work of the voluntary legal aid bureau there, which "could only be of help to us." This voluntary bureau is the only one that found it financially possible to continue operating after the Government withdrew subsidies in 1961. It is a registered welfare organization, serving all races, and is directed by Mrs. P. Lipson. Expenses are met from a municipal grant, together with voluntary contributions. Attorneys to whom cases are referred do not charge for their services. A means test is applied, graduated according to the applicant's racial group. During the first eight months of 1971, the Johannesburg bureau dealt with an average of 1 072 civil and criminal cases a month. Statistics in regard to the criminal cases are not readily available at the time of writing; but 209 civil matters were passed to attorneys during this period, counsel being briefed in 155 of these cases. THE NATIONAL INSTITUTE FOR CRIME PREVENTION AND REHABILITATION OF OFFENDERS (NICRO) NICRO (formerly called the Social Services Association) is a voluntary organization with a central executive committee and - in accordance with Government policy - local committees formed among the various racial groups. It works in co-operation with the Department of Prisons, its trained social workers making regular visits to penal institutions and maintaining contact with the families of prisoners. After-care hostels for discharged white prisoners are run in Pretoria, Cape Town, and Port Elizabeth. The Institute is planning to establish similar hostels for Coloured people in Cape Town and Port Elizabeth, and for Africans in Johannesburg. At one time the organization employed 14 prisoners' friends, whose salaries were subsidized by the State. In 1960, however, this service, in criminal courts, became the responsibility of the Department of Justice. NICRO considers that independent persons, appointed by a voluntary welfare body, are better able to render this service than are officials, being more approachable by accused persons and those involved in their cases. As reported in last year's issue of this Survey, the organization still has authority to employ two Africans as prisoners' friends, who are stationed at the Bantu Affairs Commissioners' Courts at Springs

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 and at Langa, Cape Town; and it is seeking permission to extend this service. According to NICRO'S annual report, during the year ended 31 March 1971, these two prisoners' friends got in touch with 2 149 employers and 3 073 relatives of accused persons, and by these means succeeded in keeping 2 548 persons out of prison by the payment of fines. Representations made by NICRO in regard to the provision of the necessary identity documents to Africans before they are discharged from prison are mentioned in a subsequent chapter. In an address given in December 197024 NICRO'S national chairman, Mr. Justice J. H. Steyn, urged that a new, hard look be given to certain conduct that was currently categorised as criminal, to determine whether it was essential to maintain criminal sanctions in all such cases. Remedial treatment might conceivably be substituted for imprisonment for drunkenness, and cautions used for first contraventions of influx control regulations. More use should be made of fines, suspended sentences, and probation. People with small incomes should be allowed to pay fines in instalments. If suspended sentences were given, conditions should be imposed which compelled the offender, in appropriate cases, to expiate his offence. 24 Sunday Times. 20 December 1970.

DETENTION AND TRIALS UNDER THE SECURITY LAWS NUMBER DETAINED Section 22 (1) of the General Law Amendment Act of 1966 provides for the detention of suspected terrorists for interrogation for periods of up to 14 days. The Commissioner of Police may; however, apply to a judge of the Supreme Court for an extension of this period. The judge may afford the detainee an opportunity of submitting to him in writing reasons why he should not be detained: if he does so, the police must be given an opportunity of replying. The judge may order that the conditions of detention be altered. Questioned in the Assembly on 19 February,1 the Minister of Justice replied that two persons had been detained under this section during 1970. Section 215 bis of the Criminal Procedure Act of 1965 provides for the detention of potential State witnesses and others until the conclusion of the criminal proceedings concerned, or for 180 days. At the end of this period, the person who has been held may be re-detained. In reply to a question on 2 March2 the Minister of Police said that, during the second half of 1970, three persons had been detained under this Section, one for 40 days, and the other two for 29 days, before being called as witnesses. One person was in detention in March, having been arrested on 4 February. Both the Minister of Justice and the Minister of Police have consistently refused information about the number detained for indefinite periods under Section 6 of the Terrorism Act of 1967. No court of law may pronounce upon the validity of action taken by the police in detaining people under this Section. As will become clear in the pages that follow, considerable numbers of people have been held under the Terrorism Act in 1971. The trial of 22 Africans under this Act, their acquittal and re-detention, and the subsequent trial of 19 of them on fresh charges (also ending in their acquittal) was described on pages 57 to 62 of last year's Survey. Those concerned were subsequently subjected to severe banning orders. One of those concerned was Mr. Peter S. Magubane. He was again detained during March 1971, and held for 98 days before being released without any charges having been laid against him. Including his periods of detention in connection with the cases heard in 1970, he was held incommunicado for a total of 586 days. His banning order makes it impossible for him to continue with Hansard 3 col. 246. 2 Hansard 5 col. 364.

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 his previous profession as a Press photographer. Detentions under the Transkei Emergency Regulations are described on page 68. PARLIAMENTARY DEBATE ON DETENTION In the course of the Assembly debates on the Justice and Police Votes, Mr. M. L. Mitchell3 and other United Party members maintained that the provisions of Section 6 of the Terrorism Act were being abused by the police. There was no reason, it was stated, why the majority of persons detained under this Section should not have been held, instead, under the General Law Amendment Act of 1966, when a judge would have had some jurisdiction over their detention. The Minister of Justice stated4 that the Commissioner of Police reported to him whenever a person was detained. The Minister of Police said5 that there was close liaison in the matter between himself and the Minister of Justice. In general, he continued, the provisions of the Terrorism Act were used whenever a person was suspected of being a terrorist or of having contact with or information about terrorists. Wide investigations were often necessary before a case could be made out for presentation to a court of law. Communism could not be fought by the use of democratic methods, the Minister declared. ALLEGATIONS OF THE ILL-TREATMENT OF DETAINEES During August, the Civil Rights League called on the Prime Minister to order a judicial enquiry, at the highest possible level, into allegations of the torture of detainees and into the circumstances surrounding the deaths of 16 persons in detention. About 35 people had testified under oath that they had been assaulted or tortured, it was stated. Other serious allegations were made shortly afterwards. On 13 August Mrs. N. Pillay of Durban made an urgent application to the Supreme Court, Pietermaritzburg, on behalf of her husband, Mr. P. A. Pillay, for an order calling upon the Commissioner of Police, the local Divisional Commissioner, and Lt. Colonel T. J. Swanepoel of the Security Branch to show cause why they should not be restrained from interrogating Mr. Pillay in any manner other than that permitted by law. He had, shortly before, been detained for a second time in connection with a trial that was pending of alleged members of Apdusa, the African People's Democratic Union of S.A. (this trial is described later), and had been subpoenaed to appear as a witness. Affidavits placed before the court, signed by 12 of the accused, 3 Hansard 15 cols. 7254-64; Hansard 16 cols. 7550-3; Hansard 17 cols. 7962-3, 8008-12. 4 Hansard 16 col. 7491. 5 Hansard 17 cols. 7997, 8021. 6 Rand Daily Mail report, 14 August.

DETENTION UNDER SECURITY LAWS alleged that methods of interrogation used by the Security Police included electric shock treatment; forcing people to stand barefooted on the edges of bricks for hours at a time; compelling them to lift weights while wearing shoes containing pebbles; making them hold weights above their heads for long periods; handcuffing them to trees all night; forcing them to sit on imaginary chairs until their muscles collapsed; kicking, and punching. It was alleged that one detainee had tried to kill himself by cutting his throat after hearing screams from a fellow- detainee during an interrogation session. These events were stated to have taken place in the Mkambathi Forest in Pondoland. Mr. Pillay feared that the police would use similar methods against him, his wife said. In a settlement which was made an order of the court, Mrs. Pillay's advocate accepted an undertaking from the head of the Security Police that her husband would not be removed from the Loop Street police station in Pietermaritzburg, nor be unlawfully interrogated. It was announced a few days later' that the police had investigated the allegations of assault. The dockets had been handed to the Attorney-General, who would decide whether action should be taken. During November, each of the twelve detainees sent a letter to the Minister of Police, claiming R10 000 for unlawful assault by members of the Security Police. It was reported on 3 August that Mr. B. Myezo had instructed his attorneys to seek an inquest into the death, while in detention, of his father, Mr. Mthayeni Cuthsela, and to ask for a copy of the post-mortem report. After being arrested in the Transkei during December 1970, his son said, Mr. Cuthsela was allowed to return home for brief periods: on the second occasion he had weals and cuts on his face. He was then redetained. Two months later his body was returned in a coffin. The Acting Divisional Commander of Police for the Transkei stated that Mr. Cuthsela was to have been one of the accused in the Apdusa trial. He had become ill during his detention, was admitted to hospital, and died there. The district surgeon and another doctor carried out a post-mortem, certifying that death was due to natural causes-a brain haemorrhage attributable to arteriosclerosis. An inquest is to be held. The death in detention of the Imam Abdullah Haron, and subsequent events, were described on page 55 of last year's Survey. It was announced on 19 May that the State had paid his widow an ex gratia amount of R5 000. She had then withdrawn her summonses for damages. During 1971 an Anglican priest, the Rev. Father B. Wrank- 7 Sunday Times, 15 August. 8 Various Press reports of that date.

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 more, fasted for 67 days, originally in the hope of having a judicial enquiry instigated into the Imam's death. Commemorative services were held for the Imam. Father Wrankmore began his fast near a Muslim shrine on the slopes of Signal Hill, Cape Town. After the first 40 days he changed its basis, saying that it would be abandoned if the Prime Minister allowed a judge and a doctor to visit detainees regularly. He then visited Pretoria twice, in a vain bid to see the Prime Minister. (No appointment had been made.) On return to Cape Town, he went into retreat. Sixty-three days after his fast had begun, he called upon all of those who supported him to fast, too, during the Muslim month of Ramadan. A considerable number of people, including leaders of the Black Sash, the Christian Institute, churchmen, lecturers, and students, announced that they would undertake token or Ramadan-type fasts in support of the priest's stand. Four days later, Father Wrankmore said that he had received Divine guidance to end his fast. On 14 October the Anglican Archbishop of Cape Town, the Most Rev. Robert Selby Taylor, called for a judicial enquiry into allegations of ill-treatment of detainees by the Security Police. Only such an enquiry could allay public concern. There were rumours and allegations that improper methods of interrogation were being used. Unless these rumours were proved unfounded, it would appear that there was something to hide, and there would be a stigma on the reputation of the Security Police. The Archbishop's call was immediately supported, among others, by the heads of the Presbyterian, Roman Catholic, and United Congregational Churches, the S.A. Council of Churches and the Christian Institute, the Chief Rabbi of Johannesburg, and Mr. Sonny Leon of the Labour Party. TRIAL OF MR. JAMES APRIL Mr. James E. April, a former (Coloured) student of the University of Cape Town, was arrested in Durban early in 1971 and detained in solitary confinement for interrogation. He alleged that during this period he was assaulted by the police. He appeared before the Supreme Court, Pietermaritzburg, during May. Much of the evidence against him was given by an ex-African National Congress guerilla fighter who had since agreed to work with the police. He testified to having met Mr. April at a military camp in Zambia, where the latter was lecturing on new ANC techniques. According to evidence led, Mr. April was a member of the Spear of the Nation who left South Africa in 1962 and underwent military training in East Germany, Russia, and elsewhere. He was one of those who infiltrated into Rhodesia in August 1967, engaging in armed fighting with the Rhodesian security forces. He

POLITICAL TRIALS escaped via Botswana, where he was gaoled for a year for entering the country unlawfully, bearing arms, and was then deported to Zambia. Mr. April went from Zambia to London, where Joe Slovo and Jack Hodgson were said to have trained him in new techniques of secret infiltration, and the opening up of fresh lines of communication by the use, among other ways, of messages sent in invisible ink. They provided him with a forged passport and two forged identity cards, bearing different names, by the use of which he was able to return to South Africa undetected, thereafter continuing in touch with freedom movements based in London. Mr. April was allowed to address the court before sentence was passed. He said, inter alia, that "people in despair always resort to violence". As long as the aspirations of the ANC remained unsatisfied, it would never be crushed. Time was on its side. He was found guilty on three counts of contravening the Terrorism Act, and was gaoled for fifteen years. The judge, Mr. Justice Kennedy, is reported to have said he could understand that hundreds or thousands of Coloured people in the Republic felt a sense of frustration "in that they lost the right to vote, but it is not for me to condone subversive means of restoring previous situations". April had stood by his principles. "I am sorry for you, but I cannot allow sympathy to overrule my duty to uphold law and order in this country."9 According to a Press report,1 a South African born African, who admitted in a court case that he had undergone military training abroad, said that in Lusaka he had met seven groups of freedom fighters who were preparing to infiltrate into various centres in South Africa, where they would train others. TRIAL OF THE ANGLICAN DEAN OF JOHANNESBURG On 20 January the Security Police detained the Anglican Dean of Johannesburg, the Very Rev. G. A. ffrench-Beytagh, for questioning under the Terrorism Act. As the Dean is a British citizen, the British Consul-General in Johannesburg was permitted to visit him. The Foreign Office in London expressed its concern, and made representations to the South African Government, asking that the Dean be charged and brought to trial as soon as possible, or else released. Demonstrations of protest and vigils of prayer were held at various centres in the Republic. On 28 January the Dean was formally charged before a Johannesburg magistrate, under the Suppression of Communism Act, with having participated in the activities of organizations declared unlawful and carrying on these activities. An alternative Account compiled from numerous Press reports. o Star, 7 May. A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 charge related to the alleged possession by the Dean of pamphlets of the banned S.A. Communist Party and ANC. The case was postponed, the Dean being released on bail of R5 000. At dawn and in the early morning of 25 February, the Security Police, holding search warrants, carried out raids on the offices and homes of many organizations and individuals in various parts of South Africa. Large quantities of documents were seized, which appeared to relate mainly to assistance given to political prisoners and their families, and possible overseas sources of the funds used. The Commissioner of Police told the Press11 that the object of the raids was to fill in "missing links" in the investigation of the Dean's activities. The Dean appeared briefly in court on 30 June, when it was announced by counsel for the State that the original charge against him had been withdrawn and a new indictment framed, under the Terrorism Act. Briefly, the new charges related to the possession and distribution of pamphlets published by the banned S.A. Communist Party and ANC which supported the violent overthrow of the State; to participation in a plan to bring about political changes by violent means; and to the acceptance of funds for this purpose from the Defence and Aid organization in Britain. Bail was increased to RIO 000. The trial opened in the Supreme Court, Pretoria, on 2 August. The main witness for the State was a Security Police agent, L. H. K. Jordaan, who had posed as a man seeking religious guidance from the Dean. Other secret agents, and people in need who had received money from a special fund operated by the Dean, gave evidence. It was maintained by the defence that the money from this fund consisted of sums sent to the Dean by a friend in England, Miss Allison Norman. Miss Norman was unwilling to come to South Africa to testify unless she was given a firm guarantee by all the authorities concerned that no proceedings would be taken against her and that she would be free to leave as soon as her evidence had been heard. No such "blanket" guarantee was, however, forthcoming. The Security Police (but not the police as a whole) promised to take no action against her. The AttorneyGeneral for the Transvaal said merely that he would not institute proceedings against her on any matter arising out of the indictment against the Dean. This would not have precluded proceedings arising from any other matter, nor action taken by other AttorneysGeneral. In view of this, Miss Norman refused to come to South Africa. Her evidence was taken by commission in London, the fundamental issue being whether or not the money sent was her own. The Dean, himself, was examined and cross-examined for 11 Rand Daily Mail, 27 February.

POLITICAL TRIALS ten days. A clerk who administered the Allison Norman fund testified that it was used to help people in need: whether or not a political background was involved was a matter of no interest. Mr. Justice Cillie, Judge President of the Transvaal, delivered his judgment on 1 November. He pointed out that the Dean faced one charge, comprising ten allegations. The Dean was found guilty on three of the counts, and not guilty on the rest. He was found guilty: (a) of having incited or encouraged those present at a Black Sash meeting in 1970 to contravene the laws of South Africa and to support and prepare for violent revolution with the object of bringing about social, political, and economic changes; (b) of having encouraged Mr. Jordaan to support the commission of acts of violence and to take part in preparations for a violent uprising against the State; (c) of having received R51 400 from the Defence and Aid organization in London, via Miss Norman, and of paying it out to members of banned organizations or their relatives. The judge found that the Dean had possessed pamphlets of the banned African National Congress, but that this was not an offence, as charged, of participation in terrorist activities. The judge said that the Dean had not been tried for his political beliefs. He believed and accepted that the Dean had acted out of conviction in committing the offences. In the circumstances, he thought that a fitting sentence was the minimum prescribed by the Terrorism Act, i.e. five years' imprisonment. He granted leave to appeal, and allowed the bail of R10000 to stand, pending the outcome of the appeal. The Dean was ordered to report to the police weekly. His passport was to be retained by the police. TRIAL OF MEMBERS OF APDUSA The African People's Democratic Union of South Africa (Apdusa) is stated to have been formed in 1961, as the advance political vanguard of the Unity Movement of South Africa (Umsa), founded in 1943. According to various reports,12 Umsa was a non-racial national liberation movement which worked secretly and was committed to revolution in South Africa. It worked mainly among African peasants, using the slogan "land liberty", and it refused to collaborate with other political groups. Most of the leaders are said to have left South Africa in the early 1960's. A main headquarters was set up in Lusaka, headed by Isaac B. Tabata, Wycliffe Tsotsi, and Dr. Ismail Limbada. Nathaniel Honono ran a branch office in Dar-es-Salaam. Another 12 e.g. Sunday Express, 28 February; Rand Daily Mail, 17 August.

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 affiliated organization was formed in South Africa, called the Society of Young Africans. Apparently, Umsa and Apdusa failed to obtain popular support, or funds from the Organization of African Unity. At the beginning of 1970 the leaders decided to revitalize the organizations, and sent secret agents into the Republic to recruit people who would undergo political and military training in countries to the north. Early in 1971, a large number of Africans, Coloured men, and Indians were detained under the Terrorism Act in various centres -Cape Town, Port Elizabeth, Natal and Transvaal towns, in the Free State, in the Transkei, and near the Botswana border. Their number must have been very considerable. Some were released after questioning, after having been held for more than nine months in some cases, while others appeared as State witnesses in trials that followed. The State called 99 witnesses in the Apdusa trial; but it appeared that they had not all been in detention. On 16 June, 14 men made a brief appearance in the Pietermaritzburg magistrate's court on various charges under the Terrorism Act. Briefly, it was alleged that they were members or active supporters of Apdusa and Umsa, and 'had conspired with fellow-members in Zambia (or visiting South Africa from there) to recruit people for military training, with the object of overthrowing the South African government by force. The accused were remanded in custody for summary trial in the Supreme Court, Pietermaritzburg. It was announced later that one of the accused, Joseph T. Maleka, was to be tried separately, after the main trial. The trial of the others commenced on 16 August: they were Kader Hassim, Joseph B. Vusani, Mogami J. Moeng, Msolwane Mbele, Pindiso Zimambane, Dam G. Mahanjane, Ncikwa N. Vimba, Max B. Tabata, Frank Anthony, Robert F. Wilcox, Albert K. Tshangana, Montford N. Mabuto, and Surinarayan K. Venkatrathnam. FURTHER RAIDS AND DETENTIONS DURING OCTOBER The account that follows has been based on numerous Press reports. It was stated that late on the evening of Friday, 22 October, the police stopped a car in which two young Indian men were driving, found pamphlets of a political nature in the car, and arrested the men, detaining them under the Terrorism Act. Next day, another 13 Indians, including three women, were detained. Between 4 a.m. and 5 a.m. on the morning of Sunday, 24 October, the police raided the homes of at least 115 people of all races in Johannesburg, Cape Town, Durban, Pietermaritzburg, Port Elizabeth, East London, and Grahamstown. The offices of various institutions were searched, too. Amongst those who were raided were at least nine clergymen and ministers, a newspaper

DETENTION UNDER SECURITY LAWS editor, young lecturers, and students. The search warrants are said to have referred to the possession of goods and documents relating to banned organizations or to offences under the security laws. Typewriters at an Indian school and Indian commercial college in Johannesburg were confiscated. At least another seven persons, mainly Indians, were detained, but one of them, a leading doctor, was released two days later. The Indian detainees were said to have come from Johannesburg, Durban, Roodepoort, and Pretoria. Among them were two brothers, Ahmed and Mohammed Timol, and a brother and sister, Mahommed and Fatima Essop. . It was announced on 28 October that Mr. Ahmed Timol had died the previous day in a fall from a tenth-floor window at the police headquarters at Jan Vorster Square, Johannesburg. He was a Muslim school teacher, 30 years of age. Brigadier P. Kruger of the Security Police stated that he had committed suicide by jumping through the window. There were numerous calls, from prominent people throughout the country, for a full judicial enquiry. The Prime Minister said that he saw no reason for this, since there would be an inquest. A post mortem was carried out by the Head of Forensic Medicine at the University of the Witwatersrand, who is also officer-in-charge of the Government legal medical laboratories, assisted by an independent pathologist who was present at the request of the Timol family. Various pleas were made for Mr. Mohammed Timol to be allowed to attend his brother's funeral. At the request of friends, Mr. Dawid de Villiers, managing director of Nasionale Pers, made a direct approach to the Prime Minister. But permission was refused. Mr. Timol was buried on 29 October. About 1 200 people, mostly Muslim, but including Hindu and people of other racial groups, attended a prayer meeting in his memory. Major-General C. A. Buys of the C.I.D. announced on 31 October that Mr. Timol had been sitting on a chair. "There was the most relaxed atmosphere one can imagine in such circumstances". Suddenly, Mr. Timol made a dash for the door, was headed off, swerved to the window, and jumped out. Mr. Mahommed Essop, a 21-year-old medical student, was detained in Johannesburg on 23 October. His brother said that he was in perfect health at the time. A few days later, a journalist is stated to have told his parents that he was seriously ill in the H. F. Verwoerd Hospital, Pretoria. His father went hastily to this hospital, but the matron in charge of the Indian wards denied any knowledge of his son's presence there. Mr. Essop senior then brought an urgent application to the Supreme Court for an order on the Commissioner of Police and Colonel P. J. Greyling, restraining them and persons under their control from interrogating, assaulting, or exerting any pressure

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 on his son while he was in detention, and asking that he be removed from any gaol hospital where he might be detained and transferred to a public hospital. This application was made to the Court on 29 October by Mr. I. A. Maisels, Q.C., on Mr. Essop's behalf. In an affidavit, Mr. Essop senior said that he had not been allowed to enter the wards at the H. F. Verwoerd Hospital to see whether his son was there, perhaps under another name. He questioned people coming out, who said that there was a man there under police guard. He was told that this man had head and chest wounds, and screamed from time to time. Mr. Essop looked through a fanlight and saw his son lying naked on a bed, with bruises and blood clots on his chest and a bandage round his stomach. Colonel Greyling handed in an affidavit to the effect that on 26 October he had noticed that Mr. Mahommed Essop was unwell. He had asked the Chief District Surgeon from Pretoria to examine him. Mr. Essop had not been interrogated since then. The Chief District Surgeon stated that he saw Mr. Essop at Jan Vorster Square, and decided to call in a neuro-surgeon, who diagnosed a condition of hysteria. There were scratches on his chest which he might have inflicted upon himself, while in this condition. No obvious signs of head or other chest injuries were apparent. On 27 October, Mr. Essop was transferred to the H. F. Verwoerd Hospital, where he was examined by a physician and a neurologist. They confirmed the diagnosis, but added that they could not rule out simulation of the condition of hysteria. X-rays were taken of Mr. Essop's head and chest, and he was then transferred to a prison hospital. The neurologist stated that the X-rays showed no signs of abnormality. On 29 October the judge who heard the application, Mr. Justice Margo, granted an interim interdict restraining the police from interrogating Mr. Essop in any manner other than that prescribed or permitted by law, or applying any undue or unlawful pressure on him. He made a rule nisi incorporating this interdict, the return date of which was 7 December. He ordered the matron of the hospital to be subpoenaed to appear in court on this date. The respondents were ordered to pay the costs. The judge made two suggestions to the authorities: that a full investigation be made into Mr. Essop's case, in view of public disquiet; and that private doctors of the parents' choice be permitted to examine the young man. The authorities ignored both these suggestions, and an official said that the State was not obliged to issue any bulletin on Mr. Essop's condition. In an article contributed to the Rand Daily Mail on 3 November, Professor John Dugard of the School of Law at the University of the Witwatersrand pointed out that Mr. Justice Margo had made these points in the form of suggestions: in terms of the Terrorism Act a judge was not empowered to write such aspects

DETENTION UNDER SECURITY LAWS into an order against the security police or the Minister. Nevertheless, Professor Dugard said, this was the first of several applications for a temporary interdict under Section 6 of the Terrorism Act that had succeeded. The detentions, and the events relating to Mr. Timol and Mr. Essop, led to a country-wide wave of protests against the Terrorism Act and the wide powers of the security police. There were many calls for a judicial enquiry into all aspects of detentions, for the repeal of Section 6 of the Terrorism Act, and for the repeal of the Act in toto. Among those making such pleas were the Cape, Johannesburg, and Fjee State Bar Councils and the Society of Advocates of Natal, besides a number of the churches and of prominent voluntary organizations. A large number of people decided to adopt Mr. Wrankmore's earlier suggestion, undertaking to fast. Indian leaders declared 10 November would be regarded as a national day of mourning in sympathy for South Africa's political prisoners. A few of the detainees were released early in November. Mrs. Helen Suzman, M.P., requested permission to visit the detainees in order to be able to reassure their relatives about their condition, but the Minister of Justice said that, under the Terrorism Act, this could not be allowed. The Incorporated Law Society of South Africa passed a unanimous resolution confirming its adherence to the principle that access to the court should be unrestricted, and that a detained person's access to his legal advisers should 'be equally unrestricted, save only in circumstances of the gravest jeopardy to the public safety. In mid-November further persons were detained, including a second daughter of the Essop family, and several White and African men and women. RESOLUTION OF UNITED NATIONS SPECIAL POLITICAL COMMITTEE On 3 November,'3 the United Nations Special Political Committee considered recent events in South Africa. A resolution was passed by 90 votes to 1 (Portugal), with 2 absentions and 36 delegations absent. It called on all States to do all in their power to promote the cause of justice for all people in South Africa and to use their influence to achieve the repeal of all legislation designed to give effect to apartheid and to persecute and suppress the rights of those opposed to that policy; to achieve the liberation of people imprisoned or detained for their opposition to apartheid, and to achieve the removal of orders against those banned or banished because they oppose apartheid. The major Western states supported this resolution. 13 Star, 14 November.

POLITICAL MOVEMENTS-IN-EXILE, AND GUERILLA FIGHTERS FINANCIAL ASSISTANCE The assistance being given by the World Council of Churches to movements-in- exile and guerillas is described on page 51. It is reported1 that African liberation movements still obtain their arms from communist countries, but are increasingly looking to the West for other forms of help. The Swedish Government allocated R1 190 000 in 1971 for "refugees and national liberation movements", mainly in Africa, the money to be used for humanitarian purposes only. Others in Western countries who have voted support for the humanitarian activities of African freedom movements during the past year include the Rhineland division of the Evangelical Churches of Germany, Queen Juliana of the Netherlands, the Presbyterian Church, the Joseph Rowntree Social Services Trust in Britain, Oxfam, and various left-wing British organizations. Money from the Rowntree Trust and Oxfam is stated to be used for hospitals, schools, and their equipment. A committee of the British Labour Party was formed to launch an appeal for funds to aid "liberation movements" in Southern Africa. It was reported2 that, in this case, the money collected would be handed over unconditionally. In response to a request from the United Nations' SecretaryGeneral for aid to liberation movements, Israel decided to donate food, medicines, and blankets to the value of R1 960 to the Organization of African Unity. The South African Government then temporarily suspended the transfer of "substantial" sums of money, raised by the Zionist movement, to Israel through the S.A. Reserve Bank. However, the Israeli offer was very shortly afterwards withdrawn. Instead, the comforts were given to the United Nations fund in Geneva for the education of African refugees? The ban on the transfer of funds to Israel was lifted in September. AFRICAN LIBERATION MOVEMENTS The French periodical Jeune Afrique has issued a guide to African liberation movements. It stated, inter alia, that the ANCin-exile has provisional headquarters in Morogoro, Tanzania, with branch offices in London, Algeria, Dar-es-Salaam, Lusaka, Cairo, 1 Star, 28 September. Star, 20 May. Rand Daily Mail, 25 June.

POLITICAL MOVEMENTS-IN-EXILE and New Delhi. It had about 2 000 guerillas, several hundred of whom have been fighting with Zapu forces. The Rhodesian African People's Union (Zapu) and Zimbabwe African National Union (Zanu) were said to have about 2 000 and 600 guerillas, respectively. It was reported that the South West Africa People's Organization (Swapo) had even more branch offices overseas than had the ANC. The PAC-in-exile appears to be ineffective. According to the Press,' the head of South Africa's Security Police, Brigadier P. J. Verger, has described an internal struggle for power in the ANC-in-exile. Oliver Tambo had been seriously assaulted in Dar-es-Salaam. He, J. B. Marks, and Joe Matthews were stated to have resigned from the movement. A large number of disillusioned rank-and-file members had fled from training camps to seek refuge in Kenya. Since 1967, Brigadier Venter continued, more than 13 members had returned to South Africa and surrendered to the Security Police, thereafter becoming police agents. When the Progressive Party leaders, Mr. Colin Eglin and Mrs. Helen Suzman, visited Nairobi on 11 October, they were approached by a delegation representing about 80 South African political refugees there, who had left the Republic illegally and dared not return. They were, they said, unable to live on the RIO monthly allowance paid to them by the United Nations High Commission for Refugees through a church organization. They asked for financial help to enable them to set up businesses if the Kenya Government agreed to allow non-citizens to do this. During August, thousands of pamphlets purporting to be of ANC origin were scattered by home-made time bombs at African bus and railway

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 bers of the two organizations to leave Zambia; and, in August, to have told the leaders to "unite or get out". At about the same time, it was stated, some 129 members from both organizations returned to Rhodesia and surrendered to the security forces there. Subsequent reports indicate that a new group, the Front for the Liberation of Zimbabwe, has been formed, claiming to be a merger of the Zapu and Zanu fighting units. This move was encouraged by James Chikerema. The leader is Shelton Siwela. During July, the Rhodesian police discovered a number of crates of weapons and other guerilla equipment in a warehouse on the outskirts of Salisbury. An African storeman employed there pleaded guilty, in court, to having brought them by lorry from Lusaka. He was sentenced to 20 years' imprisonment. The Rhodesian authorities stated5 that on 29 August a group of Frelimo6 guerillas crossed the border from Mozambique, but were intercepted by security forces, one member of which was slightly wounded in the skirmish that followed. Seven of the guerillas were killed, and one captured. It was reported that, earlier, three members of the Rhodesian Light Infantry had been killed when their vehicle struck a land mine just beyond the border, as they were returning after a brief visit to Portuguese officials stationed in the vicinity. SOUTH WEST AFRICA On 24 May the Minister of Police announced in the South African House of Assembly,7 that continuous police patrols had been operating along the Caprivi- Zambian border. Guerillas had made several attempts to lay landmines. A few days earlier, a mine had blown up two police vehicles, killing two policemen and injuring seven others and two trackers. The tracks of six people had been found between the scene of the explosion and the Zambian border. The Commissioner of Police said on 28 September8 that he did not see this border war ending in the near future. "It is a cold war in which we cannot and will not publicise our successes. Nor will we give the enemy-that is, the communists- information regarding any possible setbacks." It was announced by the Prime Minister at a National Party Congress on 5 October that two more South African vehicles operating in the Caprivi Strip had struck landmines. A police Captain had been killed, and four police constables seriously injured. A further two mines had been discovered before they exploded, while another exploded a few days later without causing injuries. Mr. Vorster repeated an earlier statement, quoted in last 5 Rand Daily Mail, 7 September. . Front of the Liberation of Mozambique. Hansard 16 col. 7330. 8 Rand Daily Mail of the following day. POLITICAL MOVEMENTS-IN-EXILE year's Survey, that South Africa reserved the right to pursue terrorists wherever they might flee. He added that no country could allow communist-trained terrorists to violate its territory without being punished, or to injure or kill its citizens in such a cowardly way. "Dit word, derhalwe, in hierdie geval gedoen" (This is, therefore, being done in this case), and if the pursuers were attacked, they would defend themselves. The responsibility rested squarely on the shoulders of the country making available its territory for this sort of aggression. Mr. Vorster's remarks were interpreted by both the Afrikaans and the English Press to mean, that South African policemen had crossed the border into Zambia. The Minister of Police denied that this had occurred. South Africa's Foreign Minister told the Security Council that the trail of four persons had been found, leading from the Zambian border to the location of the landmines, and back. The police followed this trail for some distance, but did not cross the Zambian border to continue the pursuit. Zambia made an official complaint to the Security Council, alleging that units had crossed her borders, and that this was the 24th violation of Zambia's territory and air space. Burundi, Somalia, Sierra Leone, and Syria introduced a motion to the effect that the Security Council should condemn such violations of Zambia's sovereignty and should call upon South Africa to respect Zambian territorial integrity. After realizing that the resolution would not obtain the required majority, the sponsors modified it, omitting any mention of "condemnation". The resolution declared that if South Africa refused to respect Zambia's sovereignty, the Security Council would meet again to examine the situation further. MOZAMBIQUE Guerilla forces based in Tanzania are reported' to have launched actions during January on each of the three main fronts in northern Mozambique - the Cabo Delgado area in the extreme north-east, the Vila Cabral area near Lake Malawi, and the Tete area, in which the Cabora Bassa dam is being built across the Zambesi River. In the north-east, attempts were made to cut the tarred road between the Portuguese air base at Mueda and Porto Amelia on the coast. Those attacking in the Tete area were, apparently, transported by truck across Zambia, and then infiltrated at various points from the border. Heavy engagements were fought: it is reported that 73 guerillas had been killed, numbers wounded or captured, and quantities of war materials seized. The Portuguese losses were not stated. During April, a Portuguese munitions freighter, the Angoche, was found at sea off the Cabo Delgado coast, damaged by fire Siar, 1 February.

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 and abandoned by her crew. She was towed to Lourengo Marques, where the authorities stated that the ship had apparently been sabotaged by expertly-placed explosives. It was possible that one or more members of the crew had been killed: the fate of the others was not known. There were rumours that they were prisoners in Dar-es-Salaam, and that Frelimo and/or Red Chinese forces had raided the ship. The Portuguese navy undertook in future to convoy coasters sailing in this area. In May, after the rainy season, the Portuguese resumed attacks, making considerable use of helicopter-borne commandos. Air-attacks were made against Frelimo settlements in the northern Cabo Delgado area. Frelimo claims1" that, in the area it controls there, it has started schools, health services, and agricultural projects among the local Africans. Men operating from this territory laid landmines along the main road to the south. Convoys of trucks bringing supplies to the northern Portuguese bases had to be accompanied by army vehicles, frequent stops being made to ensure that the road was safe. The Tete district was placed under a military governor in May. Many mines have been placed here, too, along the 150 km road from the town of Tete to the dam site, the road from Rhodesia to Malawi (which passes through Portuguese territory at Tete), and the road and rail linking Tete with the coast at Beira. During July, a group of about 60 men infiltrated from Zambia into the Tete district: all were stated to have been killed in a commando and air force attack.11 The mining and ambushing of roads in this district was stepped up during September, apparently to deter Dr. Banda from visiting various parts of Mozambique, including the Cabora Bassa dam site. In the event, the Malawi President's tour took place without incident; but numerous Press reports stated that it became extremely dangerous to travel along the roads around Tete; that after several vehicles had been blown up, with casualties, trucks and cars were allowed to travel only in convoys with military escorts; and that a railway bridge on the line to Beira was destroyed. It is stated-12 that there has been dissension among Frelimo leaders in Tanzania, as a result of which some members left for Kenya, where they founded a rival organization called FUMO (Mozambique United Front). 10 Star, 27 September. 11 Star, 6 July. 12 Star, 10 September.

FOREIGN AFFAIRS SOUTH AFRICA'S MEMBERSHIP OF INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS At a meeting of the International Civil Aviation Organization, held in Vienna during July, a decision was taken by a narrow majority to exclude South Africa from all regional and local conferences of this body. It is ijnderstood that, thereafter, invitations to South Africa to attend two specialized conferences were cancelled.' Mr. Arthur Grobbelaar of the Trade Union Council of South Africa attended, as an observer, the annual conference of the International Labour Organization, held in Geneva. He reported afterwards2 on the "virulence" of the anti-apartheid feeling among the representatives present of the governments, trade unions, and employers' organizations of 119 countries. A resolution which, inter alia, condemned racism in any form, and called for action to secure the elimination of apartheid and to discourage emigration to South Africa in so far as this tended to support the apartheid policy, was approved by 113 countries (including Portugal). The representatives of six governments abstained from voting on the ground that the resolution was impracticable; but the employer and trade union representatives of these countries were in favour of the resolution. Proceedings of the United Nations affecting South Africa are described later. BOTSWANA, LESOTHO, AND SWAZILAND In a paper3 given at a symposium held at the University of Potchefstroom during August, Dr. P. Smit described the close economic ties existing between South Africa and Botswana, Lesotho, Swaziland, and Malawi. The Minister of Foreign Affairs, Dr. Hilgard Muller, announced in May that South Africa and Lesotho planned to exchange consular services. Earlier, he said that, at Lesotho's request, 26 South African public servants had been seconded to that country temporarily, to give expert help in various fields. The South African Wool Board is helping to establish a merino sheep stud farm there.' As described later, Lesotho's Prime Minister, Chief Leabua Star, 9 July and 31 August. - Rand Daily Mail, 7 July. Entitled "The Place and R61e of the Black States with Reference to Economic Co-operation in Southern Africa". 4 Report from South Africa, May.

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 Jonathan, attended the summit conference of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) with the express purpose of promoting dialogue between South Africa and other African states. On 5 October, at the fifth anniversary celebrations of his country's independence, Chief Jonathan is reported to have said publicly that, although South Africa was a good neighbour, he was afraid that the end result of its policy of apartheid would be a violent confrontation, internally, between the blacks and whites there. Peace would be maintained only in an atmosphere of equality and the acceptance of majority rule. It was in order to promote such peace that dialogue was essential. Mr. Vorster is reported to have made a statement suggesting that Chief Jonathan should not "tempt" him "too far". He was prepared to discuss South Africa's policies, but these would be formulated only by the South African Parliament. No outside interference would be tolerated. During March the Prime Minister of Swaziland, Prince Makhosini Dlamini, with some of his senior officials, had an interview with Mr. Vorster in Cape Town. It was reported' that, according to sources in Mbabane, the purpose was to discuss a rail link between the two countries. President Sir Seretse Khama of Botswana has said' that his country is trying to influence white attitudes in South Africa by demonstrating that non-racialism does work, and that a black state can develop to stand on its own feet. MALAWI As mentioned in last year's Survey, Mr. Vorster paid a State visit to Malawi during May 1970, when he and his party were enthusiastically received. The status of the dilplomatic missions between Malawi and South Africa has been raised to that of embassies. Malawi's first Ambassador is Mr. Joe Kachingwe. His daughter has been enrolled at a private school, otherwise serving white children, in Pretoria. The decision taken by the OAU in Addis Ababa in June, to the effect that member-states should not engage in dialogue with South Africa, is mentioned later. President Dr. Banda defied this ruling and made a State visit to South Africa in August, saying that he wanted to see conditions for himself. He was enthusiastically received wherever he went, including the University of Stellenbosch, where he addressed the students. Dr. Banda has never disguised his opposition to the apartheid policy. At a banquet given in his honour by the South African State President, however, he expressed his firm belief in co-operation. Co-operation in economic fields, he said, was subsidiary to co-operation of the spirit, of ideas. Whites had every right to call Rand Daily Mail, 26 March. 6 Star, 9 August. 100

FOREIGN AFFAIRS themselves Africans, he maintained: Arabs were so accepted in countries to the north. The banquet given by Dr. Banda was attended not only by the State President, Prime Minister, Cabinet Ministers, and their wives, but also, as fellow-guests, by local African political and business leaders and their wives. This was a unique occasion in South Africa. Dr. Banda invited the State President and his wife to visit Malawi at their convenience. This invitation was accepted. He also arranged for a group of African businessmen and professional men, who were accompanied by two white Pressmen, to tour his country in September, as guests of the Congress Party. A South African Parliamentary delegation visited Malawi during October. MALAGASY REPUBLIC An eight-man Malagasy diplomatic and economic mission, headed by the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, visited South Africa in August, for talks with government officials and financiers on general economic and trade links, and the creation of a new port and dry dock in their country. Members paid a courtesy visit to the Prime Minister, and the Minister of Foreign Affairs gave a banquet in their honour. It was announced, a few days later, that the two governments were to set up a permanent commission to explore, on a continuing basis, fields for further co- operation. It would meet at regular intervals, alternately in Malagasy and South Africa. ZAMBIA In the Assembly on 21 April7 the Prime Minister, Mr. Vorster, accused President Kaunda of Zambia of "double talking". A few days later the Zambian Minister of Information, Mr. Sikota Wina, made certain counter-accusations at a Press conference in Lusaka,8 and released the texts of correspondence between the two heads of states that had taken place in 1968. It would appear that, in 1964, President Kaunda said, at a public meeting, that he was prepared to exchange diplomats with South Africa, provided that Zambia's envoys received the same rights, including complete freedom of movement in South Africa, as were accorded to other foreign diplomats. He did not, however, approach the South African Government officially in the matter, and the latter made no response. During the following year, Dr. Verwoerd sent out "feelers" to Zambia, considering that it was important to reach some understanding. These were ignored by President Kaunda, apparently partly because his earlier offer had been disregarded, and partly 7 Hansard 11 cols. 4928-40, 4994, 5080-1. 1 Rand Daily Mail, 24 April.

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 because of resentment over the aid that South Africa was giving to Rhodesia. Mr. Wina stated that in 1967 and 1968 several more approaches were made by South Africa, through "a source". A list of proposed subjects on which co- operation was possible was submitted, and a possible meeting between the two heads of states suggested. Between April and August of 1968 there were several frank exchanges of letters between the President and Mr. Vorster. Certain misunderstandings, and alleged mis-statements by President Kaunda, were clarified. A South African envoy visited Zambia several times for discussions with the President and his senior officials, again suggesting a meeting between the two heads of states. But this never took place. Each time, President Kaunda replied that the time was inopportune. He, apparently, restated the Zambian principles in regard to racial discrimination, maintaining that if this practice were abolished in South Africa, and if the latter ceased supporting the "rebel regime" in Rhodesia, then the way would be open for unlimited co-operation. Mr. Vorster made it clear that he would tolerate no interference in South Africa's domestic concerns. Co-operation was possible, however, provided that each country respected the other's sovereignty. A difficulty was that Mr. Vorster insisted that, if discussions were held, this fact should be made public. President Kaunda disagreed. Mr. Vorster alleged that, in March 1969, the President sent an emissary to South Africa, who said that there was information that Rhodesia and Portugal planned to invade Zambia. He asked Mr. Vorster to use his influence to prevent this. The latter assured the envoy that there was no such threat. Yet, Mr. Vorster said, the President had subsequently stated in public that South Africa had secret plans to invade Zambia. He realized that President Kaunda had internal political difficulties, Mr. Vorster said; but he was adopting one attitude in public and another in private. In public, he maintained that there was no question of dialogue between the two countries. He publicly advised other African states not to trade with South Africa, yet Zambia was itself doing so. Mr. Vorster averred that he was committing no breach of confidence and never would; but considered it was necessary to expose this particular matter in the interests of all Southern Africa. He still felt, however, that it was in general interest that some understanding should be reached, Mr. Vorster continued, and he extended another invitation to President Kaunda to hold joint discussions. In a Press article9 Mr. Allister Sparks, the Deputy Editor of Rand Daily Mail, 24 April.

FOREIGN AFFAIRS the Rand Daily Mail, said he did not agree that President Kaunda had been shown to be a "double-talker". He had been the inspiration behind the Lusaka Manifesto,'0 one of the key passages of which had been an agreement that, provided South Africa, Rhodesia, and Portugal committed themselves to the principles of human equality and self-determination, disagreements about the rate of implementation would be the concern of individual countries and not a matter for concerted African action. If Zambia engaged in formal public dialogue before South Africa made this commitment, Mr. Sparks said, this would "confer a certificate of respectability" on apartheid. Private and confidential talks were another matter. "Every government adopts a public position vis-a-vis another, but keeps in touch on a private level as well... This is what diplomacy is all about." Zambia's allegations to the Security Council in regard to the violation of her territory by South African forces are described on page 97. It was announced in September" that a subsidiary of the Anglo American Corporation had been formed, called the ZamAnglo Industrial Corporation, and headed by Mr. Harry Oppen-, heimer. It was developing a R4 000 000 agricultural project to the north of Lusaka, at which Zambians would be trained as commercial farmers, and it would undertake the exploration of Zambia's agricultural and mineral potential. MR. VORSTER'S ATTITUDE TO DIALOGUE AND CO-OPERATION WITH OTHER AFRICAN STATES In various statements made in 1971,1" Mr. Vorster said that he welcomed the interest which certain African leaders had shown in South African affairs, and was prepared to meet any leader of an African state on a basis of equality, as the leader of one country meeting another. Pretoria was ready to start dialogue and to establish and maintain good economic and commercial relations with any independent African state which so desired. Formal invitations to visit South Africa would in due course be sent to certain African leaders. He would welcome the opportunity of discussing separate development, Mr. Vorster continued, "for the simple reason that more nonsense has been written and spoken about separate development than any other subject that I know of". But he would never accept "a change in my internal policy as a pre-condition for dialogue". Mr. Vorster repeated his earlier offer to negotiate nonaggression pacts with other African countries. One reason was in 10 See 1969 Survey, page 78. Rand Daily Mail, 14 September. 12 Press conferences on 30 March, 14 May, and 12 June; and Assembly 22 April. Hansard II col. 4976.

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 order to form a common front to resist communist "subversion and subjection". Another was to allay African fears, and to demonstrate in concrete terms the fact that South Africa had no aggressive intentions whatsoever in relation to Africa. COMMUNIST THREAT In a speech made in the Assembly on 12 February,13 South Africa's Minister of Foreign Affairs, Dr. Hilgard Muller, said there was no doubt that communism presented a serious danger to South Africa and to the whole of Africa. Both the Russians and the Red Chinese, he stated, admitted that their strategy was based on thorough long-term planning. They tried, for a start, to identify themselves with the "so-called freedomfighters", providing training and modern arms. Red China was building the Tanzam railway line: this project had been very carefully examined by the World Bank and by various Western concerns, all of which came to the conclusion that the scheme was an uneconomic one. Red China had made Zambia and Tanzania an interest-free loan of R280 000 000, repayable from 1983. Part of the loan could be repaid through the purchase of Chinese products, possibly manufactured locally. This would impede the development of African industry. An important part of the duties of Red Chinese in these countries was the political indoctrination of the local people. The Russians were building maritime bases in Africa from which their fleet could operate in the Indian Ocean, Dr. Muller said. (During October, Russia was granted a naval base in the Guinean port capital of Conakry.) Mr. Japie du P. Basson (United Party) has said4 that the two main groups of African states differ only on the question of approach to South Africa. Some believe in coercive methods. Others consider that these methods have been and will continue to be abortive, and that every violent action presents the communists with a fresh occasion for intervening on the continent. This group believes that contact and moral pressure are better means of promoting change in South Africa. It was reported on page 77 of last year's Survey that President F. Houphouet- Boigny of the Ivory Coast 'had said he considered that the Organization of African Unity (OAU) had been ineffectual, not really unaligned, and too dependent on wordy resolutions that led nowhere. He had decided to adopt a more realistic policy, based on contact and dialogue with South Africa and Portugal, trying to bring about changes by peaceful means. In a Press interview on 14 May, President Houphouet-Boigny 1:1 Hansard 6 cols. 2694-2700. 14 Rand Daily Mail. 15 May.

FOREIGN AFFAIRS is reported to have said that he urged dialogue with Pretoria because the real danger to Africa was not South Africa, but, rather, communist expansion. SUMMIT CONFERENCE OF OCAM A summit conference of leaders of the 15 "Francophone" states constituting an economic community called the Joint AfroMalagasy and Mauritian Common Organization (OCAM) was held during January. There were clearly differences of opinion. A joint communique issued stated merely that the OCAM nations had "taken note" of the proposals for dialogue with Pretoria that had been made by the Ivory Coast and the Malagasy Republic.15 OAU MINISTERIAL COUNCIL MEETING Much lobbying took place before the meeting of Foreign Ministers of the 41 member-states of the OAU, which was held in Addis Ababa during June. Several countries, for example Togo, the Cingo-Kinshasa, and Dahomey, appeared to waver between the pro- and anti-dialogue groups. The former group, in which the Ivory Coast, Ghana, Mauritius, the Malagasy Republic, and the Central African Republic were prominent, seemed to 'have modified its call for dialogue, putting it into the context of the Lusaka Manifesto, that is, that pre-conditions should be South Africa's acceptance of the principles of human equality and self-determination, and the approval of the OAU. It was reported that the French-speaking and other prodialogue groups were out- manoeuvred by the camp headed by Tanzania and Zambia. The former apparently did not want the question of dialogue placed on the agenda for debate in open session, but Tanzania insisted that this be done, and a compromise motion failed. Several of the French-speaking delegations walked out of the open sessions when the matter was discussed, and absented themselves when a vote was finally taken. President Nyerere of Tanzania was said to have instructed his delegation to call for the expulsion of states that favoured dialogue. A motion was eventually passed by 27 votes to four (Lesotho, Swaziland, Malawi, and the Malagasy Republic), with two abstentions (Dahomey and Niger), and eight delegations absent. It was to the effect that the Ministerial Council emphatically declared that no meaningful basis existed for dialogue with the "minority racist regime of South Africa". The proposal that this should take place was seen as merely a manoeuvre by South Africa to divide African states. Any dialogue must start within South Africa itself, between the blacks and whites there. 15 Sunday Times, 31 January, and other reports.

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 In these circumstances, the Council stated, it reaffirmed its determination to continue to render and to increase assistance to the liberation movements.1" SUMMIT MEETING OF THE OAU The heads of states had planned to meet in Uganda, starting on 21 June. The venue was, however, changed to Addis Ababa after the ousting, in January, of President Milton Obote of Uganda by a military government headed by General Idi Amin. Certain African states refused to recognize General Amin's government. This was another cause of disagreement: the "little entente" French- speaking states of West Africa are stated to have opposed the change of venue and to have accused the OAU of interference in Uganda's internal affairs. President Houphouet-Boigny did not attend the meetings. President Kaunda was succeeded as chairman of the OAU by President Moktar Ould Daddah of Mauretania. A majority of those present agreed that dialogue with South Africa would be unjustifiable and unconstructive in existing circumstances. A resolution was passed instructing member-states to make no attempt to solve the problems of colonialism, racial discrimination, and apartheid in South Africa without the guidance of the OAU. The voting was 28 to six, with five abstentions and two countries absent (Uganda and the Central African Republic). Among South Africa's immediate - neighbours, Lesotho, Malawi, and the Malagasy Republic were reported to have opposed the motion; Swaziland abstained; and Botswana and Zambia were in favour. All countries were asked to double their contributions to the special fund to assist liberation movements, which was created in 1964. A majority of member-states was stated to be in arrears with their contributions, but two at least paid during the meetings.'7 It was reported on 9 September8 that Lesotho subsequently suggested that a summit conference of the pro-dialogue states be convened, in the Malagasy Republic or Mbabane. During October, a summit meeting of the 14 East and Central African States adopted a "Mogadishu Declaration," reaffirming the policy of armed struggle against white-ruled South Africa, and condemning the Republic for alleged aggression against Zambia. UGANDA President General Amin of Uganda announced on 28 September9 that he had sent congratulatory messages to President I, Account compiled from numerous Press reports. Ibid. Is Star of that date. 1 Account compiled from numerous Press reports.

FOREIGN AFFAIRS Dr. Banda on the latter's visits to South Africa and Mozambique. He said that he was sending a telegram to Mr. Vorster, asking whether a delegation from Uganda might make a fact-finding tour of South Africa, with full freedom to go where they wished to talk to the country's black people about their problems, and to tell them how people in Uganda lived. This would enable the General to rely on information other than that given by exiles who were "self-appointed experts". The delegation would be composed of "outstanding politicians, representatives of the National Union of Students of Uganda, and other prominent citizens". General Amin added that he could not himself visit South Africa because this would require OAU approval, and as a head of state, he would be allowed to see only those people who would "shout what they have been told to say." Students at the Makerere University in Kampala expressed grave doubts as to whether the President's proposals would achieve any useful purpose. It was announced on 2 October that South Africa had sent a return telegram to General Amin, inviting him or (should it not be possible for him to come in person) one or more members of his Government to visit the Republic. The General rejected this offer, however, and called off the proposed visit. KENYA Kenya's Foreign Minister, Dr. Njoroge Mungai, suggested in June that leaders of South Africa's Bantu homeland governments should be invited to attend the next OAU meeting. He proposed, too, that a party of South African newspapermen should tour Kenya to see what life was like under a black government. IVORY COAST On 4 October, President Houphouet-Boigny announced that his country and other African states that favoured dialogue were proposing sending a delegation of foreign ministers to Pretoria. South Africa, in turn, would then be invited to send a delegation to the Ivory Coast. Should these contacts prove encouraging, President Houphouet-Boigny would be prepared to visit South Africa himself, and subsequently to extend an invitation to Mr. Vorster to visit Abidjan. The Ivory Coast's Foreign Minister, Dr. Kofia Ndia, visited South Africa on his way home from the independence celebrations in Lesotho, in order to have private discussions with Mr. Vorster and senior members of the Department of Foreign Affairs. THE UNITED STATES In his annual State of the World report, President Nixon

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 stressed that "racism is abhorrent to the American people, to my administration, and to me personally . . . Colonialism and racial injustice in Southern Africa continue to frustrate the African sense of achievement". But the President continued, "Just as we will not condone the violence to human dignity implicit in apartheid, we cannot associate ourselves with those who call for a violent solution to these problems. Neither military nor economic strength is available to force change on the white minority regimes. Violence would harden the resistance of the white minorities to evolutionary changes". The United States believed, President Nixon said, "that the outside world can and should use its contacts with Southern Africa to promote and speed that change. We do not, therefore, believe that the isolation of the white regimes serves African interests, or our own, or that of ultimate justice. A combination of contact and moral pressure serves all three".' Shortly afterwards, the Secretary of State, Mr. William Rogers, took a similar line in his report on foreign policy. He said2 that the United States was looking for peaceful and evolutionary solutions to advance the goals of racial equality and selfdetermination in Southern Africa. A different approach was, however, advocated by Mr. Ramsey Clark, a leading Democrat and former United States AttorneyGeneral, when he gave the annual Day of Affirmation lecture arranged by the National Union of S.A. Students. He was in favour of cutting economic and other ties, and of aiding organizations based in black Africa "which sought to relieve the suffering of oppressed people".3 A motion was introduced in Congress, and strongly advocated by Senator Edward Kennedy in the Senate, to amend the American Sugar Act in such a way as to eliminate or suspend South Africa's sugar quota. The Act was, however, extended for another three years. There has been considerable pressure on American business firms, by Church and other organizations in the United States, to disengage from South Africa. The one- year experiment decided upon by the Polaroid Corporation is mentioned elsewhere in this Survey. Briefly, this corporation decided that it would use part of the profits it earned in South Africa to try to promote change within the country. Its distributors raised the wages of their nonwhite employees considerably, introduced new benefit schemes, and trained these employees for more advanced work. Besides this, a trust fund of R35 000 was set up to provide educational bursaries for non-white students, mainly Africans. L Rand Daily Mall, 26 February 2 Sunday Times, 28 March. 3 Ibid. 16 May. 108

FOREIGN AFFAIRS (This scheme is being administered by the Institute of Race Relations.) A grant of R10 500 was made to the Association for the Educational and Cultural Advancement of the African People to enable this organization to improve its administration. R7 000 was allocated to the United States - South Africa Leadership Programme to pay for visits to America by two Africans. Two prominent Africans who visited the United States during 1971, Chief Gatsha Buthelezi and Mrs. Lucy Mvubelo (general secretary of the National Union of Clothing Workers), advised American businessmen to adopt a similar policy, rather than one of disengagement. If they. withdrew, the tourists said, general standards of living would fall, and Africans would be the first to suffer. As mentioned on page 71, Congressman Charles Diggs was, after an earlier refusal, granted a visa to visit South Africa in 1971. He came in August, accompanied by another Congressman and several aides from the Foreign Affairs Sub-Committee on Africa of the House of Representatives, and spent nine days touring the country to meet as many people as possible (except Government representatives: he cancelled a plan for official discussions after difficulties were placed in the way of his visiting South West Africa). Congressman Diggs continued to oppose South Africa's sugar quota, but revised his earlier opinions about American involvement in South Africa. In a Press interview' given before leaving, he said that he had found "an appalling amount of racial injustice". Nevertheless, in order to improve matters, he now advocated increased communication with South Africa by American leaders in many fields. He urged American firms doing business in the country to do a great deal more than they had in the past to improve the circumstances of non-whites. It was reported in an earlier chapter that several American citizens were required to leave South Africa in the early part of 1971. The State Department in Washington is reported' to have said, "The expulsion of United States citizens from South Africa is, and always has been, a matter of serious concern and interest to the United States Government. We have made our concern and interest known to the South African Government in the past, and are doing so again on an urgent basis." On the same day, the American Embassy in Cape Town expressed its "deep regret" at the South African Government's decision again to refuse an entry permit to the tennis player, Mr. Arthur Ashe. ' e.g. Star, 19 August. Star, 25 February.

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 BRITAIN In an address to the United Nations' General Assembly on 29 September' Britain's Foreign Secretary, Sir Alec Douglas-Home, urged that in every case where there was international confrontation, existing or threatening, a conscious and urgent effort should be made by all the parties engaged to achieve a modus vivendi before the stage of open violence was reached. Sir Alec said that there was continued frustration by many in Africa at the continued existence "of the evil of apartheid". "Frustration and impatience can lead to violence", he continued, "and, as we have seen so often, violence, from which the innocent suffer, provokes counter-measures; and the lines of war thus become ever more sharply drawn. I am glad to see that, in spite of the deep feelings aroused by apartheid, the urge to dialogue grows. There, as elsewhere, neighbours have no choice but to live side by side, and ultimately dialogue must be resumed". After considerable debate at the Commonwealth conference, held in Singapore during January, a statement was issued reading, "Heads of government considered the factors affecting the security of maritime trade routes in the South Atlantic and Indian Oceans, which are of vital importance for a large number of Commonwealth countries. They decided to create a study group, consisting of representatives of Australia, Britain, Canada, India, Jamaica, Kenya, Malaysia, and Nigeria with instructions to consider the question further and report to them through the secretarygeneral as soon as possible". The British Prime Minister, Mr. Edward Heath, stated that he had agreed to take part in this study on the following basis. (a) The British Government retained its right to take such action as it considered necessary to give effect to its global defence policy, in which the facilities at Simonstown constituted an important element; (b) The British Government was bound, if requested, to carry out its legal obligations to the South African Government under the on which the availability of those facilities depended; (c) The South African Government had given an assurance that it had no aggressive intentions and would not use any items of maritime equipment supplied by the British Government for purposes other than those for which they had been supplied. In the event of any breach of this assurance, the British Government would refuse further supplies of equipment and spares. A declaration passed unanimously stated that Heads of States "recognize racial prejudice as a dangerous sickness threatening the 6 Ibid. 30 September.

FOREIGN AFFAIRS healthy development of the human race, and racial discrimination as an unmitigated evil of society. Each of us will vigorously combat this evil in our own nation. No country will afford to regimes which practise racial discrimination assistance which in its own judgment directly contributes to the pursuit or consolidation of this evil policy". The Simonstown Agreement is a loose contract consisting of an exchange of letters in 1955, a memorandum, and various annexures and aide-memoires. The main theme was that the British and South African navies should combine to defend the Cape sea route. The South African CGovernment, which was to take over the Simonstown naval base, agreed to maintain and develop it to certain specifications, and in time of war to allow Britain the use of her harbours and certain airfields. Britain undertook to strengthen the South African Navy by selling it R36 000 000 worth of anti-submarine frigates, minesweepers, and seaward defence aircraft by 1963. These were duly delivered. When the Labour Government came into power, it supplied four Westland Wasp helicopters that were considered to be integral parts of the anti-submarine weapons system. It then decided that it had fulfilled its contractual obligations. In terms of the 1963 Security Council resolution, it imposed an arms embargo. Meanwhile, three new frigates bought by South Africa under the agreement had, with British approval, been converted to carry helicopters. When the Republic applied to buy another four helicopters to equip these frigates, the request was refused.' South Africa maintained that the arms embargo violated the "Ltter and spirit" of the Simonstown Agreement, and that Britain was under a continuing obligation to supply naval equipment and spares. It pointed to the threat to the Cape sea route caused by growing Soviet naval presence and activities in the waters adjacent to Southern Africa. When the Conservative Government took over, the British Attorney-General and the Solicitor-General were asked to investigate the matter. Their findings, published in a White Paper, were that Britain was legally obliged, if so requested by South Africa, to permit the sale of such number of helicopters as were necessary to equip the three anti-submarine frigates already supplied, together with such equipment for all the vessels supplied as was needed to enable them to function efficiently. Apart from this, it was not considered that there was any general and continuing legal obligation on Britain to permit the supply of arms to South Africa. It was announced in March' that Britain had granted export licences to enable South Africa to buy seven more helicopters for Star, 4 February. 'Rand Daily Mail, 23 March. 112 A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 anti-submarine patrol, and that the export of spare parts required by the navy would be continued. Joint exercises between ships of the Royal and the South African navies took place during October.

113 THE AFRICAN RESERVES EXTENT, BOUNDARIES, AND POPULATION In the Assembly on 20 April,' the Deputy Minister of Bantu Administration gave figures indicating the number of pieces of land that were included in the areas of each legislative assembly or territorial authority, their total area at the end of 1970, and their African population as shown in preliminary census statistics. In the table that follows, the total area is given to the nearest hectare. Later population figures, as contained in a Department of Statistics News Release dated 10 August, are substituted. Bantu A uthority No. of pieces of Total area African or ethnic group land constituting in hectares population in homeland area 1970 Transkei ...... 2 46805791 2206182 Ciskei ...... 17 867 988 Zulu 29 3 182642 2 134951 BasothoBaBorwa(Shoeshoe) 1 52038 144005 Tswana ...... 19 3305965 610529 Lebowa (Pedi) ...... 3 1 773 360 1 001 188 Venda ...... 3 804146 251235 Machangana ...... 4 891696 392910 Swazi ...... 3 290060 112020 N. and S. Ndebele ...... - - 125257 Other ...... - - 18 902 81 15848474 6997179 In terms of the Bantu Trust and Land Act of 1936, a "quota" of an additional 7 250 000 morgen (6 209 857 hectares) of land was to be added to the then existing African Reserves. The Deputy Minister said on 19 March that, at the end of 1970, 1 339 256 hectares of quota land remained to be purchased, in the following provinces: Transvaal ...... 627 202 hectares Cape ...... 644 682 hectares Natal ...... 67 372 hectares. Besides this, the Deputy Minister continued, land had to be acquired in exchange for black spots and "poorly situated" Bantu areas from which Africans were being removed. At the end of 1970, 163 black spots and badly situated areas, 191 863 hectares in extent, had been cleared. There were still 309 such areas to clear, measuring 230 407 hectares. In reply to a question in the Assembly on 12 February,3 the Hansard 11 col. 739. 2 Hansard 7 col. 3246. 3 Hansard 2 col. 173.

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 Minister explained that the figures he had supplied differed slightly from those given the previous year because certain released areas or portions thereof had been declared scheduled areas as compensation for scheduled areas that had been excised.' During 1970, the Minister continued, 106 250 hectares had been bought by the S.A. Bantu Trust (mainly in the Eastern Cape). Part of the land to be added to the homelands apparently consists of towns and their commonages that are to be transferred to homeland governments for African ownership. The Prime Minister said on 21 April' that there were 26 such towns in the Transkei, about 50 000 morgen (42 827 hectares) in extent. It was announced later6 that the white-owned towns of Nkandla and Nqutu in Zululand were to be declared released areas. The S.A. Bantu Trust would buy the properties there at negotiated prices, for eventual resale to Africans. In the Assembly on 19 March,7 Mr. T. Gray Hughes (United Party) moved a Private Member's Motion to the effect that the Government should immediately consider the advisability of finally determining and making known the ultimate boundaries of the Reserves, "in order to allay the growing concern of white people living in proximity to the Bantu Reserves and to stop the growing demands of Bantu leaders for additional land to be incorporated into the independent states". The Deputy Minister of Bantu Development and the Prime Minister made it clear' that no additional land beyond the remainder of the quota decided upon in 1936 would be added to the homelands. The maximum possible degree of consolidation of these areas would be brought about with the land still to be acquired. It was impossible to draw final lines at the present stage, the Ministers stated. (The elimination of black spots and small reserves in exchange for white-owned land adjoining existing homelands will assist in some degree with the process of consolidation, as is shown in draft plans for the future Ciskei, published by the Government on 19 November, in terms of which this homeland would consist of four instead of seventeen scattered pieces of land.) Mrs. Helen Suzman (Progressive Party) maintained9 that the 7 250 000 morgen promised in 1936 was designed as a quid pro quo for the abolition of the African franchise in the Cape, but not as a basis for independent Bantustans. Much more land would, obviously, be needed for this, she said. In Press interviews,"0 the Deputy Ministers of Bantu Development and of Bantu Administration have indicated that a special 4 See 1970 Survey, page 129, for definitions of scheduled and released areas. Assembly Hansard 11 col. 4918. 6 Assembly Hansard 18 col. 8387. Hansard 7 cols. 3192 et seq. Cols. 3236-42 and 3248; Hansard 11 col. 4918. Hansard 11 col. 4897. ', Rand Daly Mail, 20 August and 14 September. 114

AFRICAN HOMELANDS section of the Department has been created to investigate the boundary question. Priorities were the Ciskei and Zululand. Professor Jan H. Moolman, Director of the Africa Institute, suggested" that the task of defining future boundaries was too great for a single government department. It should be entrusted to a commission of four or five selected men, assisted by committees for each of the homelands, on which Africans as well as Whites should serve. He said that, if reasonably satisfactory borders were to be, achieved, it might prove necessary to include certain White-owned land in the homelands. Such an arrangement existed in Swaziland and in the Tuli and Tati blocks of Botswana. REMOVAL SCHEMES Majeng Majeng is part of a Reserve that was scheduled in the Bantu Land Act of 1913, but it protrudes into a white area. According to the Minister of Bantu Administration and Development, 2 it was decided in 1968 that the 433 African families living there should be moved, in order to straighten the border and consolidate the homeland, and also because part of the area would become inundated when the Spitzkop Dam was completed. The families are mainly of the Batlhaping (Tswana) tribe, under Chief Jeffrey Moseki. Many of the men worked in diamond diggings in the Barkly West area, being able to commute daily. The Department proposed that they should be moved about 80 km away, to a farm called Vaalboshoek. Tents would be lent for about six months to those who moved, while they were erecting new huts, or alternatively the people could rent or buy shacks built by the Department. A school and a clinic were promised. Trucks were sent to transport the families and their possessions free of charge. and, according to the Minister, 168 families agreed to go and had been moved by 23 February. Removals were then suspended because there were no more volunteers. Press reports indicate that some of those who went to Vaalboshoek subsequently returned because they found the area too remote from centres of employment, the bus service being inadequate. Chief Moseki had, some years previously, disagreed with certain aspects of Government policy. His recognition as a chief was then withdrawn and his stipend suspended. He was vigorously opposed to the move to Vaalboshoek. During February, he and five senior members of the tribe were arrested for holding an illegal meeting. The charges were withdrawn, but the Department banned further tribal meetings at Majeng, closed the school, withdrew social pensions, and demolished the tribal court. 11 Star, 19 August. 12 Assembly. 23 February, Hansard 4 col. 275.

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 According to various Press reports,"3 those who had remained at Majeng were given a final ultimatum to move by 10 May. Bulldozers were then sent to demolish their homes. Richards Bay area The decision to move more than 6000 Africans of the Mandlazini tribe from Reserve No. 6 to land in the extreme north of Zululand was described on page 131 of last year's Survey. Reserve No. 6 is to become an industrial area of the harbour town to be created at Richards Bay. It was announced in January that an alternative plan had been suggested. Those of the Africans who did not wish to live in a new urban township and work in the proposed factories might possibly be resettled on farming land at Fuyeni, near Empangeni, which was owned by the State. The Deputy Minister of Bantu Development said in the Assembly on 25 May4 that no final decision had been made. Reserves in the area As indicated last year, the (white) Natal Agricultural Union has been pressing for the removal of between 75 000 and 100 000 Africans from the Drakensberg Locations 1 and 2 and the Upper Tugela location, for the reason that these areas are overcrowded and overstocked, and that the land has become so badly eroded that the watershed of the Tugela River is threatened. The Agricultural Union offered the Department of Bantu Administration and Development compensatory land in the Weenen area; but this is stated to be too small and of inferior farming potential. Meanwhile, Departmental officials are helping the Africans to improve their farming methods in order to stop the erosion.1 Mamathola tribe It was reported in earlier issues of this Survey that, between 1956 and 1958, the Mamathola tribe resisted a Departmental plan to move them from a watershed in the Wolkeberg Mountains of the Eastern Transvaal to farming land at Metz. The Africans finally did move, and have not regretted it: they held a feast of thanksgiving during May.' Machaviestad, Potchefstroom A group of Barolong people lived for many years at Machaviestad, about 20km from Potchefstroom. In 1971 they 13 e.g. Sunday Times, 9 May. 14 Hansard 16 col. 921. '- Natal Daily News, 29 July. 16 Star, 10 May.

RURAL RESETTLEMENT SCHEMES numbered about 140. Their chief is Israel Mokate. These people maintained that the land was given to them by President Kruger, while the Town Council insisted that it is part of the municipal commonage. The Mayor said in May that, as far back as 1959, the Department of Bantu Administration and Development decided that the Africans should move. On several occasions, he said, alternative land had been offered to them, but most of them refused these offers: some did, apparently, leave. Those who remained were forbidden to plough. Grazing fees for the large number of livestock they owned were raised considerably. On two occasionj when payments fell into arrear, all their cattle and other animals were impounded, and they were required to pay large sums for the maintenance of these beasts at the municipal pound. The second time, an anonymous Johannesburg businessman came to their rescue, and is stated to have paid more than R1 000 to enable the Africans to recover their livestock. These people were offered alternative farming land, or else could elect to dispose of their cattle and move into Ikageng, the urban African township serving Potchefstroom. In order to induce them to leave Machaviestad, the school was closed, and it is stated that a locked gate was put across the access road to prevent buses from reaching their area. The Deputy Minister of Bantu Administration said in the Assembly on 30 April"7 that, four days previously, officials of his Department and of the municipality had held discussions with the Africans and their legal representative. A written agreement was entered into, in terms of which the Africans admitted that the ground they occupied was municipal property, and agreed to be resettled on the farm Leeufontein, near Pilanesberg, where they would have grazing and ploughing facilities. It was apparently, decided that they could remain at Machaviestad until Leeufontein had been prepared for their occupation. Water supplies, including a reservoir, would be provided there, and a school, clinic, and shops erected. The Department would build dwellings which they could occupy rent-free for the first six months. Free transport would be provided, and compensation paid. The chief and 42 others were taken about 160 km to see the new area. On 15 May, however, the Africans announced that they were now not prepared to go to Leeufontein. The municipality then impounded their stock again, and told them that unless they had moved away by 9 June they would be prosecuted for squatting illegally on municipal land. They concluded that the fight was lost, and left for an area called Rooigrond, near Mafeking, where the local chief made land available. It was reported on 1 October that they were still living 17 Hansard 12 cols. 809-10.

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 in tents lent by the Government or in rough shacks, considering that as their future was insecure it was not worth erecting more permanent housing. There was no land for ploughing, no schools or clinics, no work available locally, and social pensions had not been paid since they moved."8 BUDGETS OF EXPENDITURE The total amounts allocated to the Department of Bantu Administration and Development for the year ending 31 March 1972 are:19 Revenue Account ... Loan Account ...... R110 390 000 R87 000 000 R197 390 000 These sums include anticipated expenditure in "white" areas as well as in the homelands of the Republic and the Transkei. They exclude anticipated expenditure by the Departments of Bantu Education, Transport, Posts and Telegraphs, and others, contributions from urban local authorities, and amounts to be spent from revenue collected in the various homelands themselves and from the S.A. Bantu Trust's accumulated funds. The Transkeian Government is to receive R22 767 000 of the total from Revenue Account. Amounts allocated to the S.A. Bantu Trust Fund, for expenditure in the other homelands (included in the totals given above) are: Revenue Account: Services by Bantu Authorities ...... Health services and hospitals ...... M iscellaneous ...... Loan Account: Purchase of land ...... Development of Bantu areas by the Trust Development of Bantu areas by Bantu Authorities ...... Compensation to whites in the Transkei Hospital buildings ...... Services in the Eastern Caprivi Zipfel 18 Account compiled from numerous Press reports. 19 R.P. 2/1971, Vote 24; R.P. 3/1971, Vote N; R.P. 7/1971, Vote 24. E Eastern Caprivi Zipfel, but not in the rest of South West Africa, is included. R 11 122000 32 500000 844 000 8 500 000 58000000 15449000 4750000 8000000 1 461 000 140626000 :xpenditure in the 118

STATE EXPENDITURE IN THE HOMELANDS Further sums, that will be spent from accumulated funds or sums collected in the various homelands, are: S.A. Bantu Trust ...... Homelands of the Republic Transkei ...... Eastern Caprivi ...... R ...... 3800000 ...... 5114000 ...... 9614000 ...... 1230600 19758 600 Other items of expenditure from the total allocated to the Department are: R Contribution to Bantu administration in South West Africa ...... 7 100000 Additional share capital for Corporations ... 14 500000 Expenditure by these Corporations is dealt with in the chapter on employment. During the year under review, some of the (then) Territorial Authorities passed enactments appropriating additional sums for the 1.970-1 financial year. These were: Ciskei-R1 025 500; Tswana - R2 173 300; Lebowa - R276 000; Machangana- R250 001; Venda - R72 000; and Basotho Ba Borwa - R9 000. Their appropriations for 1971-2 were:"0 Transkei Chief Minister and Finance ... Justice ...... Education ...... Interior ...... Agriculture and Forestry ... Roads and Works ...... Authority Affairs and Finance Community Affairs ...... Justice ...... Agriculture ...... Works ... Education and Culture R 967 000 783000 9 626 000 6 543 000 8 586 000 5876000 32381000 Ciskei R 248 300 1 930400 100500 1 157700 3 343 600 3 950 000 10 730 500 Tswana R 550400 2632200 182 000 1 002 400 4232100 4720700 13319800 Lebowa R 384000 2635000 159000 1 599 100 3 338 700 4723000 12 838 800 20 See Transkei Appropriation Act, and Republican Government Gazettes dated 4 and 11 June and 20 August.

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 Machangana Venda Basotho Ba Borwa RRR Authority Affairs and Finance ... 318000 227200 45 100 Community Affairs ...... 818 000 824 600 '178 500 Justice ...... 64 000 60 900 Agriculture ...... 819 000 625 200 1 228 900 Works ...... 1800000 1271800 Education and Culture ...... 1 261 000 1 592 000 360 000 5080000 4601700 1812500 All services for the Zulu, Swazi, and Ndebele groups were still financed from the central Departmental budget or that of the S.A. Bantu Trust; as were such services in the other homelands as were still under central Government control. Provision was made, in the Votes of the Department of Administration and Development, for the temporary secondment of 1 427 white personnel to the service of the homeland governments, including 303 in South West Africa. These men are being withdrawn gradually, as Africans -take over the posts. The Prime Minister said in the Assembly on 21 April1 that in December 1963, when partial self-government was granted to the Transkei, 455, or 18,6 per cent, of the territory's 2 446 public service posts were held by whites. By 1971, when the number of posts in the public service had increased to 3 673, the number of white officials had decreased to 292, or 7,9 per cent of the total. The Deputy Minister of Bantu Administration said in a speech made on 5 August that there were then 24 African magistrates in the Transkei, 3 of them being the chief magistrates of districts. TOWNSHIPS BOARD IN THE TRANSKEI The establishment of the Transkei Townships Board was described on page 137 of last year's Survey. It is gradually to take over from the previous (white) local authorities the administration of 19 of the 26 towns in the Transkei that have been reserved for African occupation. At the time of writing, the Board has already taken over the administration of Tsolo, Qumbu, Cofimvaba, Libode, Ngqamakwe, Tsomo, Mount Frere, Elliotdale, and Ngqeleni. African advisory committees have been appointed in the towns concerned. GLEN GREY The Glen Grey district has, hitherto, been considered as part of the Ciskei, although it is separated geographically from the other 16 pieces of land making up this homeland, and adjoins Tembuland which is part of the Transkei. Many of its people 21 Hansard 11 col. 4866. 120

AGRICULTURE IN THE HOMELANDS (numbering about 100 000 in all) look upon themselves as emigrant Tembus, allied by birth to those in Paramount Chief Matanzima's home district. A referendum was held in mid-October to determine whether or not Glen Grey should become part of the Transkei. At the time of writing, the decision has not been announced. TSWANA HOMELAND A liaison officer for ,the Department, Mr. S. E. Serfontein, is reported22 to have said on 13 August that, after the Bantu Homelands Citizenship Act came into force at a date to, be decided by the Government, a start would be made to ensure that each homeland was occupied only by members of the ethnic group for which it was designed. The only exception was the Ndebele people, for whom there was no homeland: they would have to live either in the Tswana or the Lebowa homelands. Difficulties will arise in the eastern parts of the Tswana homeland (to the north of Pretoria). The Deputy Minister of Bantu Administration and Development said on 26 February23 that there were then 5 201 Tswana and 1 986 non-Tswana families living at Ga Rankuwa. At Mabopane, a few miles to the north, there are many Ndebele and Pedi people. In the adjacent, overcrowded areas of Winterveldt and Klippan, some 40 km from Pretoria, a "mixed" community authority has been created which falls under the Tswana Territorial Authority. Besides those mentioned, people of Sotho, Venda, and Shangaan origin live there. There has been talk21 of creating an area in this vicinity for mixed ethnic groups. Chief Councillor Lucas Mangope is reported to have said that he would not object to non-Tswanas living in the eastern part of the developing Mabopane township if they were employed in Pretoria. AGRICULTURE IN THE RESERVES Plans for speeding up development At the beginning of 1971, a board of experts was appointed by the Minister of Bantu Administration and Development to advise on the speeding up of agricultural development in the homelands. Two officials had, previously, been sent on visits overseas, for example to Israel, to study collective agriculture. Agricultural potential and existing production The Deputy Minister of Bantu Development said in the Assembly on 19 May' that 29 per cent of the surface area of the '2 Rand Daily Mail of the following day. ;3 Hansard 4 col. 324. 2A e.g. Rand Daily Mail, 8 May and 13 August. I Hansard 15 cols. 7125-6.

122 A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 homelands was suitable for intensive farming, and that 76 per cent of the total area had more than 20 inches (508 mm) of rain annually. Most of this land is farmed by peasants, on the one-manone-lot system, and yields are low. The land is overcrowded and over-stocked. The Minister said on 19 May2 that it was not planned to change the tribal communal ownership of land; but the Department would like to be in a position to transfer the occupation of plots from inefficient to more progressive farmers. According to the Deputy Minister,' the gross national product of African agriculture in 1968-69 was: R Tswana ...... 10649000 Zulu ...... 14394000 South Sotho ...... 153 000 Lebowa, Machangana, and Venda ... 7 813 000 Ciskei ...... 194000 The figure for the Ciskei was abnormally low because of severe drought. In its report for 1969,' the Department stated that yields remained extremely low. Average figures for homelands in the Republic (excluding the Transkei), expressed in kilograms per hectare, were: W heat ...... 261,.9 Maize ...... 195,3 Kaffircorn ...... 175.5 Millet ...... 230,4 Cowpeas ...... 133,2 Dry beans ...... 184,5 Groundnuts ...... 290,7 (Recent comparative figures are not available, but the Tomlinson Commission reported' that in 1949-50, the average production of maize was 6,98 bags per morgen on farms owned by whites, as compared with 2,47 bags in Bantu areas. Relative figures for kaffircorn were 5,35 bags and 1,46 bags per morgen respectively. Africans began eating their maize in the green stage, however, thus it was difficult to determine the percentage harvested as ripe grain.) In reply to a series of questions in the Assembly on 12 February, relating to homelands other than the Transkei, the Minister said6 that 20 914 hectares were under irrigation. So far as marketable crops were concerned, 11 436 hectares had been planted with resilient fibres, 14 039 hectares with sugar cane, and 451 hectares with cotton. Other crops, being grown on a small, experimental basis, were coconuts, cashew nuts, coffee, and tea. 2 Hansard 15 col. 7193. 3 Assembly, 2 March, Hansard 5 col. 356. 4 R.P. 58/1971, page 5. U.G. 61/1955, page 84. 6 Hansard 2 cols. 178-9. The Minister's figures have been expressed here in decimal units, and supplemented with statistics from the Departmental report.

MINING IN THE HOMELANDS The Department operates 12 decorticators and 34 smaller portable units to treat the fibres. Recent figures are not available, but tea, phorium tenax, and other crops are being grown in the Transkei. The Minister said7 that the Xhosa Development Corporation has teams of seasonal workers, operating more than 150 tractors, whose services may be hired by African farmers for ploughing. In terms of Government Notice 117 of 21 May, model regulations were published for the running of agricultural cooperatives by Africans. dealing with the promotion of improved farming methods, the storage or marketing of products, and the supply of agricultural implements. Livestock According to the Departmental report for 1969, quoted earlier, there were then about 2 263 727 cattle and 2 661 177 head of small stock in the homelands (excluding the Transkei). During the year, 656 approved bulls and 599 rams had been sold to Africans at subsidized prices for breeding purposes. There had been 532 auction sales, at which 47 499 head of cattle had been sold for R3 182 678, and 19 935 head of small stock for R121 963. Besides this, 84 191 cattle and 115 354 head of small stock had been slaughtered by butchers or for home consumption. There were 82 co-operative dairy schemes in operation with 1 789 participants, yielding a gross revenue of R84 032 during the year. Extension officers In 1969, the Department was employing 512 Africans as extension officers. During that year, 37 qualified for agricultural diplomas, 4 for agricultural certificates, and 19 for diplomas in the control of stock diseases. MINING IN THE RESERVES Bantu Mining Corporation' An account of the minerals thus far discovered in Bantu areas, and of mines in operation there, was given on pages 149 et seq of last year's Survey. All applications for prospecting and mining rights in these areas must be routed through the Bantu Mining Corporation. A condition for a prospecting licence is that all relevant geological information obtained must be passed to the Corporation. Low prospecting fees are charged in order to attract applicants: these fees are about ten cents per hectare per annum. If prospectors discover attractive propositions, they may be allowed to exploit Assembly. 18 May. Hansard 15 col. 7013. Information in this section compiled from an article in the Rand Daily Mail, 22 February, and an article in Coal, Gold, and Base Minerals of Southern Africa, September.

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 them; but if they consider that a deposit found is unlikely to be profitable to them, it may still be economic for African entrepreneurs, the Corporation states. The Minister of Bantu Administration and Development said in the Assembly on 18 May9 that, during the past financial year, the Corporation had granted prospecting and/or mining rights to white companies or individuals on 150 farms in the homelands, spread over about 550000 hectares. The Corporation is itself undertaking prospecting in a few areas. It has established a small sodalite mine in the Kaokoveld of South West Africa (sodalite is a blue stone used for making articles such as ashtrays). A stone crushing plant near Giyani in the Northern Transvaal and a sand extraction plant near Pinetown, will begin production during 1971: the latter is to employ about 300 Africans. If mining rights are granted to private companies, royalties have to be paid to the owners of the land - the S.A. Bantu Trust or an African tribe. This arrangement may, however, be revised to enable the Corporation to benefit in some way, for its funds are limited. On its establishment in 1969, the State contributed an initial share capital of R500000, which is to be increased by Ri 000 000 a year to a total of R10 000 000. The Corporation 'has established three bursaries, to be increased to five in 1972, to enable Africans to study geology at a university, with a view to the employment of the graduates in its prospecting work. Prospects for African advancement As mentioned on page 151 of the 1970 Survey, the Government Mining Engineer has power to grant exemptions from the colour bar provisions of the Mines and Works Act and regulations issued thereunder, subject 'to such conditions as he may prescribe. Until October, no such exemptions had been granted to make it possible for Africans to do semi-skilled or skilled mining work, even on mines that were situated in the African Reserves, although at least three mining companies had made application. The Africans would have to be trained by white miners. The Minister of Mines said in the Assembly on 26 May10 that the (white) Mineworkers' Union had indicated to him that it was not prepared, as a union, to support the training of Africans for more responsible jobs on homeland mines. The Minister reiterated, however, that, subject to certain conditions,"1 African advancement will be permitted. It was reported last year, too,12 that the provisions of the 9 Hansard 15 cols. 7012-3. 10 Hansard 16 col. 7613. 11 Conditions imposed by the Government, earlier, were set out in the 1970 Survey, page 154. 12 Page 155.

MINING IN THE HOMELANDS Industrial Conciliation Act of 1956 had been repealed in the homelands. There was an amending proclamation (No. 124) during 1971, making it clear that this did not apply to persons other ,than Africans working there. The Minister of Labour said": that one effect of the earlier proclamation had been to deprive whites of their trade union rights in regard to the settlement of disputes, which had not been the Government's intention. But, besides dealing with usual matters relating to industrial conciliation, the 1956 Act also makes provision for job reservation. If whites feel that their position is threatened by nonwhites, they may apply for an investigation by the Industrial Tribunal, with a view to having the jobs concerned reserved for persons of their own racial group, by means of a determination made by the Minister. (Exemptions from such determinations may however, be granted.) It was announced on 8 October that the long deadlock (which began some three years earlier) had been broken in respect of one mine. With Cabinet approval, the Government Mining Engineer had granted exemptions from the colour bar to the Atok platinum mine in a Northern Sotho area, about 80 km from Pietersburg. This mine is owned by Anglo-Vaal, and is stated to employ 10 White and 350 African miners. In terms of the exemption order, the Whites will, in effect, be promoted to the posts of "shift boss", at higher rates of pay. Highly qualified Africans will move up to the position of "Bantu mining assistants". They will be allowed to blast, but will not qualify for full blasting certificates. Those promoted must be men ofthe North Sotho ethnic group, at least 25 years old, in possession of first aid certificates, and able to read and write. They must have served no less than 900 shifts of practical mining work, 150 of these shifts in the capacity of "boss boy". Candidates for promotion will be examined by the Inspector of Mines. Those selected will work under the general supervision of a certified white ganger. Dr. H. J. Hanekom, general manager of the Bantu Mining Corporation, welcomed this step, stating that it meant that trained Africans would become available to run their own small mines, exploiting, for example, deposits of asbestos, chrome and manganese.1 Job reservation determination No. 27 of 12 November is mentioned in the chapter on Employment. It provides that Africans may do work connected with sampling, surveying, and ventilation on mines in the homelands only. 13 Assembly, 17 May, Hansard 15 cols. 6929-30, 6997-8. 14 Star, 8 October; Rand Daily Mail. 9 October. 125

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 MANUFACTURING AND COMMERCE IN THE RESERVES These matters are dealt with in the chapter on Employment. CLOSER SEiTLEMENT AREAS There are various types of villages and towns in the Reserves. Some constitute the residential areas of "rural locations", where the tribal headquarters and schools are situated. Many of the men own cattle and cultivate arable plots. Those who cannot do so, in cases where there is insufficient land, go away to work as migrant labourers for periods of up to a year. At the extreme other end of the scale, modem townships are being created, usually just within a homeland but close to a "white" city or town, or to a border industrial area. In a large number of cases, Africans are being moved to such townships from urban Bantu townships under the control of municipalities. This whole question is dealt with in the chapter on housing. As well as these rural locations and modem townships, however, there are "resettlement" or "closer settlement" areas to accommodate Africans endorsed out of towns, or ejected from white-owned farms. Ex-political prisoners may be confined to such areas for stated periods (usually two or five years). Descriptions of some of these settlements have been given in previous issues of this Survey. Father Cosmas Desmond's book The Discarded People, which depicted conditions in many of them, was mentioned in the 1970 Survey. It may no longer be distributed in South Africa, for Father Desmond is now under a banning order. A British television film called The Dumping Grounds has been made to portray the circumstances in which the inhabitants of some of the resettlement villages live. In the Assembly on 19 May,5 Mrs. Helen Suzman (Progressive Party) made an urgent appeal to the Government not to move "another single, solitary, person" to a resettlement village until proper amenities had been provided for the people already there. These villages are usually remote from centres of employment, thus the able- bodied men and young unmarried women have to go away to work as migrant labourers, often for a year at a time, although sometimes week-end visits home are possible. The inhabitants are the old people, the disabled, married women, and children. As mentioned in previous years, some removal schemes were undertaken before any amenities such as sanitation, proper water supplies, schools, clinics, or shops were available. Until they were able to build new dwellings, the people lived in tents lent to them by the Government. Conditions in resettlement areas such as these (Limehill, '- Hansard 15 cols. 7073 et seq.

CLOSER SETTLEMENT AREAS Stinkwater, Morsgat, etc.) have, since, been considerably improved. But the people remain desperately poor. The Department of Bantu Administration and Development employs some men on building houses, at wages stated to be R19 a month, and some women on odd jobs such as weeding, picking up stones, watering vegetable plots, etc., their wages being a maximum of some R6 a month. But only a minority can find such employment. Previously, when the families lived in or near towns, women could find work doing charring or laundering for white householders. The Department, or church or other voluntary groups, have started a few light industries. But the general picture is one of extreme poverty. Aged or disabled people may qualify for social pensions: the rates are set out on the chapter dealing with welfare. People who are not pensioners and receive no family support can live rent-free in one-roomed huts, and be issued with free rations. The scales (which had shortly beforehand been improved) were described by the Rev. David Russell in an article published in the South African Outlook in June. The monthly scales are: Person 12 years Person under 12 and over years of age Mealiemeal ...... 20 lb. 15 lb. M ealies ...... 8 lb. 4 lb. Beans ...... 5 lb. 2 lb. Margarine ...... 1 lb. 1 lb. Skim milk powder ... 2 lb. 4 lb. Salt ...... I lb. J lb. (It will be noted that no tea, coffee, sugar, soap, fuel, etc., is included.) The Department supplies school children with proteinenriched soup. In some areas the Red Cross or churches run soup-kitchens for pre-school children. If a disabled man's pension is insufficient to provide for his family, extra rations may be granted. During May, Mr. Russell undertook a 90-hour hunger protest. on the steps of St. George's Cathedral, Cape Town, mainly to draw attention to the plight of widows and deserted wives living with their children in these townships. Unless they were 60 years of age or over, they received no State pensions. He was subsequently informed by the Minister that assistance for such women had been arranged. Government Notice R1791 of 8 October provided for a small monthly grant to be paid to an "unproductive adult person who has the custody of a child (under the age of 17 years) and who is required . . . to leave for any place in the area of a territorial authority". In spite of the poor conditions, there are waiting lists for accommodation, maintained by the superintendents of the

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 villages. There are, clearly, very many Africans living in worse circumstances. During 1971 there has been considerable mention in the Press of villages such as Dimbasa, about 19 km from King William's Town, and Sada and Ilinge, 32 and 16 km respectively outside Queenstown. There are fair numbers of other similar villages, however, for example London in the Bushbuckridge area, and a township in the Herschel district. The Deputy Minister of Bantu Administration, Dr. Piet Koornhof, visited Sada for a first time on 6 August. He was reported by the Press on the following day to have said, "What can be done to ease this misery? We must improve the situation here. We are going to do everything we possibly can". NEWER RESETTLEMENT TOWNSHIPS Resettlement schemes are being continued but, it appears, much better advance preparations are being made than in some of the earlier removals. It is reported'" that a new village called Zandbult is being created in the Limehill complex near Dundee. Before anyone was moved there, the roads were graded, water pipes laid, sanitation provided, and a school, clinic, and buildings for shops erected. The people were moved in smaller groups. It was officially announced that in future, removals would, if possible, take place during the dry winter months. A bus service is available from Zandbult to Dundee. (It seems unlikely that there are as yet adequate employment opportunities in the Dundee area for all those living in the Limehill complex. Border industrial development is being vigorously promoted in the whole Tugela River Valley, however.) PRICES OF STANDS According to Government Notice 216 of 19 February, the selling prices of stands in defined townships in the homelands are: Residential stands: R2,20 for each 50 square metres or part thereof exceeding 25 square metres; Trading, industrial, or professional stands: R5,50 for each 50 square metres or part thereof exceeding 25 square metres.17 In the Assembly on 18 May, however, the Deputy Minister of Bantu Administration announced8 that residential sites were being offered free of charge to Africans who had the capital resources to put up their own homes, to the "natural increase" of urban Africans who were prepared to move to the homelands, and to I Star, 16 March. 17 A hectare is a piece of land 100 metres square. I Hansard 15 col. 7055.

COMMUTING FROM THE HOMELANDS Africans who qualified to remain in "white" urban areas but decided to settle in homeland townships instead. The plots would be free of charge even if there were houses on them built by the S.A. Bantu Trust: the Africans would pay only for the dwellings. TRANSPORT BETWEEN CITIES AND THE HOMELANDS In the course of the same speech,'" the Deputy Minister stated the Government's aim was that as many as possible of the Africans who lived in homeland villages and were employed in "white" towns should be able to travel home on a daily or weekly basis, at a reasonable, subsidized cost. According to The Star of 19 May, the Deputy Minister said official planners had established that it was feasible to transport workers daily between points up to 70 miles (113 kin) apart, or, on a weekend basis, between points that were up to 400 miles (644 kin) apart. (He did not mention the average time that it would take workers to do this travelling.) A complex, inter-related system of committees had been set up to plan the transport services, the Deputy Minister told the Assembly. Firstly, there was an inter-departmental committee that was considering the laying of railway lines to resettlement villages. It met biannually or annually, under the chairmanship of the General 'Manager of Railways, and was representative of the Departments of Finance, Planning, Transport, Coloured Affairs, and Bantu Administration. In each major urban complex, there was a technical transport committee, with the Railways System Manager as chairman. Another inter-departmental committee, headed by an official of the Bantu Administration Department, planned facilities for weekend commuting, by train or bus. This body was assisted by local committees on which Bantu Affairs Commissioners and urban Managers of Bantu Affairs served. Besides these, there were road transportation liaison committees. The Deputy Minister said that more than 4 000 000 single journeys were being made between homelands and the cities every month. This figure does not present a clear picture of what is involved, however, for it includes many thousands of people who travel to and from homeland villages that, in some cases, are closer to the towns than is Soweto to Johannesburg. To all intents and purposes they are urban commuters. The latest report of the Department of Railways and Harbours, for 1969-70,2" does not give a clear picture, either. The number of third class suburban passenger journeys by train during that year was 368 169 450, while the total for longer- distance third 19 Cols. 7052-4. 20 Page 8.

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 class passenger journeys was 30416210. However, these totals include Coloured and Asian passengers, and exclude Africans who travelled second class, as well as all those who went by bus. Foreign Africans travelling to and from mines and farms in the Republic are included in statistics for long-distance travel. Neither of the sets of figures indicates how many people were involved. The bus fares for daily commuters to and from the larger towns may be subsidized from the Bantu Transport Services Levy, created in terms of Act 53 of 1957. If this Act is applied to a particular town, all employers of adult male Africans who do not provide accommodation for them at the place of employment are required to pay a levy of up to ten cents a week towards the cost of their transport. Railway services for African commuters are subsidized through the payment to the Railways Administration of an annual contribution from the State's Revenue Account: this amounted to R14 100 000 in 1971-2.21 The fares charged vary, of course, according to the distance involved, and whether the journey is made by train or by bus. The weekly (six-day) third class train fare between Pretoria and Ga Rankuwa, and between Durban and Umlazi, for example, is 77 cents. The weekly bus fare between East London and Mdantsane is R1,34; and between White River and Kabokwini 90 cents. Daily return bus fares are 15 cents between Howick and Mpophomeni; 16 cents between Newcastle and Madadeni; 26 cents between Newcastle and Ozisweni; and 20 cents between Richmond and Ndaleni. Contract workers travelling third class between Cape Town and East London pay R22,21 return, while those going from Cape Town to Umtata are charged R24,07.22 In the larger centres, additional bus fares often have to be paid for feeder services. Mdantsane, for example, has now expanded to such an extent that workers living on the outskirts pay 7 cents a trip if they use the feeder bus (many choose to walk, instead). Many of those now living at Mdantsane have been moved there in recent years from East London's municipal townships, from where it was previously possible for some of them to walk to work. This is the case, too, in certain other centres. Particularly during holiday periods, many Africans making overnight journeys have to travel in railway coaches that have no toilet facilities. Replying to a question in the Assembly on 25 May,23 the Deputy Minister of Transport said that between April 1970 and March 1971, 229 trains running from Cape Town to the Transkei and Ciskei were made up in sets of one main-line 21 R.P. 2/1971, page 18, Vote 5. 22 Information obtained from authorities in the towns concerned. 2, Hansard 16 col. 920.

COMMUTING FROM THE HOMELANDS saloon to two local side-door coaches without toilets. Further main-line saloons were on order: 426 more would be in service by March 1973. There have been similar complaints in respect of other railway services, for instance the line between Johannesburg and Zeerust.2' 26 Star, 23 July.

132 URBAN AFRICAN ADMINISTRATION PRELIMINARY DRAFTS OF AND COMMENT ON THE BANTU AFFAIRS ADMINISTRATION BILL The terms of a draft Bantu Administration Boards Bill (which was not presented to Parliament) were outlined on pages 145 et seq of the 1969 issue of this Survey. Criticism of it was described. A draft Bantu Affairs Administration Bill was gazetted on 15 December 1970. The Secretary for Bantu Administration and Development issued a Press statement in which he said that the changes incorporated had been made after discussions, over the past two years, with the United Municipal Executive, the Institute of Administrators of Non-European Affairs, the Federated Chamber of Industries, the Association of Chambers of Commerce, the Afrikaanse Handelsinstituut, and the S.A. Agricultural Union. The Executive Committee of the Administrators of Non-European Affairs, he said, had expressed itself as being strongly in favour of the Bill. It subsequently transpired that the United Municipal Executive (a body representative of provincial, municipal and other local government associations) was divided in its views. , A third draft of the Bill was tabled in Parliament during February, together with an Explanatory Memorandum (W.P. 3/1971). It was stated, in the Memorandum, that there was an undue division of responsibility between various authorities, within the same area or district, in regard to the administration of Bantu affairs. The object of the Bill was to introduce more efficient administration over larger areas, and within such areas to promote a greater mobility of labour. Furthermore, experts and representatives of bodies that had a direct interest in Bantu labour were to become more actively involved in Bantu administration. BANTU AFFAIRS ADMINISTRATION ACT, No. 45 OF 1971 The terms of the Act, as amended by Parliament, are summarized in the paragraphs that follow. Bantu Affairs Administration Areas By notice in the Gazette, the Minister of Bantu Administration and Development may declare any area outside the homelands to be a Bantu Affairs Administration Area, with effect from a date specified. Such area may include the area, or any portion of the area, under the jurisdiction of an urban local authority, after the local authority concerned has been consulted. Again after such

BANTU AFFAIRS ADMINISTRATION ACT consultation, the Minister may change the boundaries of Bantu Affairs Administration Areas. A Bantu Affairs Administration Board, to be a body corporate, will be established in respect of each such area. Constitution and proceedings of Bantu Affairs Administration Boards The Minister will appoint the chairman of a Board, and so many members as he may determine. Of these members: (a) one or more shall be appointed on the ground mainly of acquaintance with and wide knowledge of Bantu labour matters in agriculture in the Board's area, after the Minister has consulted with such bodies as, in his opinion, are representative of persons engaged in agriculture. (These provisions regarding consultation were inserted at the Committee stage of the Bill, as the result of United Party amendments); (b) one or more shall be appointed on the ground mainly of acquaintance with and wide knowledge of Bantu labour matters in commerce and industry, after the Minister has consulted with such organizations as, in his opinion, are representative of the employers concerned; (c) one or more shall be appointed in respect of each local authority, the whole or part of whose area of jurisdiction is included in the Board's administrative area. He must be a member of this local authority, with wide knowledge of its affairs, and will be selected by the Minister from a list of names submitted by the local authority concerned; (d) one or more shall be persons in the full-time employment of the State. Each member will have an alternate. The Minister will appoint one of the persons referred to in paragraphs (a), (b), or (c) as vice-chairman. Members will be appointed for such periods as the Minister may decide. The Minister may remove from office any member, or the alternate to a member, who in his opinion has been guilty of misconduct or neglect of duty, or who is unable adequately to fulfil his functions. Ordinary meetings of a Board will be held monthly, and special meetings when necessary. They will normally be open to the public and the Press. If, however, a Board considers that any matter can more conveniently and advantageously be dealt with privately, it may exclude the public and the Press from the meeting at which this matter is to be discussed. If the Minister so determines, a decision taken by a Board at a meeting held in private will be made known in such manner as the Minister may direct.

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 It is an offence (carrying a maximum penalty of R100) for a member of or a person in the service of a Board to disclose any information acquired by him in the course of his duties, unless with the Board's consent, or in the performance of his duties, or as a witness in a court of law, or in accordance with a directive by the Minister that the information be disclosed. During the course of the debate in the Assembly, the Deputy Minister of Bantu Administration indicated1 that a representative of a local authority on a Board will be able to report back to his own local authority on matters affecting it that have been discussed by the Board, but will be precluded from disclosing the affairs of other local authorities or organizations. The pay and allowances of members of a Board will be determined by the Minister, and will be paid out of the funds of the Board concerned. Each Board will have an executive committee consisting of a chairman (the appointed chairman of the Board), a vice-chairman, and one or three other members of the Board, to exercise its powers and perform its functions between meetings. If the vicechairman is not a member appointed in respect of a local authority, such a member must be one of those appointed to the executive committee. (This proviso was inserted at the suggestion of Mrs. Suzman of the Progressive Party, during the Committee stage of the Bill). Staff of a Bantu Affairs Administration Board The staff of a Board will consist of persons in the service of a local authority who may be seconded to its service, together with such other persons as the Board may appoint. It will determine the rates of pay and conditions of service. Whenever an area under the jurisdiction of any local authority is included in the administrative area of any Board, the local authority must second to the Board's service every person it employs in the administration of Bantu affairs, for such period, not exceeding six months, as may be mutually agreed upon. During this period seconded personnel will remain subject to their existing conditions of service. Before the period expires the Board must offer employment to a seconded official, the terms and conditions to be not less favourable than those he previously enjoyed. Should the official refuse such employment, he will be dealt with by the local authority in accordance with the provisions governing his conditions of service. However, if the Minister, after consultation with the local authority, is of the opinion that the refusal to accept 1 10 March, Hansard 6 col. 2421.

BANTU AFFAIRS ADMINISTRATION ACT employment with the Board, or alternative employment offered by the local authority, is unreasonable, the official will be deemed to have resigned. A chief executive officer, known as the Chief Director, will be appointed by the Minister on the Board's recommendation. He must be one of those who are seconded by a local authority or are appointed by the Board to its staff. Powers of a Board A Board will have wide powers to acquire, develop, or dispose of land for Bantu occupation, and to raise loans for the purpose. It will be responsible for housing and the allocation of labour. It will be vested with all the rights, powers, functions, and duties of a local authority in terms of all legislation relating to Africans, and (after consultation with the Administrator concerned) all relevant provincial ordinances. These rights, powers, functions, and duties will devolve on the Board to the exclusion of any other authority (i.e. local authorities whose areas are included in the area of a Board's jurisdiction will lose all their powers and functions in regard to Bantu administration). If a Board's area contains one or more prescribed areas as defined in the Bantu (Urban Areas) Consolidation Act of 1945 as amended,2 every such area will continue to exist as a separate prescribed area. If part of a Board's area is outside a prescribed area, the Board will exercise there, in so far as the Minister may direct, the powers of the Bantu Affairs Commissioner or labour liaison officer for the area, and will take over the control of district labour bureaux there. All the assets (including land), and the rights, liabilities, and obligations of a local authority or of the Government3 in respect of areas transferred to the Board will devolve on the Board on mutually-agreed conditions, which may include the payment of compensation. If agreement cannot be reached the matter will be settled by the Minister or, if he is unsuccessful, the Controller and Auditor- General. All Bantu residential areas that have been established under the Bantu (Urban Areas) Consolidation Act in the administrative area of a Board will be deemed to have been established by the Board. A Board will derive its funds from moneys which, immediately prior to the date of transfer, stood to the credit of the Bantu revenue account of any urban local authority involved (the 2 See 1964 Survey, page 174. 3 In the latter case, save as otherwise determined by the Minister in consultation with the Minister of Finance.

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 Minister must consult the local authority before making any determination); from any money in any other of the local authority's accounts in respect of powers or functions transferred (subject to the local authority's consent); and from moneys that would have been paid into these accounts had the Act not been passed. The Board will also derive money from the sale or lease of land or premises, and from loans obtained with the Government's approval. Sums not immediately required may, with Ministerial approval, be invested. The Explanatory Memorandum stated, "it is intended that a Board shall in respect of its financial matters be independent and that it shall not be necessary to approach the Treasury for funds". Subject to the provisions of existing laws relating to the powers of local authorities, a Board may from time to time pay to the S.A. Bantu Trust, for use in the homelands, such amounts from sums standing to its credit as may in each case be approved by the Minister. With a local authority's consent, a Board may connect streets, drains, sewers, water mains, and power lines on land it owns to those of a local authority, and may require the latter to assist, or to provide necessary information. Subject to agreed conditions and in so far as is reasonably practicable, a local authority must apply to a Board's area water and electricity, and receive from it water and sewage, and must provide other normal municipal services, subject to the same conditions as apply in areas under the local authority's own jurisdiction. The local authority may recover from the Board any expenditure incurred which would have been unnecessary if the Act had not been passed. If a local authority is unwilling to comply with a directive from a Board, or carries out an act required of it in a manner deemed unsatisfactory, the matter will be referred to the Minister, whose decision (after consultation with the Administrator concerned) will be final. The Minister may order the local authority to perform the act in a specified time and manner. Should it fail to do so, the Board may be directed itself to carry out the necessary work. In such a case the Board may, with the Minister's consent, recover the costs: (a) by action in a competent court; or (b) by levying a special rate upon all rateable property in the local authority's area of jurisdiction; or (c) through deductions made from any subsidies, grants, or other moneys payable to the local authority from the Consolidated Revenue Fund or by the Administrator; or (d) by all three or any two of such methods. A Board may appoint inspectors who may at all reasonable

BANTU AFFAIRS ADMINISTRATION ACT times enter any premises in the Board's administrative area, question people there, and inspect documents relating to occupation. It is an offence to refuse access or information (the maximum penalty being R200 or six months or both). Regulations under the Act Regulations under the Act will be made by the Minister not by the Boards. Such regulations may deal with matters falling under any legislation relating to Bantu administration; with the regulation, planning, and laying out of land; with the movement of Bantu labourers between the administrative areas of different Boards, or the distribution of labourers between different categories of labour in a particular Board's area;4 and with certain other matters. Penalties for contravention of regulations may be prescribed, the maximum penalty being R200, or in default of payment, six months' imprisonment. All regulations must be tabled in Parliament and will lapse if disapproved. Urban residential rights When a prescribed area is included in the administrative area of a Board, any African who is qualified to remain there for more than 72 'hours,' or who becomes so qualified subsequent to the date of the transfer of control of the area, will, as long as he remains so qualified, also be qualified to reside and to work in any other prescribed area included in the Board's administrative area. Should he do so, he will not lose his right to remain in the area where he originally acquired residential rights. But if he loses his right, under the Bantu (Urban Areas) Consolidation Act, to remain in one of the prescribed areas concerned, he will lose such right in any other prescribed area in the Board's administrative area. PARLIAMENTARY DEBATE ON THE BILL The Deputy Minister of Bantu Administration, who dealt with the Bill, said in the Assembly6 that, if it could be avoided, local authorities would not be forced to accept the new scheme. A committee would be appointed to investigate the establishment of a Bantu Affairs Administration Board in any particular area, and would obtain the views of local authorities there, trying to secure co-operation. Consultation with them, instead of their concurrence, was provided for in the measure, because it might not always be possible to secure unanimity. On behalf of the United Party,' Mr. T. Gray Hughes said 4 Any such regulations must be consistent with the Bantu Labour Act of 1964. 3 Under Section 10 (1) (a) (b) or (c) of the Bantu (Urban Areas) Consolidation Act. 6 Hansard 8 col. 3408, 3547: Hansard 6 cols. 2418-9. Hansard 5 cols. 1971-2. 2034-45. 137

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 his party agreed that there was need for the greater mobility of African labour, but differed over the way in which this should be achieved. He moved an amendment that, "This House, while it demands: (a) that Bantu labour be used more effectively so that the workers concerned can contribute more to the and earn just rewards for their contributions, and (b) more especially that greater mobility of Bantu labour be granted within the urban areas, declines to pass the second reading of the Bantu Affairs Administration Bill because(i) it removes the administration of the urban Bantu laws from the local authorities, where it properly belongs; and (ii) it gives dictatorial and unwarranted powers to the Minister to control the employment and the very lives of the Bantu outside the homelands." Both the United and the Progressive Parties opposed the second and the third readings of the Bill. Mr. D. J. Marais (United Party) and Mrs. Helen Suzman (Progressive Party)' asked whether or not any steps had been taken to assess the feelings of Africans, or of Urban Bantu Councils, about the provisions of the Bill. Mr. Marais challenged the Deputy Minister to hold a test referendum in a place like Soweto. The Deputy Minister9 replied that he did not take this challenge seriously: voters' rolls would have to be prepared, and why should a referendum be confined to Soweto? The Bill had been submitted to Urban Bantu Councils and Advisory Boards through their local authorities, he continued. Four had approved of it, while none had written to the Department opposing it. Mrs. Suzman asked why Africans were not to be represented on the Boards. She and the United Party both moved that representatives of Urban Bantu Councils be included; but the Deputy Minister rejected this amendment. He said, however,10 that there would be consultations between Administration Boards and Urban Bantu Councils, the remaining Advisory Boards (numbering about 400), and representatives of Territorial Authorities in urban areas. Mr. Gray Hughes and Mr. Marais (United Party) maintained1 that the Government was motivated by its belief that many local authorities were too humane in their administration of Bantu affairs. They compared conditions at Soweto, administered by the Johannesburg Municipality, with the far less satisfactory 8 Hansard 5 cols. 2055-6, 2071. ' Hansard 6 cols. 2413-6. 10 Hansard 8 cols. 3607, 3616. 12 Hansard 5 cols. 1971, 2034, 2055.

BANTU AFFAIRS ADMINISTRATION ACT situation at the adjoining Diepkloof and Meadowlands, administered by the Government-appointed Bantu Resettlement Board. Mr. Gray Hughes pointed out'2 that, by amending Section 40 of the Bantu (Urban Areas) Consolidation Act, it would be possible to provide for the greater mobility of labour while leaving administration in the hands of local authorities. The Deputy Minister replied13 that some members of the United Municipal Executive, too, had suggested this. The difficulty was that if larger areas were created within which labourers could move freely, without establishing a central authority to control such an area, the various local authorities each administering parts of the area might well have differing views on various matters. Lengthy processes of negotiation would become necessary. He said1" that, in terms of the Bantu Labour Regulations, labourers were classified into various categories - commerce, industry, building, agriculture, domestic service, etc. If a shortage of labour developed in one of these categories in the area of an Administration Board, while there was a surplus in another, the Board would be able to transfer and reclassify the necessary number of workers. There would not be transfers from nonprescribed to prescribed areas. (It appears, however, that urban Africans could be ordered to work on farms within a Board's area of jurisdiction.) Various Opposition members drew attention to the fact that Johannesburg, Cape Town, and other local authorities subsidized their Bantu Revenue Accounts from the general rates fund. (Johannesburg is doing so to an amount of about R2 500 000 in 1971-72.)15 By doing so they were able to provide sub-economic houses, welfare officers and health visitors, mother and baby clinics, recreation facilities, etc., that would not otherwise have been available. This additional revenue would be lost under the new arrangements proposed in the Bill. The Deputy Minister replied1" that only 21 out of more than 450 local authorities were subsidizing their Bantu Revenue Accounts, and these were mainly small ones. They were Aberdeen, Allanridge, Bethulie, Bredasdorp, Cape Town, Colenso, Cookhouse, Dullstroom, East London, Gordonia, Grahamstown, Heilbron, Johannesburg, Kloof, Marydale, , Port Edward, Queensborough, Queenstown, Uitenhage, and Walmer. Many local authorities had surpluses in their Bantu Revenue Accounts, he said. Others were poorly off and could not afford adequate staff. Matters would be evened out by the appointment 12 Hansard 5 col. 2035. 13 Hansard 6 col. 2417, Hansard 8 cols. 3408-10. 14 Hansard 6 col. 2422. 15 Rand Daily Mall, 20 May. 16 Hansard 6 col. 2423-4. 139

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 of Boards to control larger areas. They would not be short of funds, the Deputy Minister maintained. Mrs. Suzman7 asked the Deputy Minister whether he was prepared to state quite unequivocally that it was not the Government's intention to tamper with Section 10 (1) of the Bantu (Urban Areas) Consolidation Act (which confers urban residential rights on certain Africans). The Deputy Minister replied18 that the Bantu could "sleep very easily" in this respect. "We will not try to shy away from Section 10 in any other way than to go candidly and openly to the Bantu and then come to this House to remove Section 10 when we deem the time for that to be necessary and when we think it may be necessary". Even people admitted to a prescribed area under Section 10 (1) (d) would, with permission, be able to work in another part of the same administrative area, he added, unless they had been admitted under contract to work for a specified employer for not more than a year. Later,19 the Minister stated that Section 10 did not confer rights of citizenship, but only general exemption from influx control. All Bantu, he said, were in white areas in a casual capacity. COMMENT ON TIHE BILL BY OTHERS When the draft Bill was made public in December 1970, the Institute of Race Relations published an analysis and commentary on it,"0 which was sent to all Members of Parliament. Opposition speakers clearly made use of it: the points raised in the memorandum were taken up during the debate in the Assembly, and are mentioned above. The memorandum was published in full in various newspapers. Briefly, the Institute welcomed the long overdue creation of larger labour districts, but placed on record the grave forebodings raised by the context in which this was to be done. Other organizations, for example the National Council of Women, prepared memoranda or wrote to the Minister, expressing similar views. Dr. Patrick R. B. Lewis, Chairman of the Johannesburg City Council's Management Committee, disclosed that a special committee of the United Municipal Executive had foreseen many problems in the implementation of the Act. He said that the huge administrative machinery which controlled Bantu Affairs in Johannesburg and other cities was fully integrated with the city council's other activities. "African administration", he continued, "depends on spe17 Hansard 9 col. 3881. 18 Cols. 3817-8, 3908-9. 19 Assembly, 19 May, Hansard 15 cols. 7196-8. 20 RR. 16R/1970. 140

BANTU AFFAIRS ADMINISTRATION ACT cialist services provided by municipal accountants, legal assistants, medical officers, engineers, auditors, and computer staff. Unscrambling the egg is going to be a far more awkward task than it would appear on the surface, and it is difficult to foresee how the services at present provided will be available to the boards to be appointed."'" COMMITTEE TO INVESTIGATE THE ESTABLISHMENT OF BANTU AFFAIRS ADMINISTRATION BOARDS On 26 August, the Deputy Minister issued a Press statement in which he said that the Minister had appointed a committee to investigate and submit recommendations in connection with the establishment of Bantu Affairs Administration Boards in certain areas. The chairman was Mr. P. Z. J. van Vuuren, M.P., Chairman of the Bantu Affairs Commission. The other members would be a senior official of the Department of Bantu Administration and Development; two nominees of the Institute of Administrators of Non-European Affairs; one nominee each of the United Municipal Executive, the Institute of Municipal Treasurers and Accountants, and the Institute of Town Clerks; and a co-opted member (with a vote) from each local authority in an area under investigation. Parties and organizations which were concerned would be able to give evidence before the committee during local investigations. 21 Rand Daily Matl, 26 June.

THE PASS LAWS PROSECUTIONS According to the latest report of the Commissioner of the South African Police, for July 1969-June 1970,1 621 380 persons were sent for trial for infringements of laws and regulations relating to the production of documents by Africans, while 22 517 were sent for trial for infringements of Masters' and Servants' laws and the Bantu Labour Regulation Act. Thus 643 897 persons were tried for infringements of what are commonly known as the "pass laws." These cases constituted 26,8 per cent of all cases sent for trial, the average number of daily prosecutions for pass offences being 1 764. The comparative figures for 1970 are: 632 077 cases sent for trial, constituting 26,5 per cent of all cases, and making an average of 1 732 pass prosecutions per day.' The 1970 figures were lower than the 1969 ones, but the 1971 figures are marginally higher than those for 1970. The Minister of Justice stated in Parliament in May that 42 per cent of all prisoners serving sentences of up to four months had been imprisoned as a result of influx control laws and regulations.' Prosecutions for Bantu Tax law infringements numbered 138 307, constituting 5,8 per cent of the total number of prosecutions. The comparative figures for 1970 were 188 361 and 7,9 per cent. AFRICANS REMOVED FROM URBAN AREAS Questioned in the Assembly in February, the Minister of Bantu Administration and Development said that the following numbers of Africans were removed from the following areas in 1970: Men Women Total Witwatersrand... 23267 1528 24795 CapePeninsula... 191 35 226 Pretoria ...... 3551 498 4049 Durban 2695 2071 4766 Port Elizabeth . 13 2 15 29717 4134 338514 1 R.P. 45/1971. 2 1970 Survey, D. 164. 3 Hansard 16 cols. 7491 and 7539. 4 Hansard 2 col. 180. THE PASS LAWS The total is marginally higher than the 1969 figure, except in the case of Pretoria, where the number of people removed has more than doubled. "AID CENTR S" The Deputy Minister of Bantu Administration, Dr. Piet Koornhof, announced in June that the government intended to introduce a new system of dealing with pass offenders-through "aid centres" and homeland "rehabilitation centres". Provision for this system was made in the Bantu Laws Amendment Act, No. 42 of 19641, Section 12 of which stated that: (a) any African arrested or convicted under the influx control and pass laws may "be admitted to an aid centre established by or for a labour bureau"; (b) aid centres may be used for periodical sittings of Bantu Commissioners' Courts; (c) a Bantu Affairs Commissioner may "after due enquiry and with due regard to the family ties and obligations or commitments of such Bantu, make such order as may appear to him to be just in regard to the placing in employment of such Bantu or the issue to him of the requisite documents . . . or permission in regard to the repatriation of such Bantu and his dependants to his home or last place of residence, or to a settlement, rehabilitation scheme or any other place indicated by such Bantu Affairs Commissioner"; (d) a Commissioner may also suggest that no criminal action be taken against an African admitted to an aid centre or detained for a pass offence. Dr. Koornhof said that the system he envisaged was a genuine attempt to "reduce the burden on the technical offender and to divert the majority of these offenders away from the courts and the prisons." The aid centres would attempt to legalize the position of "technical offenders" by liaising with their employers, the local labour bureau, or the homeland authority. If their position could be legalised they would not have to go to gaol, but if not, they would be gaoled or sent to "rehabilitation centres" where they could learn a trade. (In February 1970 it was stated in Parliament that there were not yet any rehabilitation centres in the homelands.)' Dr. Koornhof said he believed the majority of those Africans whose position could not be legalized were "won't-works", and it was these who would be sent to rehabilitation centres. But the basic approach was that almost all the people concerned were 5 1964 Survey, pp. 174-187, esp. p. 182. 6 1970 Survey, p. 165.

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 not criminals. "All they want to do is find work The new system will help them immeasurably.'' Two aid centres have been established so far, in Cape Town and Welkom. Other centres are to be established in Johannesburg, Bloemfontein, Pretoria, Krugersdorp, Germiston, Alexandra, Klerksdorp, Brakpan, Nigel, Sebokeng, and Modderbee.8 The enabling legislation of 1964 said nothing about the circumstances in which prosecution might be waived, and at the time of its passage fears were expressed that Africans could be faced with the choice between a specific job and repatriation to their homelands.9 Centres might become a source of cheap labour for employers who could not attract workers by normal means.10 These anxieties were once again expressed when Dr. Koornhof made his announcement. Mrs. Helen Suzman said that the most important objection to the system was that it could be a method of legalizing the "highly objectionable 'in lieu of prosecution"' system which led to the farm labour scandal.1 While welcoming any measures designed to reduce the "incalculable misery" caused by influx control, the Institute of Race Relations drew attention to the "need to apply the power to direct labour with requisite consideration not only of the aptitudes but also of the wishes of the individual concerned. It is necessary to guard against naked direction of labour."'2 Fears were also expressed that the holding of court sittings at aid centres, which would be in African areas, could mean that they were in effect closed to the white press and public. Further, there would be no option of a fine- which many pass offenders chose to pay.' The Black Sash condemned the new plans as yet another (and easier) means of removing Africans from urban areas. Aid centres might reduce the number of shortterm pass-offence prisoners, "but this will only be because instead of going to prison the people will be taken to the homelands or rural areas and placed in employment where there is a shortage of labour, particularly on white farms-and the statistics will no longer be available."" A senior member of the Soweto Urban Bantu Council said he feared that the new system would lead to mass repatriation of people to the homelands. "I believe that the government will decrease the prison population but drastically increase the homeland population," which would be a tragic day for South Africa. Another U.B.C. member said "My fears are that too many people 7 Star, 9 June. 8 Rand Daily Mail, Star, 14 October. ' Rand Daily Mall, 8 June. 10 1964 Survey, p. 182. 11 Rand Daily Mall, 10 June. 12 Race Relations News, June. 13 Rand Daily Mail, 10 June. 1" Ibid. 144

THE PASS LAWS will face a more terrible fate than prison-that of being dumped in hunger in poverty infested Bantustans."15 RECOMMENDATIONS BY THE NATIONAL INSTITUTE FOR CRIME PREVENTION AND REHABILITATION OF OFFENDERS In a memorandum to the Minister of Bantu Administration and Development in March, the National Institute for Crime Prevention and Rehabilitation of Offenders (NICRO) made specific proposals for changes in the pass laws to help combat crime and recidivism among African ex-prisoners, and re-integrate them into the community. The unavoidable implication of the memorandum is that the pass laws are a significant cause of crime-in the proper sense of the word. It was NICRO's experience that the great majority of African ex-prisoners were not in possession of reference books at the time of their release, and were likely to be destitute. Without registration an African could not have a settled place of residence, was subject to arrest and imprisonment, and was debarred from seeking lawful employment. The alternative to which he turned was extremely likely to be crime. NICRO's recommendations to the Minister included: (a) pre-release documentation of prisoners so that they could be employed with the minimum of delay when they were released; (b) the deletion from Section 10 (1) (b) of the Bantu (Urban Areas) Consolidation Act of 1945 of the clause which deprives an African of his right to urban residence if he receives a six-month prison sentence or a fine of over R100; (c) allowing the wife of a prisoner receiving a sentence of six months or a fine of over R100 or the widow of a deceased African a reasonable time to obtain employment and qualify for urban residence, instead of rapidly endorsing her out, as happens in many cases at present; (d) placing on the Bantu Affairs Commissioner the onus of proving that an African is "idle" or "undesirable" before punishing him, instead of making the accused African prove the contrary as is the case at present.' (This recommendation confficts sharply with the manner in which aid centres are to be run in terms of the 1964 Act, for they have the power to "deal with" thousands of alleged "undesirables", a widely defined term which includes any African who has on three consecutive occasions refused "without lawful cause" to accept employment offered to him by a labour bureau.)' 15 The World, 10 June. 16 Memorandum to the Minister, summarized by the Institute of Race Relations in RR. 96/71. 17 Rand Daily Mail, 17 June.

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 FOREIGN AFRICANS According to the Africa Institute there are 562 000 foreign African workers in South Africa, and 220 000 in Rhodesia.8 In Southern Africa as a whole, there are 1 500 000 workers (mostly Africans) working outside their national boundaries at any given time. The migratory labour system thus affects (when families are taken into account) about 6 000 000 people in Southern Africa."9 Unlike white immigrants, foreign born black people can never acquire South African citizenship, however long they have lived or worked in the Republic, or whether or not they are married to South African citizens. Foreign migratory labourers may not become the tenants of homes of their own, nor may they bring their wives to live with them in the prescribed areas.2" The same, of course, applies to contract workers from the homelands. African children born in the Republic have no right to South African citizenship, if, at the time of their birth, their father had no right of residence and their mother was not a South African citizen.2' Many of these teenage children are being told to go to the country of their father's origin when they apply for reference books at the age of sixteen. The fathers of many of these children have been living and working in the Republic for many years, and have carried South African reference books until compelled to apply for passports in terms of the Bantu Laws Amendment Act of 1963. SOME EFFECTS OF THE PASS LAWS The Athlone Advice Office in Cape Town (run jointly by the Black Sash and the Institute of Race Relations) and the Black Sash Advice Office in Johannesburg are among the few white organizations which have some experience of the impact of the pass laws on Africans. The Johannesburg office reported in March that they believed "that the Bantu Urban Areas Act and the Regulations are being more rigidly enforced in Johannesburg than ever before,"22 and that more and more people were being affected by their implementation. Government policy was to reduce the number of Africans residing in the prescribed areas and to ensure that as many as possible of the workers needed in the metropolitan areas were migrants.3 According to the Athlone Advice Office, the Government is using housing policy as a means of reducing the number of Africans throughout the Western Cape. There were "ominous signs that the Government has found a way of depriving Africans 13 Bulletin of the Africa Institute of South Africa, August, p. 315. 19 Rand Daily Mail, 6 April. 20 The Black Sash, Advice Office Report, May. 21 Act No. 44 of 1949. 22 Memorandum on the Application of the Pass Laws and Influx Control, The Black Sash. Johannesburg, February. 23 Sash (The Black Sash Magazine) March, p. 30.

THE PASS LAWS of their foothold in urban areas despite qualifications (to remain) in terms of Section 10 of the Urban Areas Act." Throughout the Western Cape, building schemes for family housing in African townships had been reduced or dropped, while bachelor compounds were being encouraged. "When people lose their houses for any reason, they are not helped to find fresh accommodation and are pressed to accept repatriation . . . or resettlement . . . Working men can always be put into single quarters, so long as the women and children fade out of the picture." In terms of regulations gazetted in 1968,24 houses are now being allocated only to men who qualify under Section 10 (1) (a) and 10 (1) (b) of the Urban Areas Act, and whose wives are already lawfully residing with them. This rules out untold numbers of couples on housing waiting-lists. Men whose wives do not qualify in their own right to be in a prescribed or urban area, and many families with children thus find it very difficult to get accommodation. "The result is that families with rights of residence in the area find themselves virtually coerced into accepting offers of rural housing, thereby forfeiting all urban rights." Section 7 (4) of the above regulations allows the Superintendent of an urban Bantu residential area to issue a housing permit to an adult woman who has dependants to support, but only "with the approval in writing, of the Bantu Affairs Commissioner". This approval is not given readily. The Athlone Advice Office also reported on the "hopeless position" of widows who, under the new regulations,2" are not allowed to remain as tenants in their houses when their husbands die. Even when the widow can prove that she and her children qualify in their own right under Section 10 (1) (a) or (b) of the Act, she is not allowed to rent a house, but must become a subtenant or be re-settled. Later in the year the Office reported that the Department of Bantu Administration had agreed that in special individual cases widows might be allowed to stay in their houses with their families. The Johannesburg Advice Office also reported that problems arose out of housing regulations. Women were very rarely allowed to take over a house from a male tenant who had died of deserted them, while women on their own were not accepted on the waiting list for houses. It made no difference whether they could pay the rent or how many children they had. At the end of 1970 it was reported that residents of Soweto were to seek legal advice and challenge the eviction of widows from their homes by the Johannesburg City Council.2" In March, Government and Johannesburg City Council officials confirmed that African 24 Government Gazette No. R1036 of 14 June 1968. 25 See Sash, February, 1970, p. 36. 26 Rand Daily Mail, 8 September.

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 pensioners were being separated from their families and sent to the homelands.7 The more rigid implementation of the pass laws referred to above is due partly to the narrower construction which the authorities are putting upon the words "lawful residence" in Section 10 (1) (b) of the Act. Previously an African could qualify to remain in Johannesburg if he could prove he had been there for fifteen years; now he had to prove fifteen years' "lawful" residence - i.e. registered in employment or on a residential permit. The Johannesburg Advice Office reported that the problems of wives and their children were the "most recurring and the most disturbing" feature of its work. It pointed repeatedly to the problem of providing documentary proof of a right to urban residence in terms of Section 10 of the Urban Areas Act. Residence is deemed to be unlawful unless documentary proof can be furnished, but such proof requires - as a starting-point - a name on a house permit, a birth certificate, and a reference book, in addition to proof of employment. It is only in recent years, however, that registration of births has been compulsory for Africans, so that in many cases the required proof is virtually impossible to obtain. In 1964 the words "after lawful entry" were inserted in Section 10 (1) (c) of the Act. Women and children have to prove lawful entry into the urban area - "an almost insuperable problem". For example, if children born in the area leave it temporarily to go to school and their father fails (through ignorance or carelessness) to inform the location superintendent thereof in advance, they will be refused re-entry. As a result there are thousands of young people who return from school and have nowhere to go. Many of 'the wives coming to the office for assistance who are lawfully married to husbands qualifying for residence in Johannesburg under Section 10, but themselves come from rural areas are refused entry into Johannesburg, which means they cannot live with their husbands. The Advice Office said that it seemed to be more difficult for a woman to live with her husband than for a camel to go through the eye of a needle.8 PUBLICATIONS A comprehensive Memorandum on the Application of the Pass Laws and Influx Control was published by the Black Sash in February. This supersedes a similar memorandum published in 1966. The Black Sash also published in November 1970, a series of articles on the pass laws entitled "Who Cares?". The articles originally appeared in The Star. 27 bid, 5 March. 28 Unless otherwise stated, these paragraphs have been compiled from the annual and monthly reports of the Johannesburg and Athlone Advice Offices.

GENERAL MATIFERS THE CAPE COLOURED MUNICIPAL FRANCHISE A (Cape) Local Authorities Voters' Amendment Draft Ordinance was published on 1 October. In terms of this measure, existing municipal voters' rolls are to be scrapped. Only those who qualify for the parliamentary franchise will in future be entitled to vote in municipal elections in the Cape, or to stand for election. The effects will be that Coloured people will be disenfranchised from 1972, when the next elections are due, and that there will be no more Coloured city councillors. At the time of writing, there are Coloured councillors in Cape Town and Kimberley only. The Ordinance was passed, despite strong United Party opposition, even to the first reading. (Somewhat similar provisions came into force in Natal in 1956, when the Separate Representation of Voters Act provided that persons whose names were added to municipal voters' rolls there must be entitled to registration as parliamentary voters. Nonwhite people have never possessed the municipal franchise in the Transvaal or Free State.) COLOURED LOCAL GOVERNMENT Questioned in the Assembly on 12 February,1 the Minister of Community Development said that 22 Coloured management committees and 53 consultative committees had by then been established. Of the management committees, only those in Bellville, Graaff Reinet, Johannesburg, Paarl, Port Elizabeth, and Worcester had elected as well as nominated members. Shortly afterwards a partly-elected committee was provided for in Kimberley (where Mr. Sonny Leon, leader of the Labour Party, is a City Councillor). Of about 8 000 people who qualified to register as voters, only 564 did so, and, on nomination day, no candidates presented themselves for election.2 On 26 September the Minister of Coloured Affairs issued a Press statement in which he said that the rate of development of Coloured local government must be accelerated. Its control was, by legislation, to be transferred from provincial councils and local authorities to the Department of Coloured Affairs, through the Coloured Persons' Representative Council. Consultative committees were to be abolished. Management committees would consist of a majority of elected members, and their functions would be extended. The remaining nominated I Hansard 2 col. 144. 2 Rand Daily Mail, 19 March.

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 members would be appointed by the Coloured Persons' Representative Council and by the white local authorities of the towns concerned. In time, these committees would be succeeded by fully-elected management or village councils, which, in turn, would eventually be replaced by full-fledged, autonomous municipalities, with their own officials. Early in September Mr. J. F. Oberholzer, M.P.C., speaking as the acting chairman of Johannesburg's Management Committee, announced a plan, devised by the United Party majority on the City Council, for the creation of a special advisory committee on Coloured and Asian affairs. It would consist of eight City Councillors (including, it was hoped, some members of the National Party Opposition), together with two representatives each of the Coloured Management Committee and of an Indian Management Committee which was shortly to be established. A motion to this effect was placed on the agenda for a City Council meeting held later that month. At the meeting, the leader of the National Party Opposition 'objected to the inclusion of the item. The United Party then decided to withdraw the motion temporarily to allow a "breathing space", in order that informal discussions might be held to try to secure some form of agreement.3 It was decided in November that two ad hoc committees should be established, each to consist of six City Councillors and three representatives, respectively, of the Coloured and the Indian committees. INDIAN LOCAL GOVERNMENT In reply to a question in the Assembly on 11 February,4 the Minister of Community Development said that there was then one Indian town board (Verulam). There were sixteen Indian local affairs committees in Natal, eleven of which had elected as well as nominated members. No management committees had as yet been established, but there were seven consultative committees, all in the Transvaal. AFRICAN LOCAL GOVERNMENT The Minister of Bantu Administration and Development was asked about Urban Bantu Councils.' In May, he replied, there were 23 of these: 3 Star, 28 September. A Hansard 2 col. 139. s Assembly. 5 May, Hansard 13 col. 841. 150

AFRICAN LOCAL GOVERNMENT Cape: Grahamstown and Uitenhage; Transvaal: Alberton, Benoni, Boksburg, Carletonville, Ermelo, Johannesburg, Krugersdorp, Nigel, Oogies, Roodepoort, Standerton, Vereeniging and Witbank; Natal: Durban; Free State: Bethlehem, Bloemfontein, Kroonstad, , Parys, Virginia, and Welkom. No new advisory boards have been constituted since 1961, but, as mentioned earlier, the Deputy Minister of Bantu Administration said in mid-1971 that there were still about 400 of these bodies. Soweto residents apparently take little interest in the affairs of their Urban Bantu Council since, at the elections held in October, the percentage poll was less than 20 per cent. Residents interviewed' attributed this to the council's lack of any real powers and to bickering at council meetings. The previous chairman and deputy chairman, and a former deputy chairman, all lost their seats. The local Bantu Affairs Commissioner is reported to have "reprimanded" the Advisory Board at Wattville, Benoni, during October for criticizing matters relating to the issuing of reference books to Africans, and to have told the Board to confine its discussions to municipal affairs. REPRESENTATIVES OF LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLIES IN URBAN AREAS In terms of enabling legislation passed in 1970,1 most of the Legislative Assemblies have, each, now appointed a representative fcr urban areas, and assistants to this representative, stationed in other towns. In some cases, boards have been constituted. The Deputy Minister of Bantu Administration explained in the Assembly on 19 May8 that these representatives and boards had socio-political functions, as distinct from Urban Bantu Councils, which dealt with municipal matters. Their functions were to preserve traditional culture; to resolve disputes between nationals in a -traditional way (including labour disputes); to help to settle merchants and elderly people in the homelands and to assist people with material interests in the homelands; to issue certificates of citizenship; and to help to establish school boards and committees, women's and youth organizations, vacation camps in the homelands, festivals, and burial societies. s Rand Daily Mail, 5 October. 1970 Survey, page 173. 8 Hansard 15 cols. 7113-6.

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 TAXATION OF AFRICANS The new system of taxation of Africans was described on page 156 of the 1969 Survey. In the Assembly on 14 May,9 the Deputy Minister of Bantu Development gave details of the amounts collected from Africans by employers, on the PAYE system, between July 1970 and March 1971 inclusive. Calculating from these figures, it transpires that an average of R1 199 946 was collected monthly. This amount does not include the sums paid in basic general tax (R2,50 a year each) by all male Africans between the ages of 18 and 64 years inclusive, unless specially exempted. Nor do. they include the graded tax paid by those who are self-employed. Full information about other taxes paid is not available; but according to reports of the Controller and Auditor-General for the year ended 31 March 1970,1" the following sums were paid during that year by Africans in the Transkei and Ciskei: Transkei Ciskei RR Local tax 338220 45393 Quitrent 94718 18531 General levy 271519 19270 Regional levies 2 327 Tribal levies 228 161 276 764 934945 359958 AFRICAN MARRIAGES The Transkeian Government Act No. 3 of 1971 provided for the registration of African customary unions in that territory. COLOURED CADETS The Training Centre for Coloured Cadets at Faure in the Western Cape was described on page 181 of last year's Survey. According to the Minister of Coloured Affairs," 728 cadets were trained in 1969, and 752 in 1970. There is accommodation for 800 boys, but only 480 were there in June. A five-point plan is followed: discipline; motivation towards useful and creative living; general knowledge; religious training; and leisure-time activities. The Department of Coloured Education runs classes for those who are illiterate. COLOURED DEVELOPMENT CORPORATION In reply to a series of questions in the Assembly on 19 and 24 February,'2 the Minister and Deputy Minister of Coloured 9 Hansard 14 cols. 866-7. 10 T.G. 1971 and C.R. 1971. 11 Assembly, 17 March, Hansard 7 col. 530; and 10 June, Hansard 18 col. 8693. 12 Hansard 3 cols. 247-8; Hansard 4 cols. 309-10.

COLOURED RURAL SETTLEMENTS Affairs said that, during 1970, the Coloured Development Corporation granted 32 loans to Coloured businessmen, to a total value of R523 375. From the Corporation's establishment in September 1962 until the end of 1970, the following loans had been granted: Business No. Amount R Hotels 8 851 756 Liquor businesses 21 780539 Retail trade 72 639 311 Cinemas 3 209 270 Manufacturers 6 191 214 Transport concerns 5 71 619 Dry cleaners 2 136 867 Building contractors 5 138358Furnitureshop 1 40000 Boat builder 1 17 500 Panel beater 1 45 144 Others 13 48 201 138 3169779 The Corporation had itself spent R1 489 680 on establishing a property company, a supermarket, the Spes Bona Bank, and a block of flats. The Corporation, or with its assistance Coloured men, had established or taken over eleven hotels, three of them in the Cape Town area and the -others at Johannesburg, Beaufort West, Oudtshoorn, Mossel Bay, Stellenbosch, Paarl, Port Elizabeth, and Windhoek. Four cinemas had been established or taken over, in Cape Town, the Strand, Port Elizabeth, and Malmesbury. During 1970, Coloured people had deposited R1 264 763 in the Spes Bona Bank, and withdrawn R727 987. In the year ended 30 September 1970, the Corporation made a profit of R8 098 from its interest in the crayfish export market. COLOURED RURAL SETTLEMENTS On 26 February the Minister of Coloured Affairs said13 that during the 1969-70 financial year, his Department spent R364 312 on the development of Coloured rural settlements, of which R53 203 was recoverable, over a period of years, from the management boards of these settlements or -the settlers themselves. Management boards spent R48 403 from their own funds on development works. During the 1970-1 financial year the Corporation received 13 Hansard 4 cols. 335-6, 340.

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 R330 970 in respect of prospecting and mining rights in these areas, while management boards received R14 037. Prospecting rights for base minerals had, thus far, been granted to nine Coloured and nineteen White persons. Prospecting rights for precious stones were held by the Corporation, assisted by five White contractors, one Coloured, and one firm jointly owned by Whites and Coloured. Mining rights for base minerals had been granted to four Whites. The Corporation held mining rights for precious stones at Komaggas and Richtersveld in the northern Cape, and was being assisted by two White contractors. NATURALIZATION AND IMMIGRATION OF INDIANS During the year under review, a further 71 stateless persons born in India were granted South African citizenship.14 According to a Press report,'5 between 1953, when the Immigration Regulation Act was passed, and the end of 1970, only one Indian was allowed to immigrate to South Africa. In January, however, a woman cancer expert from Bombay was permitted to settle in Durban. The Minister of the Interior was reported to have said that he saw no reason why entry should be refused to professionally qualified people who would serve members of their community. 14 See 1970 Survey. page 183. 15 Sunday Times. 31 January. 154

155 GROUP AREAS AND HOUSING COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT AMENDMENT ACT, No. 68 OF 1971 In terms of legislation passed in 1955 and 1967, if a person has to sell his property because the area in which it is situated is allocated to members of a racial group other than his own, and if he receives less than a basic value determined at the time of the relevant group areas proclamation, the Community Development Board pays him a "depreciation contribution" equal to 80 per cent of the difference. This provision remains unchanged. The Act of 1955 stipulated that if an "affected" owner received more than the basic value, he must pay to the Board an "appreciation contribution" equal to 50 per cent of the difference. A 1967 amendment stipulated that appreciation contributions need not be paid if an "affected" property is sold or expropriated within five years of the group areas proclamation. The 1971 amendment extended this five-year period to eight years. FAMILIES DISQUALIFIED AND RESETTLED UNDER THE GROUP AREAS ACT Questioned in the Assembly on 4 February,' the Minister of Community Development said that the following numbers of families had become disqualified as the result of group areas proclamations thus far issued: Free Cape Transvaal Natal State Totals Whites ...... 534 293 751 - 1 578 Coloured ... 53 133 10689 4218 2849 70889 Indians ...... 2380 10804 24996 - 38180 Chinese...... 380 526 27 - 933 Totals ... 56427 22312 29992 2849 111580 (African removal schemes are effected under other legislation.) Of these families, the following numbers had been resettled in their own group areas: Free Cape Transvaal Natal State Totals Whites ...... 285 267 694 - 1 246 Coloured ... 27918 7068 1600 1030 37616 Indians ...... 720 6934 16734 - 24388 Chinese ...... 64 - - - 64 Totals ... Hansard 1 col. 19. 28987 14269 19028 1030 63314

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 The Community Development Board possesses a 30-day preemptive right to purchase an affected property at an agreed price. It also has powers of expropriation. The Minister said that the value of property and vacant land held by the Board in February, in terms of the prices it paid, was R84 141 477. SHORTAGE AND PROVISION OF HOUSING On 2 February, the Minister said2 that his Department's estimates of the number of families who needed housing at the end of 1970 and who, qualified for assistance from the National Housing Fund, were: Free Cape Transvaal Natal State Totals Whites ...... 1900 1210 1230 320 4660 Coloured ... 14710 4990 1450 440 21590 Indians ...... 1120 1360 8880 - 11360 Africans ...... 9200 9490 3650 3460 25800 Totals ... 26930 17050 15210 4220 63410 The Minister did not explain how his Department arrived at the figure for Africans. This is a complicated matter, as described later in this chapter. It is not clear whether the statistics for other groups include people to be moved in terms of group areas proclamations. The following number of dwellings were made available by his Department and by local authorities during 1970, the Minister said: Free Cape Transvaal Natal State Totals Whites...... 1209 1832 507 204 3752 Coloured ... 7186 2087 968 260 10501 Indians ...... - 992 1477 - 2469 Africans ...... 1 688 4788 808 1264 8548 Totals ... 10083 9699 3760 1728 25270 On 3 May3 the Minister announced that employers of large numbers of Coloured workers were allowed to provide accommodation for them in their group areas. The arrangement was that the local authority acquired the land and made it available on longterm leasehold. The employers then erected dwellings which must conform to prescribed standards, and were responsible for letting and maintenance. On the expiry of the lease of the land, the dwellings became the property of the local authority, no compensation being payable. Somewhat similar arrangements, applying to the housing of Africans in the Western Cape, are described later. 2 Assembly, Hansard 1 cols. 14 and 17. 3 Assembly, Hansard 13 col. 826. GROUP AREAS APPRECIATION AND DEPRECIATION CONTRIBUTIONS PAID The Minister said on 10 February4 that, during the 1969-70 financial year, the Community Development Board paid R299 652 in depreciation contributions, and received R220 in appreciation contributions. It made six payments, all to whites, in respect of the goodwill value attaching to a business or profession that had to be relinquished: the total sum paid was R6 646. COSTS OF TRANSPORT FARES TO RESEMTLEMENT AREAS As indicated in an earlier chapter, the Government subsidizes, from its general revenue account, the fares charged for train journeys between towns and areas where Africans have been resettled-Johannesburg and Soweto, for example; Durban and Umlazi and Kwa Mashu; Pretoria and Ga Rankuwa. At a congress of the National Party held during October,' the Minister of Community Development announced that the Government had decided, in principle, to subsidize transport for non-whites who were moved to "out-of-the- way" resettlement areas. Employers would have to meet some of the costs. The necessary legislation might be introduced in 1972. NOTES ON GROUP AREAS Johannesburg The Minister said in the Assembly on 29 April6 that 130 Indian traders were licensed in Lenasia. There were still 1 092 in Johannesburg itself at the end of 1970. The Oriental Plaza, planned for Fordsburg, would be able to accommodate only about 350 of them. He had stated, earlier,' that in December 1970 there were 317 Indian businesses in the Diagonal/Market Street area, which during that month was declared a white group area. The Department, he added,' had no intention of expropriating Indian- owned properties there in the near future. It would allow sales to take place at normal market values, subject to the Community Development Board's pre- emptive right. Meanwhile, as properties there are sold, displaced Indian tenants are having great difficulty in finding suitable alternative accommodation. The City Council and the Department of Community Development are continuing to build dwellings and flats for members of Johannesburg's Coloured community; but it would appear that the shortage of housing is, nevertheless, increasing. The Acting Chairman of Johannesburg's Management Committee said in May9 that ' Assembly, Hansard 2 col. 132. Rand Daily Mail, 14 October. ' Hansard 12 cols. 801-2. 7 Hansard 3 col. 228. 8 Star, 22 April. ' Rand Daily Mail, 29 May.

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 Coloured people were migrating to the city at the rate of about a hundred a month, one of the reasons being the restrictions, under the Physical Planning Act, on the employment by industrialists of increased numbers of Africans. Chinese families continue to be in a state of uncertainty. As there is no group area for them, the apparent policy of the Government is that they should continue to live in White areas provided that neighbouring Whites do not object. Some are threatened with eviction from Doomfontein, where an urban renewal scheme is to be undertaken, and are finding it extremely difficult to obtain alternative accommodation. During October, one of the families concerned was given permission to buy a house in a White residential suburb. Interviewed by the Press,"0 the Minister of Community Development said that each case would be handled on its merits, but that a sympathetic hearing would be given to those affected. Reef towns As mentioned on page 188 of last year's Survey, two economists who carried out a socio-economic study of the Indian communities of the East Rand recommended that at least three more Indian group areas be proclaimed on the East Rand, in addition to the existing one at Actonville, Benoni. The Government has, however, decided that all the Indians in this region should eventually move to Benoni. In terms of Proclamation 81 of 23 April, the Indian area there was enlarged. The municipal authorities are providing a wide range of services and amenities. According to the Minister of Statistics," 401 Indian families will have to move to Benoni from Germiston, 270 from Springs, 144 from Nigel, and 59 from Boksburg. The traders will, apparently, be allowed to continue operating from their present premises for the time being.'2 The Coloured group area at Boksburg has become seriously overcrowded, with slum conditions in parts of it. Another group area for Coloured people was proclaimed on 8 October, at Nigel. It was stated by Mr. J. H. Visagie, M.P.C., on 24 September,3 that a third Coloured township might be developed, at Brakpan. On 18 June the whole of Roodepoort, except for six blocks known as Lappies, adjoining the central business section, was proclaimed a White area. Lappies was set aside for use for business purposes only. A number of Indians already trade there: the rest will have to move their shops to this area. They will all 10 Star, 11 October. 11 Assembly, 4 May, Hansard 13 col. 825. 12 Rand Daily Mail, 26 April. 13 Star of that date.

GROUP AREAS have to live in the West Rand Indian group area called Azaadville, to the south of Krugersdorp. Other Transvaal towns More than 120 Indian traders, whose families have been in business in the Prinsloo Street area of central Pretoria for some 80 years, have been given notice to leave by the end of February 1972. Some of them will be able to obtain new shops in the Oriental Bazaar being developed north-west of the city centre; but this area is much too small to accommodate all the Indians now trading in Pretoria." During the year under review, Coloured group areas have been proclaimed in Klerksdorp and Standerton, and Indian group areas at Standerton, Nylstroom, and Warmbaths. The South-Western Cape At the national conference on "Education for Progress, with Special Reference to the Needs of the Coloured Community", which was convened by the Institute of Race Relations in January, Professor S. P. Cilliers, head of the Department of Economics at the University of Stellenbosch, gave a paper on the socio-economic status of the Coloured community.'5 It was estimated, Professor Cilliers said, that at least onethird of the Coloured people in urban areas of the Western Cape were either not housed at all, or were living in non-permanent or sub-standard housing. Between two-thirds and three- quarters of all those in the region lived in overcrowded conditions. In the Greater Cape Town area, 43 000 families were in need of housing. In terms of existing plans, this backlog would be overcome by 1975; but most authorities were behind planned schedules. Furthermore, between 1970 and 1980, at least another 54 000 dwelling units would be needed to cater for the increase in the population. The Minister of Planning said in the Assembly on 9 June" that new housing schemes were to be developed on Mitchell's Plain, between the existing Coloured areas on the Cape Flats and Strandfontein Beach. There would, then, be no further land available on the Cape Flats. Further housing schemes would, subsequently, be developed between Mamre (some 80 km north of Cape Town) and the coast, where a beach resort would be created. It was hoped that industries would be established there. To the east of the Coloured resort at Strandfontein is the Swartklip nature reserve, which is to be maintained. Beyond this is Macassar. The Minister of Community Development said on 1" Rand Daily Mail, 20 February. Is R.R. 136/1970. 16 Hansard 18 cols. 8555-7.

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 11 May7 that all the Coloured people in the Hottentots Holland basin, numbering about 250 000, would within the next 20 years be rehoused there. At Ocean View, in the southern part of the Peninsula on the Atlantic Coast, housing schemes are being developed to accommodate some 19 000 Coloured people to be moved from Simonstown, Fish Hoek, Kommetje, and vicinity, the Minister said. Questioned in the Assembly on 4 February,8 the Minister of Community Development replied it was anticipated that by the end of 1973 his Department or the Housing Commission would have completed the purchase of the properties in District Six. Those already bought were not yet being sold, as the area was to be replanned, for occupation by Whites. During the debate on the Minister's Vote, Mr. L. G. Murray (United Party) complained9 that too much attention was being given to the resettlement of Coloured people who were being moved, in terms of group areas proclamations, from places such as District Six, Simonstown, etc., and not enough to the rehousing of those living in slums or shacks. He deprecated the "sprawling, soulless, and characterless" nature of the townships for Coloured families on the Cape Flats, in Port Elizabeth, and elsewhere. Mrs. Helen Suzman (Progressive Party)20 also urged the Minister to concentrate on people who had no housing or were inadequately housed. Settled communities should be left where they were. She could see no reason why District Six could not have been redeveloped for Coloured occupation. Before people were moved into new housing schemes, adequate schools, transport, street lighting, police services, and basic necessities should be provided, Mrs. Suzman said. Other towns in the Cape In the course of the same speech, Mrs. Suzman said that Port Elizabeth's Director of Housing estimated that there was a backlog of 9 000 houses for Coloured families there. Many are living in squalid shacks, for example near Korsten Dry Lake. New housing schemes, to provide for about 8 700 families, are being undertaken by the City Council, the Department of Community Development, and the National Housing Commission.2' But the Government insists that 80 per cent of the new dwellings must be allocated to families already housed but who, in terms of group areas proclamations, must move from areas that have been declared White. Ten ministers of religion registered protests against this policy 17 Assembly, Hansard 14 col. 856. 11 Hansard 1 cols. 20-1. 19 Hansard 16 col. 7716. 20 Cols. 7771-4. 21 Press release by Minister of Community Development, 7 April.

GROUP AREAS by walking out of the official opening of a new housing scheme at Bethelsdorp, Port Elizabeth, by the Minister of Community Development on 7 April.2 In a petition subsequently handed to him, they pointed out that most of the new dwellings did not provide privacy at night for parents, nor separate rooms for growing boys and girls. Young people were deprived of the right of starting a normal married life on their own. As a result, family life was breaking down, and moral and social life was disintegrating. The group areas proclamation for Grahamstown was described on page 199 of last year's Survey. In spite of representations made by the local Member of Parliament, the City Council, ad hoc committees of local White residents, the Institute of Race Relations, the Black Sash, and others, the Government has refused to rescind the decision that the Fingo Village should be allocated to Coloured people and that Africans now living in this village should be moved to a township to be created at Committees Drift, about 19 miles (30 km) to the east. In 1958 the approximately 1 000 Coloured people of King William's Town were moved from their previous township to an area called Schornville, and were assured that -this would be their permanent township. The Town Council erected 150 dwellings there, while 47 families bought plots and built their own homes, some of very good quality. There are three large churches, a variety of shops, and other amenities. In 1968, however, Schornville was declared a White group area. The Coloured people were told that they would have to move to a small settlement at Breidbach, about 7 km away. It has no electricity, water supply, or proper sanitation, no tarred roads, no bus service. The residents of Schornville very strongly opposed this plan. They asked the Prime Minister and other Cabinet Ministers to intercede on their behalf. The Town Council supported them, as did more than 700 White people of King William's Town, who signed a petition to the Minister of Coloured Affairs. At a protest meeting held in March, complaints were made that the compensation offered to home-owners was far too low. But in any case, the people refused to negotiate. They decided unanimously that they would refuse to move.23 During September, the Minister of Planning visited King William's Town, and met the local Member of Parliament, the Mayor and Town Councillors, and members of the local Coloured community. He said that the group areas proclamation could not be rescinded, but that no one would be forced to leave Schornville. He would ensure that proper compensation was paid to those who did decide to sell properties there. The people are left in a state of grave uncertainty as to their future. 22 Rand Daily Mail, 9 April. 23 Daily Dispatch, 30 March; Sunday Times, 11 July.

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 During the year under review, Mossel Bay, Cape St. Francis, and Paradays Strand have been declared White areas. Group areas for both White and Coloured have been proclaimed at Victoria West, Cradock, Cookhouse, Marydale, and three small resorts in the Hermanus district. Coloured group areas have been defined in Mafeking and Bredasdorp. Durban After some twelve years of uncertainty, the future of the Grey Street complex, near the centre of Durban, has been decided. The Minister of Planning announced on 10 June that it is to be an area for Indian business and light industry-but not for residential accommodation. It consists of about 30 city blocks. The Minister said on 12 March4 that, according to evidence given at a public enquiry two years earlier, there were 3 351 Indian-owned business concerns there, employing 21089 Indians. The residents were 12728 Indians, 1 375 Africans, 892 Coloured, and 96 Whites. According to municipal valuations, the Indian-owned properties were worth R16 962 460. Whites owned properties valued at Ri 694 736 in this complex. New homes will have to be found for the residents-and there is already a considerable shortage, so much so that the City Council is allowing Indians to build temporary structures, in a "transit scheme" in the Springfield area.25 The Minister of Community Development announced in April6 that his Department planned to build more dwellings for Coloured people at Wentworth. As well as this, some 25 000 Coloured people were eventually to be housed at Mariannhill, about 24 km from the city. Other towns in Natal Two residential areas for Indians, called Paradise and Lennoxton, were proclaimed in Newcastle in 1962. Six years later, an Indian business area and an "open" trading area were proclaimed. During February, the Department of Planning suggested that Paradise, and both business areas, should be allocated to Whites instead. The Indians should be moved to an undeveloped area about 24 km away. Indians have lived at Paradise for some 80 years. There are a number of luxurious homes there, an hotel, two theatres, and good sports fields. If the Department's plan is adopted, 37 traders 24 Assembly, Hansard 6 col. 486. 25 Natal Mercury, 6 April. 26 Ibid.

HOUSING OF URBAN AFRICANS will lose their businesses, and about 1 000 people will be displaced from some 300 homes. Interested persons were given until 22 October to lodge objections. It is reported that the Town Council and the Newcastle Chamber of Industries oppose the Department's plan.2 The Minister of Planning said on 9 June28 that the regional group areas for Coloured communities in Natal were to be in Durban, Pietermaritzburg, Ladysmith, and Estcourt. In other towns no group areas would be proclaimed, but Coloured people could continue to live there on a temporary basis for about fifteen years, when the whole question would be reconsidered. During the past year, Margate and Uvongo have been declared White areas, and Craigieburn, nearby, an Indian area. Group areas for both Whites and Indians have been proclaimed at Umzinto. GOVERNMENT POLICY FOR THE HOUSING OF URBAN AFRICANS The Institute of Race Relations is, at the time of writing, making a study of the housing of African families who qualify to be in urban areas. It is hoped that the results will be published in January 1972. Information is being collected from local authorities, Magistrates and Bantu Affairs Commissioners, and local citizens, as well as from Press and other reports. No official directives have, apparently, been issued, but it is clear from many replies received that local authorities have been informed by the Department of Bantu Administration and Development that, as far as possible, all future family housing must be provided in a homeland. As indicated later, a few exceptions have been made; but these are in cases where bad slums have to be rebuilt, or existing approved schemes are to be completed, or where the towns concerned are remote from homelands. Inducements are being offered to Africans to move to homelands, even if they have residential rights in an urban township (they may, as one example, own properties in homeland villages, whereas they cannot do so in the towns. There are fewer restrictions on the activities of businessmen.) In most cases the S.A. Bantu Trust is financing the development of the homeland townships. The building work is being carried out by African contractors or, in a few cases (e.g. Pretoria, East London, Pietermaritzburg, Durban,Vryheid, Ladysmith, and Queenstown) by the local authorities, acting as agents for the Trust. All local authorities have been encouraged .to contribute to the costs: some have done so, while others have refused or have reached no decision. 27 Rand Daily Mail, 2 and 16 February, 11 and 30 September. 28 Assembly, Hansard 18 col. 8551.

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 No subsequent information has been published; but on 5 February 1970 the Deputy Minister of Bantu Administration said in the Assembly' that, by then, urban local authorities had contributed R3 500 000 from surpluses in their Bantu Revenue Accounts, and R2 052 000 from profits on the sale of beer, for the general development of the homelands. In any case, all local authorities must pay to the Department of Bantu Administration and Development 80 per cent of the profits from the sale to Africans of hard liquor, for use "in the general interests" of Africans. (Licences for such sales have been granted almost exclusively to the local authorities concerned.) They are not informed how this money is spent. The Minister of Bantu Administration and Development announced during December 19702 that the S.A. Bantu Trust was prepared to act as the agent of an employer in erecting "tied housing" for his employees in a homeland township. In the paragraphs that follow, a very brief account is given of developments as ascertained by the Institute of Race Relations at the time of writing. HOUSING SCHEMES FOR AFRICANS 1. Towns where building of family housing is being continued in the urban areas (a) Johannesburg Mr. Sam Moss, M.P.C., the Chairman of Johannesburg's NonEuropean Affairs Committee, said on 15 March3 that, as at 30 September 1970, there were 13 056 applications for family houses on ,the waiting lists, together with 23 800 applioations for hostel accommodation. About 2 000 additional houses were needed annually to cater for the natural growth of the people, who, in terms of Section 10 of the Bantu (Urban Areas) Consolidation Act, qualified to remain in the city. In a booklet entitled Soweto: Johannesburg's African City, published by the Institute of Race Relations in 1971, Dr. Ellen Hellmann pointed out that it was not known 'how many had not registered "in despair of getting to the top of the queue", or because they were in the process of collecting the documents necessary to substantiate their right to have their names entered on the waiting lists. Mr. Moss announced on 18 September4 that the City Council had applied to the Bantu Housing Board for a large loan to enable it to build more family housing. The outcome is not known at 1 Hansard 1 of 1970, cols. 287-290. 2 Race Relations News, December, 1970. 3 Star of that date. 4 Sunday Times of the following day.

HOUSING OF URBAN AFRICANS the time of writing. The Deputy Minister of Bantu Administration said in the Assembly on 29 March5 that two small schemes, to provide an additional 716 houses, had been approved for Soweto. As mentioned on page 197 of last year's Survey, the township of Pimville is being rebuilt; but this is a slum clearance scheme. The Government is no longer subsidizing sub-economic houses at Soweto: the City Council (which for many years has borne part of the costs) will probably now subsidize the housing of families in the lowest income groups, on a sliding scale. Rents will have to be increased for those in the higher income brackets, according to the income and the type of house occupied. The new policy has not yet been finalized at the time of writing. Loan funds have been made available for the provision of more hostel accommodation for "single" men and women (often migratory workers) at Soweto, at Diepkloof (controlled by the Bantu Resettlement Board), and at Alexandra Township (controlled by the Transvaal Board for the Development of Peri-Urban Areas). The first two hostels at Alexandra, catering for 2 800 women and 2 600 men respectively, have been completed. The original plan was to provide twelve hostels with about 32 000 beds; but it is reported' that this plan may be considerably extended. (b) Germiston, Benoni, and Springs Building of family housing as well as hostels is being continued at the Germiston municipal township of Katlehong as well as at Tembisa, a regional township that serves Germiston North and the areas of small local authorities between Germiston and Pretoria, and in which families displaced from Alexandra Township are being resettled. New housing schemes in Benoni and Springs are designed mainly to accommodate Africans who are displaced under group areas proclamations. Those on the waiting list at Springs have been advised to apply for dwellings in homelands. (c) Sebokeng The Sebokeng Management Board is the first administrative board of the nature envisaged in the Bantu Affairs Administration Act.7 The Board is representative of the Department of Bantu Administration and Development, the Transvaal Board for the Development of Peri-Urban Areas, and local authorities in the Vaal Triangle. The building of family housing and hostels is being continued by this Board; but it would appear that the main purpose is to rehouse all the African families who at present are living in the municipal townships of Vanderbijipark and Vereeniging, as well as certain of those from the freehold area of Evaton. s Hansard 9 col. 3786. Star, 16 October. 7 See page 133. 165 A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 Africans from Meyerton have already been moved to the Board's township. (d) Volksrust Building schemes are continuing; but approved schemes fall far short of the demand for housing. (e) Greater Cape Town More family dwellings are being provided; but it appears that these are mainly to complete schemes which were approved earlier, and will certainly not go far towards relieving the very great demand for housing from those who have residential rights. Some more hostels for migrant male workers are being built from official loan funds. As the need for more such accommodation is acute, however, both the City Council and the Cape Divisional Council are allowing employers to build hostels for their workers, on land made available by the local authority concerned. (f) Port Elizabeth and Uitenhage The provision of family housing as well as hostels is continuing in both these areas. (g) Kimberley Building of housing is continuing here, too. (h) Towns in the Free State Some of the -smaller towns in the Free State report that building is in progress; but it appears that in most cases the object is to establish new townships for people already there, who are living in poor conditions. About 1 974 dwellings are being erected in Bloemfontein (where at least 3 000 are needed). The municipality has been advised that no further schemes will be authorized: as indicated later, future housing will have to be in a homeland. 2. Towns where the building of family housing has apparently been frozen or is to be frozen It would appear, from replies received, that there are some towns where no more family housing is needed for the time being, possibly because of the strict implementation of influx control. The building of hostels may still be in progress. This would seem to be the position in Boksburg, Krugersdorp, Roodepoort, Ermelo, and Bethal in the Transvaal, and in some of the smaller towns in the Western Cape and Cape Midlands. At Stellenbosch and Mossel Bay, as in Cape Town, employers are encouraged to build hostel accommodation in the urban Bantu townships for their own employees. The Town Council of Middelburg, in the Transvaal, is providing 150 more family houses and further hostel accommodation,

HOUSING OF URBAN AFRICANS but has been advised that any additional family housing will have to be in a homeland. There is a shortage of housing at Philipstown in the Western Cape, but applications for building loans have been refused. Grahamstown applied for funds to build 1 000 houses, to relieve dense overcrowding and to accommodate families living as squatters, in shacks. It is being granted loans to provide for 100 families only. As mentioned later, about 6 000 Africans are to be displaced from the Fingo Village, which, in terms of a group areas proclamation, is to become a Coloured area. They will eventually be rehoused in a homeland. Barkly West has been allowed to complete an already approved scheme, but then family housing development will be frozen. In a number of towns, the Government has put a stop to further development, but the local authorities concerned have not been advised what alternative plans are proposed. In some instances, they have indicated that they are not prepared to help with the erection of housing in a homeland: in any case, there is sometimes no homeland near at hand. Among such towns are Bedford, Dordrecht, and Fort Beaufort in the Cape. 3. Towns where some families have been or are to be moved to homelands Building development (including that of hostels) has been frozen in Pretoria for some years. Tswana families are progressively being moved from the municipal townships to the homeland township of Ga Rankuwa, about 34 km by rail from Pretoria: 395 families had been moved by October. Rail fares are subsidized. The Department of Bantu Administration and Development is building other large townships further to the north-east, called Mabopane and Temba, also primarily for . Those in the northern parts who are employed in Pretoria may have to stay there during the week, returning home at weekends only. The future of "excess" families of non-Tswana origin is uncertain. Some may be allowed to live in an ethnically mixed area in the east of Mabopane, while others may be required to go to their own homelands, much further away. All future housing for Africans at is to be at Setooni, 35 km away. Workers will travel to town by bus. The municipality of Hofmeyr, in the Cape Midlands, has authority to build 62 more family houses, but after that, all the families who cannot be accommodated will have to live in the King William's Town area, about 274 km to the south by road, and much further by the round-about rail route. The same will probably apply in the case of Cradock, some 70 km south of Hofmeyr.

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 As mentioned earlier, Africans are to lose the Fingo Village in Grahamstown. The Department plans to resettle them in a township to be created at Committees Drift, 31 km to the east, across the Fish River. It is possible that, as time goes by, families who cannot be accommodated in the municipal townships will have to go there, too. Families from the municipal township of King William's Town are gradually being moved to Zwelitsha, in a homeland 4 km away. As family dwellings are vacated, they are being converted into single quarters for men. The Stanger municipality in Natal is being permitted to build 200 more family houses (not nearly enough to meet the demand). After that, further housing will have to be developed in a homeland about 29 km away. After the new building scheme at Bloemfontein has been completed, all further housing will have to be at Selosesha in the Thaba 'Nchu area, 61 km away by rail. Further hostel accommodation is being provided in the city for migrant male workers. Hostels in the Harrismith township are being enlarged, but the family accommodation is fully occupied, and further families of Sotho origin will have to live in Witzieshoek, to the south. 4. Towns where all the families live or will live in homelands (a) Northern and Eastern Transvaal Pietersburg: All are being moved to Seshego, near the town. Groblersdal: All have been moved to Motetema, some 11 km away. Potgietersrus: All have gone to Mahwelereng, 5 km distant. Nelspruit: All are to be moved to a township on the farm Nyamsaam, 23 km to the east by road. Houses in the municipal township are to be converted into hostels for men. White River: All have moved to Kabokweni, 20 km to the east by road. Phalaborwa: All live at Namakgale in a homeland just outside the town. (b) Western Transvaal Lichtenburg, Potchefstroom, Carletonville, Klerksdorp, Ventersdorp, Wolmaransstad and nine smaller towns: All the Africans are to be moved to a regional township called Itsoseng near Lichtenburg. Some will have long distances to travel and will have to become weekly or monthly commuters. 168

HOUSING OF URBAN AFRICANS : The borders of a homeland nearby were extended to include the previously-municipal township of Thlabane. Brits: All are to live in a new township to the east, in the Hammanskraal complex, called Muthutlung. Zeerust: All are being moved to the Hurutsi area, 13 km to the west. Christiana: All are to be moved about 29 km to the Taung area. Delareyville: All are to go to a large regional township called Morotzi, about 19 km away. There will be hostels for "single" men in the town. (c) North-Western Cape Mafeking: All live in a homeland township just outside the town. Kuruman and Douglas: All the Africans from Kuruman have been moved to Mothibistat, 7 km away. They will probably be joined by families from Douglas, which is 225 km to the south, and possibly from other towns. The workers in Douglas will probably have to become monthly commuters. Jan Kempdorp and small towns nearby: The Africans live at Pampierstad. (d) Eastern Cape East London: All the Africans are to be moved from the municipal Duncan Village to Mdantsane, some 19 km north. The City Council is developing Mdantsane on behalf of the S.A. Bantu Trust, but the latter is bearing the costs. Stutterheim: All are probably to be moved about 18 km south along the road to Keiskamahoek and King William's Town. Queenstown: All will go to a new township about 11 km along the road to East London, adjoining Binge (one of the resettlement villages where there is great poverty). The municipality will act as agent for the S.A. Bantu Trust in developing the new township. Aliwal North: All will probably be moved to the Sterkspruit/ Herschel area, some 64 km distant. There will be hostels in the town for "single" men. Matatiele: All are to move about 10km to Maluti. The Municipality hopes that the Transkeian Government will provide housing there. (e) Natal Durban: The Government intends extending the boundary of a homeland to the north-west of the city to include the

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 municipal township of Kwa Mashu. The Trust is building a new township called Ntuzuma, adjoining this. The homeland township of Umlazi, to the south of the city, is being extended. Pinetown and adjoining areas: All the Africans will live at Dassenhoek, adjoining Clermont, which is being developed by the Trust. Pietermaritzburg: The City Council is helping to develop the large homeland township of , near the western border of the municipal area. Africans from the Council's township, Sobantu, will eventually have to go there. Howick: The Africans are being moved to Mpophomeni, about 13 km away by road. Vryheid: All are to go to Mondhlo, 24 km distant by road. The Town Council is helping to pay the costs of extending this township. There will be hostels for "single" men in the town. Ladysmith and Colenso: All will go to Ezakheni (Pieters), some 19 km from Ladysmith and 10 km from Colenso. Ladysmith will help to finance the scheme. Again, there will be hostels for men in its municipal area. Newcastle: All are to move either to Madadeni (13 km east) or Osizweni (26 km east). Estcourt: All the Africans are to be resettled in a homeland some 8 km to the south-west. Empangeni: All live in Ngwelezana, 6 km away. Richmond: All live in Ndaleni, 2 km from the town. South Coast towns: A large new regional township called Gamelakhe is being developed, about 10 km from Margate, which will accommodate Africans from Margate, Uvongo, and other South Coast towns. RAIL TRANSPORT FOR AFRICAN COMMUTERS According to the report for 1969-70 of the General Manager of Railways, the numbers of non-white commuters (mainly Africans) who travelled daily by train between their townships and certain urban areas were: Johannesburg (South-western townships) ... 212 750 Pretoria (Atteridgeville/Saulsville, Mamelodi, and Ga Rankuwa) ...... 64350 Durban (Kwa Mashu and Umlazi) ...... 88450 Benoni (Daveyton) ...... 20 100 Germiston (Katlehong) ...... 27 750 Kaalfontein (Tembisa) ...... 30650 Cape Town (Nyanga, Langa, Lavistown, and Bonteheuwel) ...... 54350 Vereeniging (Sebokeng) ...... 4000

TRANSPORT FOR AFRICAN COMMUTERS The General Manager stated that the carrying capacity of the lines between Soweto and Johannesburg "does not permit of any more trains being scheduled to improve the position (of overcrowding) . . . Meanwhile, side-door coaching-stock is progressively being replaced by sliding-door coaches". In the Assembly on 9 February8 the Deputy Minister of Transport said that, in order to help avoid accidents on these lines, automatic colour-light signals were being converted to telephone-controlled stop signals; a radio-communication system had been introduced, inter-connecting the main operating office with all signal cabins and with the train drivers; and safety guidance instruction was given. Mr. D. J. Marais (United Party) contended9 that the Railways' plans for new rail- links were too long-term. The SowetoJohannesburg lines had reached saturation point in so far as the number of trains that the system could handle were concerned, but the number needing transport was increasing at the rate of 6,2 per cent a year. Some people had to get up at 3 a.m. to queue for a place. Between 4 a.m. and 6 a.m. some 68 000 people used the service, and between 6 a.m. and 6.30 a.m. another 35 000. The position was explosive, Mr. Marais said. Until the new rail-links were operating, all the buses that could be mustered should be used to supplement the train service. The Minister of Transport had said, earlier, that there would be no objection to the use of buses to augment the rail service during peak hours. However, the Railways refused to allow more than 30 buses to be used daily, on the ground that a full bus service would compete with the subsidized train service. 8 Hansard 2 cols. 105-6. 9 17 March, Hansard 7 cols. 2925-6.

EMPLOYMENT THE ECONOMIC SITUATION In its annual economic report for the year ended June 1971 the South African Reserve Bank stated that the economy had slowed down and showed a more moderate rate of growth. The increase in the gross domestic product at current prices was 12 per cent in 1969/70 and 9 per cent in 1970/71. Reduced contributions by the primary sectors were mainly responsible for this decline. An all-time record net inflow of capital from abroad, amounting to R725 000 000, obviated the high balance of payments deficit of Ri 084 000 000 from exerting its full impact on the country's gold and foreign reserves. Nevertheless, R359 000 000 of the gold and foreign reserves had to be utilised to finance the overall deficit. (It appeared that there was considerable moderation of the adverse trade balance in the fourth quarter of the year.) The Reserve Bank attributed the imbalance in the economy to excessive spending by the public authorities, and by the private sector on consumption goods and capital projects of a less productive nature. Tight labour conditions, which have characterised the South African economy throughout the past decade, continued to exist but it appeared that there had been a slight easing of the position in the first half of 1971. On 10 February sales duties on a variety of articles were increased and the 1971/72 Budget presented on 31 March placed emphasis on curbing private consumption expenditure. Direct taxes were raised by increasing the surcharge on personal income tax from 5 to 10 per cent, indirect taxes included an increase in excise duties on petrol, alcoholic beverages, cigarettes and tobacco, and loan levies on individuals and companies were also raised. Also, in March, the Governor of the Reserve Bank announced an increase in the bank rate from 5,5 per cent to 6,5 per cent a year, a similar rise in the interest rate on three-year Government stock and an increase from 7,75 per cent to 8,5 per cent on Government stock of twenty years or more.' The influential Afrikaanse Sakekamer warned that economic curbs were leading to a scale of bankruptcy comparable with that which followed the Sharpeville shootings in 1960.2 In February the Minister of Planning had announced the I Rand Daily Mail, 31 March. 2 Rand Daily Mail, 29 March. FOREIGN INVESTMENT Government's acceptance of the Economic Development Programme's 5,5 per cent annual growth target for the period 1970-75.3 In an effort to improve the country's export performance the Government has announced the creation of an Export Advisory Council (which replaces the Export Promotion Council which, in its turn, replaced the Export Trade Advisory Committee), and the appointment of a commission of enquiry under the chairmanship of Professor H. Reynders of the University of Pretoria. The members of the Export Advisory Council are drawn from a wider range of industrialists than were those in either of the earlier bodies.' The Star reported on 5 November, that the Treasury was clamping down tightly on all State capital expenditure for the remaining five months of the financial year. FOREIGN INVESTMENT IN THE SOUTH AFRICAN ECONOMY The question of the extent to which foreign investment bolsters the status quo in South Africa has received closer scrutiny from opponents of apartheid during the year. Debate has tended to be located principally in the United States, although mounting pressure is discernible in the United Kingdom. In the United States these pressures should be seen as only one aspect of the growing call for social criteria to be applied to business. There is a tendency in South Africa to discount the call for the withdrawal of foreign capital as being confined to radical minority groups. However, the concern for the role of American business in South Africa is far more broadly-based and embraces senators, congressmen, clerics and academics committed to the ideal of eradicating racial discrimination. In January the American firm of Polaroid announced a oneyear experiment by its South African distributor to improve the wages of non-white workers and promised a fairly substantial amount to be used, annually, for African education.' In April the South African Institute of Race Relations conducted a survey of American investment in South Africa and the results, together with recommendations, were briefly, summarised in the May issue of Race Relations News. In the United States the Congressional sub-Committee on Africa, under the chairmanship of congressman Charles Diggs, has heard evidence from informed critics including the Episcopal Bishop and Dean of Washington, Judge William Booth, the Reverend Leon Sullivan, Mr. William Cotter of the African3 Rand Daily Mail, 17 February. 4 Financial Mall, 13 August. 5 Financial Mail, 22 January.

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 American Institute and the Reverend Timothy Smith, author of a study entitled The American Corporation in South Africa: an analysis. A foundation for action. (An earlier study prepared by Mr. Sean Gervasi for the United Nations Organisation entitled Industrialisation, Foreign Capital and Forced Labour in South Africa has been banned in South Africa.) Withdrawal of foreign capital has been opposed both in South Africa and abroad by African leaders, Chief Gatsha Buthelezi, and Mrs. Lucy Mvubelo, general secretary of the 17 000 member National Union of Clothing Workers. In August congressmen Charles Diggs and Guy van der Jagt together with several aides paid a nine-day fact-finding visit to South Africa. At the conclusion of his visit Mr. Diggs is reported to have said that there was "an appalling amount of racial injustice in South Africa - a blatant, ever-present, and all-pervasive discrimination based on race, colour and creed". However, Mr. Diggs believed that American firms doing business in South Africa should not withdraw, but must do a great deal more than they were doing to improve the living conditions of non-white workers.' On 17 September the Star reported that Congressman Diggs had written to the chairmen of General Motors and the Ford Motor Company, demanding a meeting to ,discuss their "abominable" treatment of non- white workers in South Africa. He was also to ask the head of the National Aeronautics and Space Administration to explain why the space agency's tracking facility in South Africa practised racial segregation. At the opening of a heavy vehicle factory at Paarl - a joint venture by Oshkosh Truck Corporation of the United States and Barlow Rand Limited of South Africa - the Minister of Economic Affairs said that isolation could never be the answer to providing a better existence for "those you are seeking to help." The Minister went on to say that American and South African ventures no doubt seek, among other things, to arrive at this destination and not to respond to the suggestions put forward by a handful, or (by) irresponsible politicians.7 THE COST OF LIVING In its annual report the South African Reserve Bank stated that the seasonally adjusted consumer price index had continued to rise at an annual rate of just over 4 per cent during 1970 and the first quarter of 1971. However the rate of increase accelerated considerably during the second quarter and brought the increase from June 1970 to June 1971 to 6,1 per cent. The rapid rise in cost of living could be ascribed largely to anti-inflationary fiscal measures introduced by the Minister of Finance. Higher rents 6 Information summarised from various press reports. Star, 21 October. 174

COST OF LIVING and postal and railway rates were mainly responsible for the rise of 6,7 per cent in the prices of all services. Important price increases were recorded in respect of vehicles, furniture and equipment, milk and milk products and meat. Food prices increased by 4,7 per cent. An article in the Financial Mail on 15 January pointed out that the weighted consumer price index was based on a 1966 survey of white family expenditure. Past surveys indicated that the African family spent proportionately more on staple foods and would be more likely to be adversely affected by steep rises in food costs. The Association of Chambers of Commerce is to approach the Department of Statistics in connection with the publication of a cost of living index for Africans.8 Professor George Marais, director of the School of Business Administration at the University of South Africa, described the exceptional increase in the cost of living as one of the "biggest leaps" since the second World War.' The President of the Institute of Race Relations, Professor Sheila van der Horst, noting that inflation was a disguised means of taxation which fell most heavily on those least able to bear it, pointed out that while organised labour could and was girding its loins to demand higher wages, Africans were not able to do this because they were not permitted to organise effectively.'0 In the wake of wage demands and threatened further wage demands from organised labour, the Housewives' League of South Africa sought an interview with the Prime Minister to discuss the spiralling cost of living.1 The National Council of Women decided to launch a vigorous campaign in this connection and offered to co-operate with the Housewives' League.2 On 10 August the Prime Minister, together with his economic adviser, received a deputation who were asked to support the following four points in the fight against inflation: trade unions should moderate their demands; wage increases should be granted only on the ground of increased productivity; producers and distributors should limit price increases to a minimum; and consumers should restrict their spending to essentials during the next six to nine months.13 In response to comment by a leading banker, Dr. Jan Marais, that it was not in South Africa's interest to have a poor Lesotho on her borders, since hunger and poverty were known to breed unrest, the Director of the South African Institute of Race Relations, Mr. F. J. van Wyk, pointed out that the reasoning applied 8 Ibid, 19 May. , Ibid, 22 July. 10 Argus, 20 March. 11 Rand Daily Mail, 10 August. 12 Argus, 12 August. 13 Rand Daily Mail, 11 and 12 August.

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 as aptly to the conditions in South Africa as to Lesotho. Mr. Van Wyk called upon the Government to give a clear lead in eradicating poverty.14 Minimum family budgets for Whites in Pretoria At the request of the National Council for Child Welfare, the Human Sciences Research Council sponsored a study to determine the costs involved in the maintenance of families. The investigation was limited to white families in Pretoria on the premise that costs in other centres would not differ greatly from those in Pretoria. The results of this undertaking were published at the end of 1970 as A Manual for Determining the Cost of Maintaining a Family. Prices of all items were determined during June 1970, with the exception of housing costs, which were established during July 1969. No attempt was made to establish a minimum existence wage or level. These findings, would, therefore, relate to the Minimum Effective Level rather than the Poverty Datum Line (PDL). The estimated maintenance costs for a family of 5, consisting of moderately active parents with a boy aged four years and 2 girls aged 2 and 7 years respectively, were:R Food ...... 47,97 Clothing ...... 34,38 Housing requirements ... 27,53 Sundry necessities ...... 49,02 R158,90 (If the rise in the cost of living mentioned earlier in this chapter were to be taken into account, this figure would have been in the region of R168,59 by June 1971.) Minimum family budgets for Africans in Soweto A revised minimum family budget (Budget A), for an African family of 5 (2 adults and 3 children) in Soweto was issued by the Johannesburg municipal Non- European Affairs Department in July, while Soweto Urban Bantu Councillors provided their own minimum budget (Budget B) at the same time and, at the end of May, the Johannesburg Chamber of Commerce also presented a monthly budget (Budget C) for the guidance of its members. 14 Rand Daily Mail. 30 July.

COST OF LIVING Rent (average) ...... Water charges ...... Train fares (for 2 adults) ...... Internal transport ...... Lighting, heating and cooking Clothing and school uniforms ... Toilet soap ...... Laundry soap ...... Books and stationery (school) School fees ...... Writing materials ...... Education levy ...... Creche fees ...... Burial society contributions .. Tax and tribal levy ...... Church contributions ...... Medical charges ...... Furniture ...... Crockery etc ...... Amusement and sport ...... Tobacco ...... Personal care ...... C Y1J Budget A5 R 7,00 80 5,80 4,40 10,00 601 1,00 50 1,00 38 Budget B" R 6,40 80 5,80 4,80 4,40 10,00 1,501 1,201 6,001 40J 38 2,25 40 50 2,50 7,00 Budget C17 R 6,00 5,03 3,92 10,19 92 2.50 1,61 82 50 1,57 52 1,01 1,57 9 on Contingencies ...... 4,00 Food ...... 36,38 59,39 37,64 69,86 116,38" 75,80 If an earlier (1966) study by the South African Institute of Race Relations18 were to be up-dated against the consumer price indices given in the South African Reserve Bank's report, the cost of living of an African family of 5 in Soweto, in June 1971, would be as follows: Poverty Datum Line ...... Minimum Effective Level ... R 67,13 100,69 Among other items, the prices of bread, maize and milk have risen in 1971. Long distance rail fares were increased by 10 per cent and increases in economic rentals in Soweto will range from R1 to R4 per month. The levy imposed on heads of families to assist with the provision of school buildings has been raised by 20 cents to 38 cents per month, as initially proposed by the Urban Bantu Council. Minimum budgetary requirements in other areas In a study, Domestic Servants: a microcosm of "the race problem", Dr. Michael Whisson and Mr. William Weil noted that 15 Minutes of an ordinary meeting of the Soweto Urban Bantu Council held on 29 July. Annexure B. 16 Ibid, Annexure C. (There is an error in calculation, for the total of the items listed actually amounts to R117,72). 17 Johannesburg Chamber of Commerce. Outline of Legislation affecting the employment oi Bantu workers. Page 23. 18 Sheila Suttner. Cost of Living in Soweto, 1966.

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 the minimum effective level, in Cape Town, for a woman domestic with two children amounted to about R52 per month in July 1969. This figure assumed that another earner in the family would provide for the household expenses basic to PDL and Minimum Effective Level calculations. (Price increases in 1970 and 1971 would raise this estimate considerably.) Professcr H. L. Watts, Director of the Institute for Social Research at the University of Natal, Durban, has estimated that the PDL for an African family of 6 (man, woman, boy aged 14 years, girl aged 12 years and two children aged 7 and 9 years) in Durban would be in the region of R69,75 in 1971. However, the Minimum Effective Level for the same family would be somewhere around R105 per month.'" In a document entitled Poverty, published by the Study Project on Christianity in Apartheid Society in Some Implications of Inequality, Professor Watts calculated the budgetary requirements of African domestic servants. He gave as an example a domestic servant receiving free board and lodging who had three illegitimate children staying with relatives elsewhere, who was fully responsible for the support of her children. Assuming that her children received free lodging, but not free board, the woman would require about per month at PDL estimates but R45 per month at the Minimum Effective Level. Calculating from tables contained in Messrs. G. G. Maasdorp and P. N. Pillay's The East Rand Indian Community, published by the University of Natal in 1970, the PDL for an Indian family of 5 (man, woman, boy aged 14 years, girl aged 8 and an infant) in the area would be some R73,35 monthly and the Minimum Effective Level would be in the region of R110 per month. This study indicated that 63,4 per cent of East Rand Indian families had incomes above the PDL while 19,6 per cent were marginal and 17 per cent were below this bare minimum. However, some one-third of the families had incomes below the Minimum Effective Level. The Border Region of the Institute of Race Relations has estimated20 that the living costs of African families in the township of Mdantsane, near East London, would be approximately: Family of 5 Family of 6 RR Poverty Datum Line ...... 65,20 74,78 Minimum Effective Level ... 97,80 112,17 WAGES AND POVERTY Mr. Lawrence Schlemmer, chairman of the Natal Region of the South African Institute of Race Relations, in introducing the annual report of the region for 1969/70 indicated that some three19 South African Institute of Race Relations (Natal Region). Information Sheet No. 1 of 1971. 20 South African Institute of Race Relations (Border Region). Information Sheet No. I of 1971.

WAGES AND POVERTY fifths of the Africans in Durban township lived below the PDL. He maintained that this depth of poverty probably represented relative luxury compared with conditions in many of the rural African areas in Natal and remarked: "Ultimately all of us will have to pay dearly for this neglect of human needs."' In Johannesburg the municipality estimated that only some 29 to 32 per cent of Soweto residents earned more than R60 per month, while some 14 to 22 per cent earned less than R40 per month." (These figures clearly indicated that, even at the level of the most conservative minimum budget given earlier, the majority of Soweto residents would be experiencing some degree of poverty.) In Port Elizabeth the local Director of Bantu Administration stated that the 67 000 African workers had an annual income of R38 million (an average monthly case wage per worker of R47,27.):' A report specially commissioned by the Mayor and Town Clerk of Port Elizabeth, after the bus riots at the Gelvandale township for Coloured people, prepared by the municipality's director of housing, revealed that more than half the Coloured male workers earned less than R67 per month.4 An investigation, published by the South African Institute of Race Relations as Grahamstown: Fingo Village, was undertaken by Mrs. Marianne Roux and Mrs. Molly St. Leger into the socio-economic conditions of the inhabitants of the Fingo Village. This showed that some three-quarters of the households were living below the primary PDL of R51,54 per month.In the second half of 1970 the University of South Africa's Bureau of Market Research undertook a socio- economic survey of a sample of 410 African households in the Pretoria area. This was later published as Income and Expenditure Patterns of Non-White Urban Households. According to this survey, the average size of a household was 5,7 persons (6 if adult children retaining more than RIO per month of their incomes were included). The average annual income per household amounted to R934,89 per annum (R77,91 per month). However, inclusion of the salaries of adult children raised the average annual income to Ri 068,37 (R89,03 per month). Comparison with a survey undertaken in 1960 indicated that the average household income in the Pretoria area had risen by 6,74 per cent per annum. It appeared that the contribution made by heads of households represented an average of 71 per cent of household income. An article in the Financial Mail on 26 March commented on the widening wage gap between white and black workers in 1 Race Relations News, December 1970. 2 Rand Daily Mail, 1 May. 3 Eastern Province Herald, 24 July. I Rand Daily Mall, 13 April. 5 The primary PDL covers only the bare cost of food, clothing, fuel and lighting, and cleansing materials, while the secondary PDL includes rent and transport.

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 the main industrial sectors of the economy. It showed that in manufacturing the white/black ratio had increased from 5,1 to 1 in May 1966 to 5,7 to 1 in June 1971 while in the mining industry the ratio of 17,5 to 1 had increased to, 20,3 to 1. The article mentioned that the Federated Chamber of Industries' economist, Mr. A. Hammond-Tooke blamed the rising gap in manufacturing on the white wage drift: the process by which shortages of white labour lead to increases in wages as employers bid higher for workers. Colour bar and other restraints prevent the extension of this process to African workers. At the opening of the Tswana Territorial Authority's third session, Chief Lucas Mangope stated that while his people had to pay the same price for bread and in sales tax as other groups, they received the lowest wages.' Professor H. W. Ntsanwisi, chairman of the Machangana Territorial Authority, also called for equal pay for equal work during discussions with the Prime Minister.7 At a meeting between twelve members of the Soweto Urban Bantu Council and delegates of the Chamber of Commerce, Chamber of Industries, Johannesburg Municipality, the Afrikaanse Handelsinstituut, the South African Railways Administration and the Electricity Supply Commission in April, the Urban Councillors presented a carefully-reasoned case to back their claim for a minimum monthly wage of R100 for every male African worker.' The President of the Chamber of Commerce, while conceding that a wage of R100 a month for labourers was necessary "for families to have any sort of life at all", maintained that it would be wildly inflationary to increase wages by about 50 per cent without an attendant increase in productivity.' An editorial in the Garment Worker on 20 August challenged the "productivity first" argument, stating that this argument was never used when skilled workers asked for more wages. The editorial went on to say: "It seems then that the ordinary worker must starve unless productivity is improved. But who, can do this? The worker certainly cannot. It is the task of management to introduce ways and means of improving output per worker .... It is accepted that productivity must be improved. But let the catalyst necessary to bring about these improvements be an increase of African wages of 30 per cent to 40 per cent depending on the circumstances". The question of equal pay for equal work in so far as the Coloured people are concerned received a great deal of attention during the year. Professor S. P. Cilliers, Head of the Department of Sociology at the University of Stellenbosch, in an address delivered at the annual Council meeting of the South African Institute of Race Relations in January, mentioned the glaring 6 Rand Daily Mail, 25 March. 7 Ibid, 31 July. 8 Sunday Express, 18 April. 9 Rand Daily Mail, 20 April. WAGES AND POVERTY discrepancies in professional salary scales: the salaries of Coloured people were on average, only between 50 and 60 per cent of those for Whites.1" In April, Mr. Tom Swartz, chairman of the Coloured Representative Council, stated that the country was rich and that the world climate would change if the Government accepted the principle of equal pay for equal work and equal qualifications." At his investiture as the first Chancellor of the University of the Western Cape, Dr. I. D. du Plessis, a former Secretary for Coloured Affairs, said that South Africa's salary structure should be based on the principle of equal pay for equal work. He maintained that the necessary salary adjustments for all teachers and civil servants would not be immediately possible, but that equality in the immediate future for the higher posts was not an unpractical recommendation.'2 An editorial in Die Burger, official organ of the Cape Nationalist Party, endorsing Dr. du Plessis' call, maintained that if the difference between Coloured and White professional salaries were not closed in our time, South Africa assured itself of steadily deteriorating White-Coloured relationships.3 The Rand Afrikaans University's student newspaper Heraut published an editorial, in May, saying that consideration should be given to paying Coloured people the same salaries as Whites if they were doing the same work.'4 In June, the Minister of Coloured Affairs appealed to employers in both the public and private sectors to increase the salaries of their Coloured workers. He added: "I am prepared to say today that we are striving towards a situation where we can accept equal pay for equal work . . . . We cannot close the pay gap at once, but we can aim at closing it ultimately and we can, at this moment in time, narrow it"." This statement was well received by Coloured leaders and trade unionists, but the Transvaal section of the Coloured Labour Party tempered its welcome with a warning that it doubted the National Party Government's sincerity.6 The Minister of the Interior announced that the Public Service Commission had been instructed to prepare a comprehensive report and recommendations on how to close the gap between white and non- white wages in the Public Service.7 A general increase amounting to R6 000 000 for non-whites in the Public Service was announced in September. The Minister of the Interior maintained that this would narrow the wage gap and restore the ratio to what it had been before January.' (In January white public servants received a R57 000 000 pay rise.) The congress of the Afrikaanse Studentebond, meeting in "0 S. P. Cilliers. Coloured people: education and status. It Star, 5 April. 12 Rand Daily Mail, 24 April. 11 Die Burger, 26 April. 14 Rand Daily Mail, 3 May. Is Star, 10 June. '6 Ibid, 11 June. '7 Evening Post, 12 June. 18 Star, 23 September.

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 Pretoria, adopted a motion in favour of Coloured people receiving equal pay for equal work "as fast as possible and with the necessary responsibility",1" while the goal of equal pay for equal work was included in the programme of principles of the pro-Government Coloured Federal Party." A letter from the Archbishop of Durban urging all Roman Catholics, including those in charge of religious institutions, to examine the wages paid to Africans in their employ was read in every Roman Catholic Church in Durban on 20 June.2' Lutheran Information for September/October noted that the Natal Anglican Synod at Pietermaritzburg had decided that in order to close the wage gap between their white and non-white clergy the latter would receive higher stipend increments as of April 1972. The basic annual increase for nonwhite assistant clergy would be R109 while their white counterparts would receive only R50 per year. This system was aimed at closing the salary gap over a period of 10 years. The annual conference of the Methodist Church of South Africa took a similar decision in October.2 In July the United Nations' Unit on Apartheid published a study prepared by Mr. Sean Gervasi on Poverty, Apartheid and Economic Growth. In announcing the United Party's "new deal" for the Coloured people, Sir de: Villiers Graaff, leader of the official opposition, stated: "we accept that in the sphere of the professions, in medicine, teaching, nursing and so on the objective will be that in the service of the State there should ultimately be equal pay for equal work where individuals have the same qualifications and the same responsibilities".23 Replying later to criticism about his use of the word "ultimately", Sir de Villiers Graaff said that there was no sense in making commitments which the United Party was not certain it would be able to carry out.4 An editorial in the Afrikaans-language newspaper Rapport on 5 September welcomed the fact that several large business undertakings had accepted the principle of equal pay for equal work and stated that it was urgently necessary that a decision be taken on higher salaries for non-whites in Government service. Mr. Harry Oppenheimer, chairman of Anglo American Corporation, addressing the annual conference of the Trade Union Council of South Africa held at Durban in September, stated that while equal pay for equal work, regardless of race or colour, was the ultimate aim of the Anglo American Corporation dramatic changes should not be expected. Mr. Oppenheimer said the 19 Star, 29 June. 20 Rand Daily Mail, 2 July. 21 Rand Daily Mail, 22 June. 22 Star, 22 October. 23 Star, 18 August. 24 Rand Daily Mail, 23 August.

WAGE REGULATING MACHINERY principle was not something which could be brought in unless "you are allowed to use people in the way you think they should be used".25 The Rand Daily Mail reported on 6 October that Mr. M. C. O'Dowd, an alternate director of Anglo American, and chairman of several of its gold-mining companies, who was, at that time, on a tour of Britain with the South Africa-Britain Trade Association had argued that the "basic dualism" in the South African economy was normal and inevitable in a developing country. Although he held no brief for racial discrimination in jobs in South Africa he considered it much less important than the problem of raising the standard of living of the whole population by continued industrial expansion. The Minister of Bantu Administration and Development appealed to employers to increase the wages of their African workers, but added that they should do so "with due regard to the productivity of those workers."2 At their conference the seventy-six trade unions affiliated to the Trade Union Council of South Africa later pledged themselves to fight employers to make them pay the rate for the job-irrespective of the colour of workers-and decided to urge the Government to introduce legislation which would relate wage increases of workers of all race groups to increases in the cost of living.2" The Rand Daily Mail reported on 12 November, that the Minister of -the Interior, in an address to the Afrikaanse Sakekamer in Johannesburg, had warned: "throughout history it has been proved that such gigantic differences in living standards as we have to do with in South Africa can convert neighbourliness into enmity and even develop into hate. It can be more serious. It can lead to murder and violence because the less privileged of the two can no longer tolerate the apparent wealth, ease and prosperity of his neighbour." WAGE REGULATING MACHINERY In reply to a question in the Assembly' on 23 February the Minister of Labour said that there were 162 industrial council agreements in force, including 64 agreements providing for fringe benefits such as pension funds, provident funds, medical aid, training and other schemes and other benefits. There were also 4 conciliation board awards and 76 wage board determinations in operation. The numbers of workers affected were: Whites Coloured Asians Africans Industrial council agreements 218 805 154217 54405 489 367 Conciliation board awards ... 675 3 307 56 5746 Wage board determinations ... 112 558 58 074 16 765 292 062 332038 215598 71226 787175 25 [bid, 17 September. 2" Rand Daily Mail, 16 October. 27 Star, 17 September. I Hansard 4 cols. 272-4.

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 This means that the salaries of 1 406 037 persons are regulated in terms of either the Industrial Conciliation Act or the Wage Act. Speaking to his vote during the committee stage of the Appropriation Bill in May,2 the Minister of Labour pointed out that wage improvements for approximately 235 000 Africans in 1970 amounted to over Ri 1 000 000 (roughly an average monthly increase per worker of R3,90). The Minister added that, during 1970, wage increases varied between 7,8 per cent to 15,8 per cent for the lower-paid categories in the engineering industry and, from 8,4 per cent to 10,5 per cent for unskilled workers in the clothing industry. The recommendations of the Government-appointed Wage Board came under criticism during the year. An article by Mr. Ian Hume, Notes on South African Wage Movements,3 analysed wage movements over the period 1946-1963, and tentatively concluded that while white wage increases were perpetually inflationary, black wage increases were almost never so. In the manufacturing sector (assuming a productivity growth of 1,8 per cent), the net inflationary impact of white wage increases was 0,7 per cent in the average year, and that of black wage increases 0,1 per cent. In June, Miss Anna Scheepers, president of the Garment Workers' Union, and Mr. J. C. Rampono, secretary of the Motor Industry Combined Workers' Union (non- white), called on the Government to review the wage determination machinery. Mr. Rampono maintained that wages fixed by the Wage Board were unrealistic and took no account of the continued rise in the cost of living. Miss Scheepers stated that the Board, at times, fixed wages at rates substantially lower than those actually being paid in a particular industry.4 Also in June, a multi-racial meeting in Durban rejected a recommendation that the minimum wage for unskilled labour be raised from R7,25 to R8,50 per week and demanded R20,00 weekly.' In July the National Union of South African Students, at its assembly in Durban, resolved to set up wage and economic commissions on each constituent campus.6 Further criticism of the attitude of the Wage Board was voiced at the annual conference of the Trade Union Council of South Africa in September.7 An example of wage regulation is contained in the report to the Minister of Labour by Division A of the Wage Board on unskilled labour in the Cape.' The investigation related to 2694 unskilled workers employed by 150 undertakings in 16 2 Hansard 15 col. 6994. 3 South African Journal of Economics, September 1970, pages 240-256. ' Rand Daily Mail, 8 June. 5 Natal Mercury, 9 June. 6 National Union of South African Students, Minutes of the 47th Annual Student Assembly meeting. pages 22-23. 7 Rand Daily Mail, 16 September. 8 Department of Labour, Lab. 586.

ECONOMICALLY ACTI1VE PERSONS trades. However, since the Board did not receive wage returns from all the employers, a larger number of employees than the 2 694 mentioned above would be affected by any wage determination arising from the report. Some 2 238 adult male unskilled workers were involved, and the average and median wages were Ri1,92 and Ri1,50 per week respectively, i.e. well over 40 and 35 per cent respectively more than the prescribed weekly wage of R8,50 per week. At the public sitting in Cape Town, one employer expressed the opinion that a wage of R10,00 per week was justified, another stated that his firm paid a basic wage of R9,75 per week, plus bonuses, depending on length of service, and a third stated that his firm paid a minimum wage of R11,50 per week. The local Bantu Labour Officer proposed a minimum wage of R10,50 per week. The Wage Board subsequently recommended a weekly wage of R 10,50 for adult male unskilled workers in the main areas and R8,50 in the remaining areas, for the first twelve months after a new determination became binding, and Ri1,00 and R9,00 respectively thereafter. The other principal objection to current practice in wage regulation is illustrated by the extension to the agreement, in terms of the Industrial Conciliation Act, 1956, for the building industry in Durban.9 In terms of this agreement the prescribed wage for craftsmen is tied to annual rises in the Consumer Price Index whereas no such provision is made for unskilled and semi-skilled workers. ECONOMICALLY ACTIVE PERSONS AND UNEMPLOYMENT Replying to. a question in the Assembly on 12 February,' the Minister of Statistics said that provisional estimates of the economically active population at the end of 1970 were: Whites ...... 1 471 000 Coloured ... 708 000 Asians ...... 161 000 Africans ...... 4 972 000 7312000 In an unpublished paper, entitled Labour Supply in South Africa, presented at a National Labour Conference in Cape Town in April, Professor J. L. Sadie of the University of Stellenbosch, gave the following estimates of the labour force in 1970: 9 Government Notice No. 1253 of 23 July. 1 Hansard 2 col. 172.

A SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS, 1971 Whites ... Coloured Asians ... Africans ... Male 1 048 000 495 000 166000 3885000 Female 400 000 255 500 22200 1 098 000 Male and Female 1 448 000 750 500 188200 4 983 000 5594000 1775700 7369700 Professor Sadie's calculations indicated that the respective shares of the four population groups in the labour force in each sector of the economy were: Whites ... Coloured ... Asians ... Africans ... Agriculture Per cent 7,5 8,8 0,6 83,0 100,0 100,0 100,0 100,0 Further striking indications of the changes in the composition of skills among blue-collar male workers were supplied by Professor Sadie. The percentage of each population group described as "labourers" in surveys, and therefore assumed to be unskilled workers, i.e. in non-mining industrial occupations, had changed as follows: Whites Coloured Asians Africans 1936 Per cent 21,8 54,6 43,6 89,5 1960 Per cent 4,2 49,4 23,0 84,0 1970 Per cent 3,3 44,2 15,3 68,2 African labour bureaux and employment contracts In answer to a question in the Assembly on 5 March,2 the Minister of Bantu Administration and Development revealed the number of labour bureaux at the end of December in 1969 and 1970: Regional labour bureaux Local labour bureaux ... District labour bureaux ... Territorial labour bureaux Tribal labour bureaux ... 1969 9 ...... 408 ...... 379 7 ...... 382 1970 9 416 379 7 471 2 Hansard 5 col. 384-386. Mining Per cent 9,8 0,9 89,3 Secondary Industry Per cent 22,9 15,5 5,0 56,6 Tertiary Industry Per cent 34,8 10,1 2,7 52,4 186

UNEMPLOYMENT The Minister gave the following figures for the numbers of African workers registered in each defined category of labour:* Republican Africans (including Transkei) A. Private concerns and business establishments 1. Agriculture, Forestry, fishing ...... 2. Mining and quarrying ... 3. Manufacturing ...... 4. Construction ...... 5. Wholesale and retail trade 6. Financial institutions ... 7. Private Transport ...... 8. Accommodation and catering services ...... 9. Other private business services ...... B. Public Corporations ... C. S.A.R. & H ...... D. Public Authorities 1. Government Departments and Provincial Administrations ...... 2. Local Authorities ...... E. Semi-Government Organizations ...... F. Sundry Services 1. Domestic Servant ...... 2. O ther ...... 1969 412704 274 231 470 952 196 472 161 454 12742 30 365 1970 355620 240 915 541 305 278 736 199 365 14830 39 159 79500 9078931475 49512 37608 44188 72016 89439 90290 102812 107494 1228897713 11390 525313 502923 72297 89311 "Foreign" Africans 1969 1970 19 586 252 451 17 100 40784 3 087 225 404 1 638 2 072 5 602 1 769 2689 7913 2 259 35 338 342889 13210 6 573 2 958 244 457 1 977 1 969 5511 1 652 2 774 7 899 2357 Total 2582626 2773183 358676 426706 Non-Africans registered as unemployed In reply to a question in the Assembly on 12 May,3 the Minister of Labour said that at the end of December, 1970, the following numbers of persons were registered as unemployed in his department's ten inspectorate areas: There were apparent errors in the Hansard report, corrected here. ' Hansard 14 col. 861-2.

S.A. INSTITUTE OF RACE RELATIONS ENROLMENT FORM Please accept the enclosed sum of R ...... being the subscription for ...... (please state type) membership of the S.A. Institute of Race Relations. S ig n ed ...... N am e (block letters) ...... Address (block letters) ...... D ate ......

S.A. INSTITUTE OF RACE RELATIONS HEAD OFFICE Auden House, 68 de Korte Street, P.O. Box 97, Johannesburg. REGIONAL OFFICES Cape Town: Utilitas, 1 Dorp Street. Durban: Guildhall, 8 Leslie Street (off Gardiner Street), P.O. Box 803. East London: 116 Medina House, 40 Cambridge Street. Port Elizabeth: 217 ABC Bank Building, Main Street, P.O. Box 1748. Southern Transvaal: Auden House (as above). BRANCHES AND LOCAL COMMIITEES Grahamstown: c/o The Rev. D. Buchanan, P.O. Box 319. Kokstad: c/o Mrs. Fay Rennie, P.O. Box 42. Pietermaritzburg: c/o Mr. Oliver Schreiner, 14 Wendover Road, Rhodes University, Grahamstown: c/o Mr. T. G. Jones, S.C.R. Office. LOCAL REPRESENTATIVES AND CORRESPONDING MEMBERS Bloemfontein: The Venerable D. A. Bailey, 1 Saltzman Street. Greytown: The Rev. M. M. Tatham, P.O. Box 112. Kimberley: Miss F. M. Jones, Diocesan Office, P.O Box 45. Pretoria: The Very Rev. Mark Nye, 59 Charles Street, Bailey's Muckleneuk. Botswana: The Rev. J. D. Jones, P.O. Box 59, Gaberone. Malawi: Professor B. Pachai, Department of History, University of Malawi, P.O. Box 5200, Limbe. Rhodesia: Professor D. H. Reader, University College of Rhodesia, Private Bag 167H, Salisbury. Zambia: Dr. Robert Molteno, Department of Political Science, University of Zambia, P.O. Box 2379, Lusaka.

THE NATURE AND AIMS OF THE S.A. INSTITUTE OF RACE RELATIONS The Institute furthers inter-racial peace, harmony, and cooperation. The Institute seeks the facts, and makes them known. The Institute is concerned with all groups in the country. It promotes contact, discussion, and understanding; it opposes injustice and discrimination; and it works to further the social, economic, and political development of all communities. The Institute is not a political body, nor is it allied to or given financial help by any political party or government. Membership is open to all, irrespective of race, colour, or creed, and within or outside South Africa.