On Nuclear Deterrence Theory, Nuclear Proliferation, and National Missile Defense
Nuclear Deterrence Theory Nuclear Deterrence Robert Powell Theory, Nuclear Proliferation, and National Missile Defense On December 17, 2002, President George W. Bush ordered the deployment of a national missile defense (NMD). Proponents of missile defenses, both inside and outside the Bush administration, argue that, absent NMD, the proliferation of nuclear weapons and the greater U.S. vulnerability that this entails will signiªcantly limit the United States’ ability to secure it foreign policy goals. “A policy of in- tentional vulnerability by the Western nations,” Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld argues, “could give rogue states the power to hold our people hos- tage to nuclear blackmail—in an effort to prevent us from projecting force to 1 stop aggression.” Similarly, Walter Slocombe as undersecretary of defense in the Clinton administration asserted, “Without defenses, potential aggressors might think that the threat of strikes against U.S. cities could coerce the United 2 States into failing to meet its commitments.” To what extent do the spread of nuclear weapons and the means to deliver them threaten U.S. interests and impede the United States’ ability to pursue its Robert Powell is Robson Professor in the Department of Political Science at the University of California, Berkeley. I appreciate helpful discussion and criticisms from Jerome Bracken, Kevin Donovan, James Fearon, Charles Glaser, Avery Goldstein, Joanne Gowa, Lisbeth Gronlund, David Lake, Carter Malkasian, James Morrow, Dennis Powell, Robert Rauchhaus, Thomas Schelling, Leo Simon, Marc Trachten- berg, and those participating in the “Nuclear Policies Workshop,” Institute on Global Cooperation and Conºict, University of California, San Diego, May 17–18, 2001; “Fourth Nuclear Stability Roundtable,” Defense Threat Reduction Agency, Arlington, Virginia, March 12–13, 2002; and the “Weapons Study Forum,” Los Alamos National Laboratory, May 23, 2002.
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