Is There an Emancipatory Interest? an Attempt to Answer Critical Theory's Most Fundamental Question
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Critical Theory and Authoritarian Populism.Pp
CHAPTER 3 Understanding Right and Left Populism 1 Samir Gandesha We appear to be living in an age of populism. Over the past two decades, we have witnessed the rise of right-wing populist parties throughout Europe such as Haider’s Freedom Party in Austria, Victor Orban’s Fidesz Party in Hungary, and the Polish Law and Justice Party. Such an emergence hasn’t been confined to Europe but is a global phenomenon as evinced, for example, by the elec- toral triumphs of Narendra Modi in India in 2014 and that of Recep Tayyip Erdogan in Turkey as early as 2003. But no phenomena more clearly supports- this thesis than the stunning victory of Donald J. Trump in the 2016 American presidential election and the triumph of the Leave Campaign led by the United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP). But there has also been a populism of the Left. The Arab Spring was widely regarded as a broad-based, if short-lived, popular revolt and therefore as a kind of populism in the streets in 2011. The events of Tahrir Square profoundly in- spired the Occupy Movement – sparked by the editor of the Vancouver-based magazine Ad Busters’ exhortation – to ‘Occupy Wall Street!’ Radiating out be- yond Zuccotti Park, the movement spread through much of the Western world. Arguably, the Occupy Movement’s most significant and enduring effect was to be felt five years later in the dramatic grassroots support for Vermont Senator Bernie Sanders’ bid for the Democratic Party’s Presidential nomination, which was – as recent juridical proceedings have revealed – undermined by the actions of the DNC. -
Theory by Overcoming the So-Called Pessimism of the Dialecticof Enlightenment
Propriety of the Erich Fromm Document Center. For personal use only. Citation or publication of material prohibited without express written permission of the copyright holder. Eigentum des Erich Fromm Dokumentationszentrums. Nutzung nur für persönliche Zwecke. Veröffentlichungen – auch von Teilen – bedürfen der schriftlichen Erlaubnis des Rechteinhabers. From Honneth to Fromm Seiki Okazaki I Introduction As is well known, Jiirgen Habermas opens up the frontiers of "radical democracy" in the history of critical theory by overcoming the so-called pessimism of The Dialecticof Enlightenment. It is Axel Honneth who takes over the political orientation from Habermas, who nevertheless criticizes Habermas's language-theoretic version of communication paradigm and advocates his own recognition-theoretic version of communication paradigm. In The Fragmented World of the Social (1995), Honneth refers to "four thematic domains" of his post-Habermasian critical theory (Honneth 1995, pp. xiii-xxv): (A) "everydaymoral experience" connected with a "struggle for recognition"; (B) relation between "work" and "recognition"; (C) "pathologies of modern society" having nothing to do with the problem of "rationality"; and (D) "psychoanalytic concept of the subject." I find potentialities in Honneth's critical theory in that it will contribute to elucidatemany problems on which Habermas fails to shed light. However, in spite of its attractiveness, there exists a crucial difficulty in Honneth's critical theory. In this article I would like to attempt to overcome the difficulty of Honneth's critical theory through the dialogue with one of the most important critical theorists, Erich Fromm (1900-1980). While he had been "a member of staff who had for a considerable time been the most significant one for its theoretical work" (1), Fromm was excluded from the Institute for Social Research, partly because of the opposition to Adorno. -
Casapound Italia: 'Back to Believing. the Struggle Continues'
fascism 8 (2019) 61-88 brill.com/fasc CasaPound Italia: ‘Back to Believing. The Struggle Continues’ Elisabetta Cassina Wolff University of Oslo, Department of Archaeology, Conservation and History and C-REX - Center for Research on Extremism [email protected] Abstract This article aims to be a contribution to the ongoing debate among scholars concern- ing the question whether recently formed right-wing radical parties represent a new phenomenon and a break with the fascist tradition or whether they remain close to a fascist ideology. The author focuses on a specific national radical right-wing party: CasaPound Italia (cpi), founded at the beginning of this century, which declares itself to be ‘fascist’. While existing research insists on the intervention of external factors such as the economic crisis of 2008 in order to explain a new ‘wave’ of right-wing radicalism in Italy, this article will show the constant evolving of right-wing radical discourse over a longer historical period. The analysis will mainly delve into the ideological and politi- cal role played by three leading exponents of the Italian and European radical right: Pino Rauti, Roberto Fiore and Gabriele Adinolfi. Through a narrative style, and using a historical approach and qualitative analysis, this paper argues that their experiences represent the roots and sources for Gianluca Iannone’s project with cpi. Keywords Italy – neo-fascism – CasaPound Italia – Centro Studi Ordine Nuovo – Movimento Sociale -Fiamma Tricolore – Terza Posizione – Forza Nuova – Centro Studi Orientamenti e Ricerca – Sinergie Europee Political right-wing radicalism as challenge to the principles, methods and in- stitutions of liberal democracy, and as a form of anti-establishment protest, has © Elisabetta Cassina Wolff, 2019 | doi:10.1163/22116257-00801004 This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the prevailing cc-by-nc license at the time of publication. -
FINAL REPORT International Commission on the Holocaust In
FINAL REPORT of the International Commission on the Holocaust in Romania Presented to Romanian President Ion Iliescu November 11, 2004 Bucharest, Romania NOTE: The English text of this Report is currently in preparation for publication. © International Commission on the Holocaust in Romania. All rights reserved. DISTORTION, NEGATIONISM, AND MINIMALIZATION OF THE HOLOCAUST IN POSTWAR ROMANIA Introduction This chapter reviews and analyzes the different forms of Holocaust distortion, denial, and minimalization in post-World War II Romania. It must be emphasized from the start that the analysis is based on the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum’s definition of the Holocaust, which Commission members accepted as authoritative soon after the Commission was established. This definition1 does not leave room for doubt about the state-organized participation of Romania in the genocide against the Jews, since during the Second World War, Romania was among those allies and a collaborators of Nazi Germany that had a systematic plan for the persecution and annihilation of the Jewish population living on territories under their unmitigated control. In Romania’s specific case, an additional “target-population” subjected to or destined for genocide was the Romany minority. This chapter will employ an adequate conceptualization, using both updated recent studies on the Holocaust in general and new interpretations concerning this genocide in particular. Insofar as the employed conceptualization is concerned, two terminological clarifications are in order. First, “distortion” refers to attempts to use historical research on the dimensions and significance of the Holocaust either to diminish its significance or to serve political and propagandistic purposes. Although its use is not strictly confined to the Communist era, the term “distortion” is generally employed in reference to that period, during which historical research was completely subjected to controls by the Communist Party’s political censorship. -
Limitless Pluralism Or Single-Minded Authoritarianism?
Limitless pluralism or single-minded authoritarianism? Examining deliberative democracy and agonistic pluralism through Foucault’s notions of power and discourse Oskar Verholt s4042840 Supervisor: Prof. Dr. M.L.J. Wissenburg Word count: 18497 August 5th 2020 Thesis for obtaining a “Master of Arts” degree in philosophy Radboud University Nijmegen I hereby declare and assure that I, Oskar Verholt, have drafted this thesis independently, that no other sources and/or means other than those mentioned have been used and that the passages of which the text, content, or meaning originates in other works – including electronic resources – have been identified and the sources have been clearly stated. Nijmegen, 5th August 2020 2 So in the end when one is doing philosophy one gets to the point where one would like just to emit an inarticulate sound. ― Ludwig Wittgenstein, Philosophical Investigations (1953, § 261) 3 4 Abstract This thesis examines Jürgen Habermas’ theory of deliberative democracy and Chantal Mouffe’s theory of agonistic pluralism and radical democracy in light of Foucault’s definitions of power. This research effort claims that both theories are not as different as Habermas and especially Mouffe argue them to be. Both have similar points of departure, both discuss a similar dichotomy in liberal democracy, and both propose a framework which cannot definitively close the door on single- minded authoritarianism. When truth is considered contingent, democracy cannot be considered necessary. Ultimately, this thesis argues that the appeal for liberal democracy could only be secured when we make the system pay, at least it terms of freedom. Keywords: power, discourse, democratic theory, deliberative democracy, agonistic pluralism, radical democracy, Mouffe, Foucault, Habermas. -
"Keep the Quarterback White"!: Rush Limbaugh's Social Construction of the Black Quarterback Jennifer Van Otterloo
Ursidae: The Undergraduate Research Journal at the University of Northern Colorado Volume 2 | Number 3 Article 1 January 2013 "Keep the Quarterback White"!: Rush Limbaugh's Social Construction of the Black Quarterback Jennifer Van Otterloo Follow this and additional works at: http://digscholarship.unco.edu/urj Part of the Social and Behavioral Sciences Commons Recommended Citation Van Otterloo, Jennifer (2013) ""Keep the Quarterback White"!: Rush Limbaugh's Social Construction of the Black Quarterback," Ursidae: The Undergraduate Research Journal at the University of Northern Colorado: Vol. 2 : No. 3 , Article 1. Available at: http://digscholarship.unco.edu/urj/vol2/iss3/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarship & Creative Works @ Digital UNC. It has been accepted for inclusion in Ursidae: The ndeU rgraduate Research Journal at the University of Northern Colorado by an authorized editor of Scholarship & Creative Works @ Digital UNC. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Van Otterloo: "Keep the Quarterback White"! 1 Abstract Despite the prominence of professional football in U.S. culture, little research has been conducted examining the social construction of race in the game. People have a cultural perception of race; what effect does this perception have on the players? There has been research on the historical struggles of Black athletes in collegiate football, as well as lasting issues of racism. To add to this body of literature, this analysis will focus on the institutional racism embedded in the drafting practices of quarterbacks in the National Football League (NFL). This paper finds that institutional racism has a lasting effect on the hiring of Black quarterbacks in the NFL. -
Ethics of Recognition: Axel Honneth's Normative Critique of Modern Society
Journal of Critical Reviews ISSN- 2394-5125 Vol 7, Issue 11, 2020 ETHICS OF RECOGNITION: AXEL HONNETH’S NORMATIVE CRITIQUE OF MODERN SOCIETY John Paul J. Petrola University of San Agustin, Iloilo City, Philippines [email protected] Received: 11.03.2020 Revised: 18.04.2020 Accepted: 12.05.2020 Abstract This paper is an expose of Axel Honneth’s theory of recognition. Using document analysis and hermeneutics of Axel Honneth’s seminal works and other resources on social pathology and struggle for recognition, this paper attempts to provide a deeper interpretation of Honneth 's theory of recognition as it tries to address the context of Honneth's critical theory, its three spheres of recognition, namely affection, rights and unity, which are required in order to gain concrete self-relationship, and its principle of disrespect as the spiritual grammar of the disenfranchised in the struggle for recognition. Furthermore, it offers a new alternative in doing critical analysis of the society. Keywords: Axel Honneth, Critical theory, Love, Rights, Solidarity, Modern Society © 2020 by Advance Scientific Research. This is an open-access article under the CC BY license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/) DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.31838/jcr.07.11.30 INTRODUCTION These are requisites in synthesizing a background on Honneths ethical life and recognition are two key concepts of Hegel critical social theory and his concepts of the spheres of borrowed by Honneth in developing the theory of the struggle for recognition. recognition. As elucidated by Hegel, according to Deranty, the term ‘absolute ethical life’ entails the full development of the Lastly, I will present Honneths concept of disrespect or denial of individual’s theoretical and practical capacities, as well as the full recognition, and how it becomes the moral grammar of the development of social interactions [3]. -
Pedlars of Hate: the Violent Impact of the European Far Right
Pedlars of hate: the violent impact of the European far Right Liz Fekete Published by the Institute of Race Relations 2-6 Leeke Street London WC1X 9HS Tel: +44 (0) 20 7837 0041 Fax: +44 (0) 20 7278 0623 Web: www.irr.org.uk Email: [email protected] ©Institute of Race Relations 2012 ISBN 978-0-85001-071-9 Acknowledgements We would like to acknowledge the support of the Joseph Rowntree Charitable Trust and the Open Society Foundations in the researching, production and dissemination of this report. Many of the articles cited in this document have been translated into English by over twenty volunteers who assist the IRR’s European Research Programme. We would especially like to thank Sibille Merz and Dagmar Schatz (who translate from German into English), Joanna Tegnerowicz (who translates from Polish into English) and Kate Harre, Frances Webber and Norberto Laguía Casaus (who translate from Spanish into English). A particular debt is due to Frank Kopperschläger and Andrei Stavila for their generosity in allowing us to use their photographs. In compiling this report the websites of the Internet Centre Against Racism in Europe (www.icare.to) and Romea (www.romea.cz) proved invaluable. Liz Fekete is Executive Director of the Institute of Race Relations and head of its European research programme. Cover photo by Frank Kopperschläger is of the ‘Silence Against Silence’ memorial rally in Berlin on 26 November 2011 to commemorate the victims of the National Socialist Underground. (In Germany, white roses symbolise the resistance movement to the Nazi -
CHILE, 1945-1988 Diálogos - Revista Do Departamento De História E Do Programa De Pós-Graduação Em História, Vol
Diálogos - Revista do Departamento de História e do Programa de Pós-Graduação em História ISSN: 1415-9945 [email protected] Universidade Estadual de Maringá Brasil McGee Deutsch, Sandra FASCISM, NEO-FASCISM, OR POST-FASCISM? CHILE, 1945-1988 Diálogos - Revista do Departamento de História e do Programa de Pós-Graduação em História, vol. 13, núm. 1, 2009, pp. 19-44 Universidade Estadual de Maringá Maringá, Brasil Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=305526877002 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative Diálogos, DHI/PPH/UEM, v. 13, n. 1, p. 19-44, 2009. FASCISM, NEO-FASCISM, OR POST-FASCISM? CHILE, 1945-1988 * Sandra McGee Deutsch Abstract. The article sets out to analyze fascist and neo-fascist movements in Chile, in the period following World War II. Chile is an exemplary case for this type of analysis, as it had a significant fascist movement in the period between world wars, with several radical right organizations appearing later on. The objective of the study is to understand how the defeat of the Axis and post-war context affected these fascist movements, including some composed by women. Keywords: Fascism; Neo-Fascism; Chile. ¿FASCISMO, NEOFASCISMO O POSFASCISMO? CHILE (1945-1988) Resumen. El artículo se propone analizar los movimientos fascistas y neofascistas de Chile, durante el período posterior a la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Chile es un caso ejemplar para este tipo de análisis ya que tuvo un significativo movimiento fascista durante la etapa de entreguerras, con el posterior surgimiento de varias organizaciones de derecha radical. -
Right-Wing Extremism in Poland
INTERNATIONAL POLICY ANALYSIS Right-Wing Extremism in Poland RAFAL PANKOWSKI October 2012 n While the Polish extreme right does not have its own representation on the level of a parliamentary political party, the mainstream populist conservative party, Law and Justice (PiS) absorbed a big portion of the radical nationalist ideology and cadres during the last years. The far-right impact on mainstream politics could be recently observed in Warsaw, when in September 2012 a mass street demonstration was organized jointly by the PiS, Solidarity trade union and the far-right Radio Maryja movement. n The extreme right places decidedly more emphasis on symbolic and identity politics than on economic and social policy. Although issues such as unemployment provide an important context to extreme-right activities, cultural factors remain decisive for right-wing groups. n The majority of the Polish extreme-right groups subscribes to a Catholic fundamen- talist ideology combined with a strongly radical ethnic version of nationalism in- cluding antisemitism. Their ideology is accompanied by a very traditionalist view on family and gender roles and concerning foreign policy marked by an opposition to the EU. RAFAL PANKOWSKI | RIGHT-WING EXTREMISM IN POLAND Contents 1. Introductory Remarks ...................................................3 2. Main Extreme-Right Groups Today ........................................3 3. Orientations, Narratives and Influence of Polish Right-Wing Extremism .........6 4. Countermeasures .......................................................9 -
On the Consistency of Axel Honneth's Critical Theory
[The published version of this paper is available in Philosophical Forum, 49 (4), 2018, p. 483-509. Online at: https://doi.org/10.1111/phil.12203] On the consistency of Axel Honneth’s critical theory: Methodology, critique, and current struggles for recognition. Marco Angella. Introduction Drawing upon the tradition of the Frankfurt School critical social theory, over the decades Axel Honneth (2009a) has been developing one of the most fully-structured paradigms of recognition in the field of social philosophy, whose methodology he accurately reconstructs. In the first part of the paper, I will examine Honneth’s recognition paradigm insofar as it enables him to renovate this methodological framework. My examination has the specific objective to support a twofold hypothesis. On the one hand, I aim to outline a defense of Honneth’s consistent methodology against growing criticisms – especially, but not exclusively, related to recent appraisal of Freedom’s Right – which tend to see depletion of critical insights in the recent developments of his theory as compared with the results obtained in his early works1. Unlike these critics, I contend that Honneth’s work is (methodologically) compatible with the Frankfurt school’s tradition and retains (and to a certain extent extends) its critical insights 1 See the recent special issue of Critical Horizons dedicated to Freedom’s Right, especially Freyenhagen (2015) and Schaub (2015). (Deranty 2009, pp. 449-456). On the other hand, I aim to propose a critical appraisal of interpretations of Honneth’s theory that, while more sympathetic towards it (or at least toward a specific period of its development), attempts to indicate the ways in which he could have strengthened his critique of contemporary society. -
PHIL 452/652, EP&E 231 Recognition
PHIL 452/652, EP&E 231 Recognition: Intersubjectivity in Moral and Political Philosophy Fall 2011 Class Hours: Wednesdays 3:30 PM – 5:20 PM Class Location: Bass Library L73 Course Website: On the ClassesV2 server Instructors: Stephen Darwall ([email protected]) CT Hall 306 Office Hours – Thursday 12:00 Noon – 2:00 pm (and by appt) Matthew Noah Smith ([email protected]) CT Hall 106 Office Hours – Tuesday 1:00 pm – 3:00 pm (and by appt) Mailboxes: Connecticut Hall 101 Course Description: This course explores a central issue in moral philosophy: the normative structure of the relationship between moral equals. Following a practice of post-Kantian German idealists, we call this relationship recognition. Recognition is the relationship manifested when two moral equals see and relate to each other as having the standing to make reciprocal moral claims on one another. While we explore questions about the psychological structure of this stance – is it cognitive or conative, for example – our main focus will be on the moral structure of the relationship between moral equals. This course begins with a study of the emergence of philosophical attention to recognition, which occurred at the headwaters of early modern moral and political theory in sixteenth and seventeenth Centuries. Much of this philosophical work focused on property rights. We will likely read works by Francisco Suarez, Samuel Pufendorf, and Hugo Grotius, to name a few important figures. We will then turn to close examination of the role of recognition in the work of Adam Smith, Kant, and post-Kantian German idealists.