Recognition and Responsibility
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Political Ethics About the Phenomenon of Politics in Its Interaction with Morality
SHS Web of Conferences 55, 05002 (2018) https://doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20185505002 ICPSE 2018 Political ethics about the phenomenon of politics in its interaction with morality Marina Shirokova1,* 1Altai State University, 656049, 61a Lenina ave., Barnaul, Russia. Abstract. The article considers the reasons for the formation of political ethics as a science and a discipline. Its appearance was caused by the crisis of the state domestic and foreign policies in the 1960s and 1970s, the collapse of value orientations in the public consciousness, as well as the loss of the authority of politics in the eyes of society. All this led to a steadily high interest in ethical issues and criticism of politics from a moral standpoint. The author traces the evolution of the interpretation of the concept of politics from antiquity to our days. Like all human activities, politics needs values and the axiological system. But in the modern world, the dehumanization of politics is taking place. Thus, the issue of restoring ties between politics and morality is largely a matter of continuing existence and prospects for human development. 1 Introduction Political ethics was introduced as a discipline some time ago into the structure of higher education in Political Science. Its appearance is due to the processes of differentiation of modern political science, as well as the pressing demands of life. The concept of political ethics as an area of political knowledge was first developed in Germany at the beginning of the 20th century by representatives of sociological and anthropological approaches to politics. In the works of M. -
2020 Ipm 18 / Yl 2018
INSIGHTSIAS MAINS TEST SERIES - 2020 IPM 18 / YL 2018: GS – 4: Synopsis SECTION-A 1. Differentiate between the following: a. Probity and integrity Integrity is defined as the moral uprightness and firm adherence to the morals and values we subscribe for. Probity is an indication of incorruptibility and ethical behavior that involves honesty, propriety, integrity and decency underpinned by higher standards of professionalism. Both terms are not only used together but are even interchanged. But the use of the two words will entirely change the meaning of what is being said. Integrity is the voluntary adherence to morals and ethical values, it means the rock soild capacity to not give up our standards at any cost. Hence it is voluntary. Probity is not voluntary, it is enforced. There exists a mechanism which ensures probity and ethical behavior under such condition is called probity. Integrity is related to personal sphere of the life whereas probity is about professional sphere of life. Eg. An honest civil servant might practice probity in public life but might not be so in personal life. Like engaging in adultery Integrity is perceived by ourselves whereas probity is perceived by others. Probity is monitored, integrity is self-assessed and mostly not assessed at all. Integrity is realized in public services by recruiting right people eg. Integrity tests, whereas probity needs enforceable mechanisms like: Code of ethics, Code of conduct, Annual Review, Social audit, etc., No code is of utility if the heart is impure, it is hard to achieve probity in a person without integrity. Hence, probity has limited capacity to be realized in comparison with integrity. -
Augustine and the Art of Ruling in the Carolingian Imperial Period
Augustine and the Art of Ruling in the Carolingian Imperial Period This volume is an investigation of how Augustine was received in the Carolingian period, and the elements of his thought which had an impact on Carolingian ideas of ‘state’, rulership and ethics. It focuses on Alcuin of York and Hincmar of Rheims, authors and political advisers to Charlemagne and to Charles the Bald, respectively. It examines how they used Augustinian political thought and ethics, as manifested in the De civitate Dei, to give more weight to their advice. A comparative approach sheds light on the differences between Charlemagne’s reign and that of his grandson. It scrutinizes Alcuin’s and Hincmar’s discussions of empire, rulership and the moral conduct of political agents during which both drew on the De civitate Dei, although each came away with a different understanding. By means of a philological–historical approach, the book offers a deeper reading and treats the Latin texts as political discourses defined by content and language. Sophia Moesch is currently an SNSF-funded postdoctoral fellow at the University of Oxford, working on a project entitled ‘Developing Principles of Good Govern- ance: Latin and Greek Political Advice during the Carolingian and Macedonian Reforms’. She completed her PhD in History at King’s College London. Augustine and the Art of Ruling in the Carolingian Imperial Period Political Discourse in Alcuin of York and Hincmar of Rheims Sophia Moesch First published 2020 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business Published with the support of the Swiss National Science Foundation. -
Basic Ethical Terms of Confucianism
ROCZNIKI TEOLOGICZNE Volume LXIV, issue 3 – 2017 English version DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/rt.2017.64.3–4en ∗ REV. SŁAWOMIR NOWOSAD BASIC ETHICAL TERMS OF CONFUCIANISM Abstract. Confucianism has been a leading Chinese philosophical and ethical tradition for a long time. Not just Confucius himself but also Mencius and Xunzi contributed to its de- velopment over the centuries. In this paper the principal ethical notions of Confucianism–junzi , dao , ren and li – are characterized in their rich essence and unique context. Though ostensibly having much in common, those concepts can be paralleled to the Western ones only with difficulty and to a limited extent. Key words: Confucianism; Confucian ethics; junzi ; dao ; ren ; li . Among the philosophical systems of Chinese antiquity, Confucianism ap- pears to be the most common one, permanently shaping mentality and cus- toms of many societies.1 Despite many years of efforts to introduce atheism to Chinese society in the 20 th century and despite attempts to eradicate Con- fucian values and norms of life, Confucian system has, to some extent, re- mained present as a philosophy of thinking and ethics of acting. Confucius (551–479 BC), who gave name and started this system, lived in the final stage of the restless Spring and Autumn period (8 th—5th century BC), during the reign of the Zhou dynasty.2 He was a teacher and educator, a philosopher and publisher. He was also engaged in politics, performing the function of the Minister of Crime. He was familiar with music and poetry. Confucius ∗ Rev. Dr hab. SŁAWOMIR NOWOSAD , prof. -
Religion, Ethics, and Poetics in a Tamil Literary Tradition
Tacit Tirukku#a#: Religion, Ethics, and Poetics in a Tamil Literary Tradition The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Smith, Jason William. 2020. Tacit Tirukku#a#: Religion, Ethics, and Poetics in a Tamil Literary Tradition. Doctoral dissertation, Harvard Divinity School. Citable link https://nrs.harvard.edu/URN-3:HUL.INSTREPOS:37364524 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use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
Critical Theory and Authoritarian Populism.Pp
CHAPTER 3 Understanding Right and Left Populism 1 Samir Gandesha We appear to be living in an age of populism. Over the past two decades, we have witnessed the rise of right-wing populist parties throughout Europe such as Haider’s Freedom Party in Austria, Victor Orban’s Fidesz Party in Hungary, and the Polish Law and Justice Party. Such an emergence hasn’t been confined to Europe but is a global phenomenon as evinced, for example, by the elec- toral triumphs of Narendra Modi in India in 2014 and that of Recep Tayyip Erdogan in Turkey as early as 2003. But no phenomena more clearly supports- this thesis than the stunning victory of Donald J. Trump in the 2016 American presidential election and the triumph of the Leave Campaign led by the United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP). But there has also been a populism of the Left. The Arab Spring was widely regarded as a broad-based, if short-lived, popular revolt and therefore as a kind of populism in the streets in 2011. The events of Tahrir Square profoundly in- spired the Occupy Movement – sparked by the editor of the Vancouver-based magazine Ad Busters’ exhortation – to ‘Occupy Wall Street!’ Radiating out be- yond Zuccotti Park, the movement spread through much of the Western world. Arguably, the Occupy Movement’s most significant and enduring effect was to be felt five years later in the dramatic grassroots support for Vermont Senator Bernie Sanders’ bid for the Democratic Party’s Presidential nomination, which was – as recent juridical proceedings have revealed – undermined by the actions of the DNC. -
The Tools at Their Fingertips How Settler Colonial Geographies Shape
Social Science & Medicine 237 (2019) 112363 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect Social Science & Medicine journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/socscimed The tools at their fingertips: How settler colonial geographies shape medical T educators’ strategies for grappling with Anti-Indigenous racism ∗ ∗∗ Paul Sylvestrea, , Heather Castledena,b, , Jeff Denisc, Debbie Martind, Amy Bombaye a Department of Geography and Planning, Queen's University, Kingston, Ontario, Canada b Department of Public Health Sciences, Queen's University, Kingston, Ontario, Canada c Department of Sociology, McMaster University, Hamilton, Ontario, Canada d School of Health and Human Performance, Dalhousie University, Halifax, Nova Scotia, Canada e Department of Psychiatry and School of Nursing, Dalhousie University, Halifax, Nova Scotia, Canada ARTICLE INFO ABSTRACT Keywords: Settler colonialism implicates settler and Indigenous populations differently within ongoing projects of settle- Medical education ment and nation building. The uneven distribution of benefits and harms is a primary consequence of settler anti-Indigenous racism colonialism. Indeed, it is a central organizing feature of the settler state's governance of Indigenous societies and Indigenous health is animated, in part, through pervasive settler ignorance and anti-Indigenous racism, which has manifested in Settler colonialism persistent health disparities amongst Indigenous peoples. This broader socio-political context surrounding Multiculturalism medical schools, which are seeking to develop teaching and learning about Indigenous health presents a sig- Qualitative inquiry Truth and reconciliation commission of Canada nificant challenge. Understanding the cognitive and affective tools that settler educators use when grappling with questions of race, racialization, and Indigenous difference is an important step in addressing anti- Indigenous racism in health care provision. -
On 11 December 2012, in a Teepee in the Shadow of the Canadian Parliament, Theresa Spence, the Chief of Attawapiskat First Nation, Began a Hunger Strike
Glen Sean Coulthard, Red Skin, White Masks: Rejecting the Colonial Politics of Recognition, Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2014. ISBN: 978-0-8166- 7965-2 (paper); ISBN: 978-0-8166-7964-5 (cloth) On 11 December 2012, in a teepee in the shadow of the Canadian Parliament, Theresa Spence, the chief of Attawapiskat First Nation, began a hunger strike. With her protest, she sought to focus public attention on issues of concern to Indigenous peoples in Canada, including recent federal legislative changes, and support an emerging Indigenous rights movement called Idle No More. The poverty, substandard housing, and overcrowding of Attawapiskat stood in marked contrast to the wealth flowing from their traditional territories. Upstream from Attawapiskat, De Beers’ Victor Diamond Mine produced 826,000 carats of diamonds in 2010, worth an approximate US$210,000,000.1 To further facilitate such development, in 2012 the Canadian government introduced a pair of omnibus bills, removing environmental protections and regulatory hurdles that impeded resource extraction. The juxtaposition of government priorities and the desperate conditions in Indigenous communities incited Indigenous political resurgence. A group of women on the prairies began organizing local teach-ins about the impact of the omnibus bills for Indigenous peoples, publicizing events under the hashtag #idlenomore. The message resonated and through the winter of 2012-2013, the call for action became a movement. Indigenous peoples across the country took part in rallies and marches, flash 1 These production figures for the Victor mine are taken from the De Beers’ 2010 Report to Society Canada: Maximizing the Value and Life of the Resource. -
Identity, Land and the Dispossession of First Nations Women in Canada | Darkmatter Journal
17/05/2016 Status as Property: Identity, Land and the Dispossession of First Nations Women in Canada | darkmatter Journal an international peerreviewed journal ISSN 20413254 Status as Property: Identity, Land and the Dispossession of First Nations Women in Canada by Brenna Bhandar 16 May 2016 • Comment (0) • Print Posted: Reflections on Dispossession: Critical Feminisms [14] | Article Share 0 Tweet They acknowledge no right for you, and they do not credit you with a memory.[1] In the mid to late nineteenth century, as English and French settlers were in the process of consolidating their colonial Dominion over vast First Nations’ territories in the form of a Canadian federal state, the government enacted legislation to create the juridical category of the Indian. Binding together identity with access to land, Indian status and the Indian reserve would come irrevocably to define and regulate the lives of First Nations people in Canada from the midnineteenth century until the present. The creation of the “Indian” as a juridical category, along with the Indian reserve as a space of domination, marks a specific historical conjuncture—one in which identity (or indeed, subjectivity itself) and property relations were bound to one another, creating an apparatus [2] of colonial knowledge and governance that structures the ongoing dispossession of First Nations women. This identityproperty nexus in the settler colony of Canada was forged in relation to two distinct economies of land. One was the Indian reserve, the other a market for individual private property ownership that rested upon the fiction of underlying Crown sovereignty. -
Theory by Overcoming the So-Called Pessimism of the Dialecticof Enlightenment
Propriety of the Erich Fromm Document Center. For personal use only. Citation or publication of material prohibited without express written permission of the copyright holder. Eigentum des Erich Fromm Dokumentationszentrums. Nutzung nur für persönliche Zwecke. Veröffentlichungen – auch von Teilen – bedürfen der schriftlichen Erlaubnis des Rechteinhabers. From Honneth to Fromm Seiki Okazaki I Introduction As is well known, Jiirgen Habermas opens up the frontiers of "radical democracy" in the history of critical theory by overcoming the so-called pessimism of The Dialecticof Enlightenment. It is Axel Honneth who takes over the political orientation from Habermas, who nevertheless criticizes Habermas's language-theoretic version of communication paradigm and advocates his own recognition-theoretic version of communication paradigm. In The Fragmented World of the Social (1995), Honneth refers to "four thematic domains" of his post-Habermasian critical theory (Honneth 1995, pp. xiii-xxv): (A) "everydaymoral experience" connected with a "struggle for recognition"; (B) relation between "work" and "recognition"; (C) "pathologies of modern society" having nothing to do with the problem of "rationality"; and (D) "psychoanalytic concept of the subject." I find potentialities in Honneth's critical theory in that it will contribute to elucidatemany problems on which Habermas fails to shed light. However, in spite of its attractiveness, there exists a crucial difficulty in Honneth's critical theory. In this article I would like to attempt to overcome the difficulty of Honneth's critical theory through the dialogue with one of the most important critical theorists, Erich Fromm (1900-1980). While he had been "a member of staff who had for a considerable time been the most significant one for its theoretical work" (1), Fromm was excluded from the Institute for Social Research, partly because of the opposition to Adorno. -
13 Carceral Recognition and the Colonial Present at The
sites: new series · vol 14 no 1 · 2017 DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.11157/sites-vol14iss1id345 – article – CARCERAL RECOGNITION AND THE COLONIAL PRESENT AT THE OKIMAW OHCI HEALING LODGE Margaret Boyce1 ABSTRACT This essay examines how unchecked recognition-based policies in Correctional Service of Canada’s (CSC) mandate – such as the utilisation of ‘traditional healing’ in penal programming and the construction of prisons designed solely for Indigenous inmates – undermine the needs of Indigenous people in prison, while propagating settler-colonialism through the often invisible mechanisms of the prison system. By way of an analysis of the Okimaw Ohci Healing Lodge federal prison for Indigenous women, in Maple Creek, Saskatchewan, I identify the emergence of a carceral recognition politics in Canadian prisons. This term refers to a strategy whereby the penal system parades its willingness to accommodate Indigenous difference in order to reconcile Indigenous peoples with the authority of the State – often through the implementation of colonial teleologies towards a supposedly non-colonial present – while simultaneously developing a durable and comprehensive prison system for the more effective incarceration of federally sentenced Indigenous women. Keywords: Indigenous incarceration; colonialism; recognition; Canadian prisons INTRODUCTION While many in Canada celebrate the nation-state’s newfound proclivity for ‘strengthening recognition’ of Indigenous peoples and their demands (Assem- bly 2005, 18), others are critical of the State’s shift towards ostensibly inclusive and empowering forms of engagement and exchange. Recent sovereigntist texts, such as Glen Coulthard’s Red Skin, White Masks (2014),2 argue that the Canadian State utilises reconciliation and accommodation to deploy a colonial politics of recognition in order to undermine comprehensive demands for Indigenous sovereignty. -
Towards Anarchism Against Settler Colonialism Written by Adam Lewis
From Standing Rock to Resistance in Context: Towards Anarchism against Settler Colonialism Written by Adam Lewis This PDF is auto-generated for reference only. As such, it may contain some conversion errors and/or missing information. For all formal use please refer to the official version on the website, as linked below. From Standing Rock to Resistance in Context: Towards Anarchism against Settler Colonialism https://www.e-ir.info/2017/02/01/from-standing-rock-to-resistance-in-context-towards-anarchism-against-settler-colonialism/ ADAM LEWIS, FEB 1 2017 The direct action at Standing Rock against the Dakota Access Pipeline has captured a wide range of political imaginations under the #NODAPL banner. People from over 100 Indigenous nations, as well as non- Indigenous/settler allies/accomplices, have travelled to the site where the US Army Corps of Engineers has attempted to place the pipeline under the Mni Sose (Missouri River), and right through Oceti Sakowin (The Great Sioux Nation lands). The resistance at Standing Rock has included a range of camps and tactics, as well as heavy handed police/security responses. Though the Army Corps of Engineers decided to withhold the easement permit for the last stage of the pipeline in December 2016, pending an environmental assessment, few see this as the end of the resistance. Many pointed out that this is not a commitment to stop the pipeline as a whole, but rather an attempt to seek out other means of ensuring its completion. Donald Trump recently signed executive orders to revive both the Keystone XL and Dakota Access pipeline projects, prompting renewed calls for resistance.