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HISTORIA CONTEMPORÁNEA - Programa 2015
1 HISTORIA CONTEMPORÁNEA - Programa 2015 Profesor Adjunto a cargo de la cátedra: Dr. Daniel F. Gaido Profesores Asistentes: Dr. Carlos Mignon y Lic. Jorge Santarrosa PRESENTACIÓN: En el marco del curso se estudiará la historia de Europa en los siglos XIX y XX tomando como eje el desarrollo del capitalismo, centrándose en las luchas de clases que el capitalismo genera y que constituyen la base de su historia política. Por tal motivo se pondrá énfasis en el análisis de los procesos revolucionarios, donde tales luchas, usualmente soterradas, se manifiestan con claridad. El curso abordará temas tales como el ciclo de las revoluciones burguesas, la formación de los estados nacionales, el ascenso de la democracia parlamentaria, el desarrollo del movimiento obrero, las ideologías de izquierda (anarquismo, socialismo y comunismo), el surgimiento del imperialismo moderno, la revolución rusa y el estalinismo, fascismo y nazismo, las dos guerras mundiales, el Holocausto judío, la descolonización de posguerra, el colapso de la Unión Soviética y la formación y crisis de la Unión Europea. OBJETIVOS: Desarrollar una aproximación teórica al proceso de desarrollo capitalista, analizando las transformaciones políticas ocurridas en Europa como resultado de dicho proceso. Investigar los orígenes del imperialismo moderno y sus transformaciones como resultado de los procesos de descolonización después de la segunda guerra mundial. Analizar el origen histórico de las principales corrientes políticas alternativas al capitalismo, como anarquismo, socialismo y comunismo. METODOLOGÍA Y FORMA DE EVALUACIÓN: Clases teóricas: Clases frontales con una exposición sintética de temas centrales mediante el análisis de casos representativos. La asistencia a las clases teóricas no es obligatoria. -
Third Division World War II Vol One.Pdf
THIRD INFANTRY DIVISION THE VICTORY PATH THROUGH FRANCE AND GERMANY VOLUME ONE 'IVG. WILLIAM MOHR THE VICTORY PATH THROUGH FRANCE AND GERMANY THIRD INFANTRY DIVISION - WORLD WAR II VOLUME ONE A PICTORIAL ACCOUNT BY G. WILLIAM MOHR ABOUT THE COVER There is nothing in front of the Infantry in battle except the enemy. The Infantry leads the way to attack and bears the brunt of the enemy's attack. The primary purpose of the Infan try is to close with the enemy in hand-to-hand fighting. On the side of a house, tommy gunners of this Infantry patrol, 1st Special Service Froce Patrol, one of the many patrols that made possible the present offensive in Italy by feeling out the enemy and discovering his defensive strength, fire from the window of an adjoining building to blast Nazis out. The scene is 400 yards from the enemy lines in the Anzio area, Italy. Fifth Army, 14 April, 1944. The 3rd Infantry Division suffered 27,450 casualties and 4,922 were killed in action. 2 - Yellow Beach, Southern France, August, 1944 3 - Marseilles, France, August, 1944 4 - Montelimar, France, August, 1944 5 - Cavailair, France, August, 1944 6 - Avignon, France, August, 1944 7 - Lacroix, France, August, 1944 8 - Brignolles, France, August, 1944 9 -Aix-En-Provence, France, August, 1944 12 - St. Loup, France, August, 1944 13 - La Coucounde, France, August, 1944 14 - Les Loges Neut, France, August, 1944 15 - Besancon, France, September, 1944 18 - Loue River, Ornans, France, September, 1944 19 - Avonne, France, Septem&er, 1944 20 - Lons Le Sounier, France, September, 1944 21 - Les Belles-Baroques, France, September, 1944 22 - St. -
Ike's Rebuff' of De Gaulle in '58 Bared
statement that he could no longer justify delegating Free World defense decisions to the United States, adding: "It would be more realistic at this time to create a tripartite or- ganization to take joint de- cisions on global problems." Ike's Rebuff ' State's memorandum does not mention Germany, but Schoenbrun states what was well known: the Dulles view Of de Gaulle that France was a continental power like Germany and not a world power like the United In '58 Bared States and Britain. This con- k i lL/101 cept de Gaulle then rejected By Chklmers M. Roberts and today still rejects, as indi- Washington Post Mail Writer cated by the current NATO, problem he has created in Wel A bit of history was put on search for a world-wide French the public record yesterday great power role independent but It will probably serve less of the United States. the cause of enlightenment The Eisenhower reply on Oct. 20 reflected the Dulles than further to exacerbate view. The President replied French-American relations. close cooperation at line sum- mit between France, the Unit- that "our present procedures The State Department re- ed Kingdom and the United for organizing the defense of leased to a Senate subcom- States." the Free World clearly require mittee the text of a 1958 De Gaulle on Sept. 17 wrote the willing cooperation of letter from President- Eisen- President Eisenhower "to indi- many other nations, both with- hower that in effect rejected cate that NATO in its present in and outside NATO. We can- President de Gaulle's call for form no longer met the needs not afford to adopt any system an American-French British of French security" and noted which would give to our other directorate to take joint de- that France had world-wide re- allies, or other Free World cisions on global problems. -
France and the German Question, 1945–1955
CreswellFrance and and the Trachtenberg German Question France and the German Question, 1945–1955 ✣ What role did France play in the Cold War, and how is French policy in that conºict to be understood? For many years the prevailing as- sumption among scholars was that French policy was not very important. France, as the historian John Young points out, was “usually mentioned in Cold War histories only as an aside.” When the country was discussed at all, he notes, it was “often treated as a weak and vacillating power, obsessed with outdated ideas of a German ‘menace.’”1 And indeed scholars often explicitly argued (to quote one typical passage) that during the early Cold War period “the major obsession of French policy was defense against the German threat.” “French awareness of the Russian threat,” on the other hand, was sup- posedly “belated and reluctant.”2 The French government, it was said, was not eager in the immediate postwar period to see a Western bloc come into being to balance Soviet power in Europe; the hope instead was that France could serve as a kind of bridge between East and West.3 The basic French aim, according to this interpretation, was to keep Germany down by preserving the wartime alliance intact. Germany itself would no longer be a centralized state; the territory on the left bank of the Rhine would not even be part of Germany; the Ruhr basin, Germany’s industrial heartland, would be subject to allied control. Those goals, it was commonly assumed, were taken seriously, not just by General Charles de Gaulle, who headed the French provisional government until Jan- uary 1946, but by Georges Bidault, who served as foreign minister almost without in- terruption from 1944 through mid-1948 and was the most important ªgure in French foreign policy in the immediate post–de Gaulle period. -
WHO's WHO in the WAR in EUROPE the War in Europe 7 CHARLES DE GAULLE
who’s Who in the War in Europe (National Archives and Records Administration, 342-FH-3A-20068.) POLITICAL LEADERS Allies FRANKLIN DELANO ROOSEVELT When World War II began, many Americans strongly opposed involvement in foreign conflicts. President Roosevelt maintained official USneutrality but supported measures like the Lend-Lease Act, which provided invaluable aid to countries battling Axis aggression. After Pearl Harbor and Germany’s declaration of war on the United States, Roosevelt rallied the country to fight the Axis powers as part of the Grand Alliance with Great Britain and the Soviet Union. (Image: Library of Congress, LC-USZ62-128765.) WINSTON CHURCHILL In the 1930s, Churchill fiercely opposed Westernappeasement of Nazi Germany. He became prime minister in May 1940 following a German blitzkrieg (lightning war) against Norway, Denmark, the Netherlands, Belgium, and France. He then played a pivotal role in building a global alliance to stop the German juggernaut. One of the greatest orators of the century, Churchill raised the spirits of his countrymen through the war’s darkest days as Germany threatened to invade Great Britain and unleashed a devastating nighttime bombing program on London and other major cities. (Image: Library of Congress, LC-USW33-019093-C.) JOSEPH STALIN Stalin rose through the ranks of the Communist Party to emerge as the absolute ruler of the Soviet Union. In the 1930s, he conducted a reign of terror against his political opponents, including much of the country’s top military leadership. His purge of Red Army generals suspected of being disloyal to him left his country desperately unprepared when Germany invaded in June 1941. -
Personalities and Perceptions: Churchill, De Gaulle, and British-Free French Relations 1940-1941" (2019)
University of Vermont ScholarWorks @ UVM UVM Honors College Senior Theses Undergraduate Theses 2019 Personalities and Perceptions: Churchill, De Gaulle, and British- Free French Relations 1940-1941 Samantha Sullivan Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/hcoltheses Recommended Citation Sullivan, Samantha, "Personalities and Perceptions: Churchill, De Gaulle, and British-Free French Relations 1940-1941" (2019). UVM Honors College Senior Theses. 324. https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/hcoltheses/324 This Honors College Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Undergraduate Theses at ScholarWorks @ UVM. It has been accepted for inclusion in UVM Honors College Senior Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks @ UVM. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Personalities and Perceptions: Churchill, De Gaulle, and British-Free French Relations 1940-1941 By: Samantha Sullivan Advised by: Drs. Steven Zdatny, Andrew Buchanan, and Meaghan Emery University of Vermont History Department Honors College Thesis April 17, 2019 Acknowledgements: Nearly half of my time at UVM was spent working on this project. Beginning as a seminar paper for Professor Zdatny’s class in Fall 2018, my research on Churchill and De Gaulle slowly grew into the thesis that follows. It was a collaborative effort that allowed me to combine all of my fields of study from my entire university experience. This project took me to London and Cambridge to conduct archival research and made for many late nights on the second floor of the Howe Library. I feel an overwhelming sense of pride and accomplishment for this thesis that is reflective of the work I have done at UVM. -
German-Polish Reconciliation in Comparative Perspective: Lessons for Japan? ドイツ・ポーランド和解を比較的視野に置 く——日本にとっての教訓たり得るか
Volume 8 | Issue 16 | Number 1 | Article ID 3344 | Apr 19, 2010 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus German-Polish Reconciliation in Comparative Perspective: Lessons for Japan? ドイツ・ポーランド和解を比較的視野に置 く——日本にとっての教訓たり得るか Lily Gardner-Feldman Japan, has chosen to entertain the possibility of a paradigm shift in how Japan deals with China German-Polish Reconciliation in and South Korea. In a June 2009 visit to the Comparative Perspective: Lessons Republic of Korea as head of the Democratic for Japan?1 Party of Japan (DPJ), when elaborating on his vision for an East Asian or Asian-Pacific Lily Gardner Feldman Community, Hatoyama drew on the Franco- German experience of creating a regional The Japanese Case and the Benefits of organization for embedding their relationship Comparison on foundations of permanent peace. In 2008 and 2009, a series of historical issues once again defined the public space of Japanese-South Korean and Japanese-Chinese relations: the revisionist essay of General Tamogami Toshio; Prime Minister Aso Taro’s acknowledgement of the use of slave labor in his family’s wartime mine; new flare-ups in the longstanding territorial disputes over the Senkaku/Diaoyu and Takeshima/Dokdo islets; ministerial visits to the Yasukuni Shrine; and Japanese government approval of another amnesiac history textbook whitewashing Japan’s World War II aggression.2 These developments could be viewed as another episode in the periodic eruption of Hatoyama (left) and Lee in Seoul, October history-related problems that have affected 9, 2009 Japan’s bilateral ties openly since 1982, with the anticipation that they will ebb and flow Since assuming office, Prime Minister depending on domestic and international Hatoyama’s first visit to Seoul instead of circumstances. -
Charles De Gaulle: a Life of Consequence
Volume 47 Number 4 Article 6 June 2019 Charles de Gaulle: A Life of Consequence Jack Van Der Slik Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcollections.dordt.edu/pro_rege Part of the European History Commons, and the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Van Der Slik, Jack (2019) "Charles de Gaulle: A Life of Consequence," Pro Rege: Vol. 47: No. 4, 21 - 26. Available at: https://digitalcollections.dordt.edu/pro_rege/vol47/iss4/6 This Feature Article is brought to you for free and open access by the University Publications at Digital Collections @ Dordt. It has been accepted for inclusion in Pro Rege by an authorized administrator of Digital Collections @ Dordt. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Charles de Gaulle: a Life of Consequence Most readers of this review are, like me, cap- tives of the English language. My generation and those who are younger know about World War II and its consequences from countless renditions about it in the English language. I and others like me are little informed by a sturdy literature in French about France and French perspectives on the politics and outcomes of that war. For these readers De Gaulle, both the book and the man, are best accessible in scholarly English from Julian Jackson, a distinguished professor of his- tory at Queen Mary University of London. His profile on the university’s website (www.qmul. by Jack Van Der Slik ac.uk) says that beginning with a study of the 1930s’ depression in France, and in all his sub- De Gaulle. Julian Jackson. -
Ms Viviane Reding Vice-President of the European Commission Commissioner for Justice, Fundamental Rights and Citizenship B-10409 Brussels Belgium
Ms Viviane Reding Vice-President of the European Commission Commissioner for Justice, Fundamental Rights and Citizenship B-10409 Brussels Belgium 10 September 2013 Dear Vice-President Reding Pre-trial detention in the EU As the European Commission, Council and Parliament have recognised, ‘excessively long periods of pre-trial detention are detrimental to the individual, can prejudice cooperation between the Member States, and do not represent the values for which the European Union stands’.1 We are writing to you now to follow-up on the European Union’s work to tackle this problem and to urge the Commission to continue its work in this area beyond the current legislative programme, including developing a timeframe for tabling a legislative proposal setting common minimum standards for the use of pre-trial detention in the EU. We understand that the European Commission is at this stage intending to focus on monitoring the implementation of three Framework Decisions: the European Supervision Order (ESO); the Prisoner Transfer Framework Decision; and the Framework Decision on the application of mutual recognition to judgments and probation decisions and is not currently proposing legislation. We take note of this emphasis on effective implementation but would highlight that only one of the three Framework Decisions, the ESO, has the potential to impact on pre-trial detention. While it may go some way to alleviating problems faced by non-nationals by enabling them to return home while awaiting trial, even this is very limited in scope. In addition, the three Framework Decisions are all pre-Lisbon measures and the European Commission therefore currently has no enforcement powers if problems with their implementation are identified. -
The De Gaulle – Adenauer Couple and Franco-German Economic Relations During Their Time
ȾɉȿɃɓɈɃɅɈȻɇɃɈɈɉȾɀɉɆɉɁɅɃɚɎɈɃȽɀɋɌɃɍɀɍ “ɌȽ. ɃȽȻɈɋɃɆɌɅɃ”, ɍɩɧ 52, Ɍɝ. IV, ɐɮɧɛɨɣɭɛɫɨɣɣɬɭɩɪɛɨɬɥɣɨɛɮɥɣ, 2009 ANNUAL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MINING AND GEOLOGY “ST. IVAN RILSKI”, Vol. 52, Part IV, Humanitarian sciences and Economics, 2009 THE DE GAULLE – ADENAUER COUPLE AND FRANCO-GERMAN ECONOMIC RELATIONS DURING THEIR TIME Ioana Panagoret “Valahia” University of Targoviste, Romania, e-mail: [email protected] ABSTRACT. General de Gaulle’s accession has marked the beginning of a new era in the Franco-German relationships and both de Gaulle and Adenauer wanted to institutionalise the idea of conciliation by means of a treaty which would be the basis of the politics of European integration. Contrary to the impressions the foreign press created, during his first visit to Colombey - les - deux – Eglises, de Gaulle succeeded to convince Adenauer regarding his devotion in reconciling the two nations, the economic union of the Six, as well as in associating England and other states onto the path of integration. The close collaboration between the two, as well as the mutual affinity did not startle since then, de Gaulle and Adenauer having in common a deep humanity, a natural noblesse of thinking and a great ability in surprising the main ideas and following some clear objectives. The relations between France and Germany shall be set forth from now on based on solid grounds and in an atmosphere which their history has never known. The Common Market was a strong stimulus of economical increase for both France and Germany, as well as for the economical cooperation between them. The period between 1958 – 1962 was marked by the doubling of the exchanges of the two countries with the C.E.E. -
Franco-Soviet Relations from De Gaulle to Mitterand
REPORT TO NATIONAL COUNCIL FOR SOVIET AND EAST EUROPEAN RESEARC H TITLE : FRANCO-SOVIET RELATION S FROM DE GAULLE TO MITTERAN D AUTHOR : Angela Stent CONTRACTOR : Harvard Universit y PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATOR : Angela Sten t COUNCIL CONTRACT NUMBER : 802-1 1 DATE : March 198 9 The work leading to this report was supported by funds provided b y the National Council for Soviet and East European Research . Th e analysis and interpretations contained in the report are those o f the author . Soviet ties with France, more than those with any other country in the postwar era , have been influenced by the vision of one individual--General Charles de Gaulle . He established the structure of postwar Franco-Soviet relations, and his approach and successe s became the standard against which subsequent relations would be judged . Of course, the Kremlin has also influenced the development of relations between Moscow and Paris . But France is only one of several West European countries of significance to the USSR, and it ha s by no means always been the most important one. By contrast , the Soviet Union has played a major role in the restoration of French credibility and influence in the world after 1945 . Franco-Soviet relations have always had a pragmatic, instrumental, at times cynica l quality to them. They have lacked the intensity, mutual fear and admiration and occasionall y fiery rhetoric that have characterized the Kremlin's relations with its other major West European interlocutor, the Federal Republic of Germany . The Soviet Union has been mor e detached about France, for quite comprehensible geographic and political reasons . -
General De Gaulle Visits Selfridge (©2008 by Mount Clemens Public Library
Mount Clemens Public Library Local History Sketches General De Gaulle Visits Selfridge (©2008 by Mount Clemens Public Library. All rights reserved.) t the close of World War II, Selfridge Field was honored with a visit from one of the most Aprominent figures of the day, General Charles De Gaulle. General De Gaulle flew into Selfridge Field on August 27, 1945, while in the United States to call on President Harry S. Truman. The purpose of his stop in Macomb County was to review the Free French cadets who had been stationed at Selfridge since March of 1945 to receive bomber training from Army Air Forces personnel. De Gaulle's stop at Selfridge was brief, but it was not without ceremony and flair. The first foreign head of state to stop at the base was given a booming 21-gun salute as he stepped from his C-54 transport. After offering a crisp salute to the assembled American troops standing at attention on the flightline, the general dropped his proper military decorum and gathered his French cadets about him to encourage them much in the manner of a football coach. The famed leader of the Free French offered greetings from home to his troops, then extended thanks to his American hosts: I especially wanted to stop at Selfridge Field, this important American Air base, where the French Cadets receive the finishing touch to their training, to show my interest in there young students and to bring the thanks of France to the American people and their American Air Force for their help they have extended to us during the war, towards the formation of our crews and the rebuilding of our air force.