Alphand Says JFK Flirted with Scandal PARIS (AP) /...— John F

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Alphand says JFK flirted with scandal PARIS (AP) /...— John F. Kennedy be does not take sufficient precautions ned some of the most difficult periods of flirted with scandal during his White added.in this puritan country." the envoy U S.-French relations, including the 1956 "pleasureHouse years and becausewomen," of according his love ofto Alphand, known as a fancier of fine FrenchAnglo-French nuclear weapons Suez expedition,development living himself. speaks of Jackie Ken- and De Gaull formerAlphand. French ambassador Nerve nedy with flattering words and general- military structure.e's pullout from the NATO ly admires her efforts to redecorate the fromAlphand, 1956-6S the and envoy a personal to Washin friend ofg tonthe White House and improve its fare with a on Hethe looksAmerican down scene. his nose at some things Kennedy family, made the comment in French chef who got tips from Describing his diary just published in France under Alphand's own cook mansions, he, Newport.says: R.a nightmare. I., and its the"His title (Kennedy's) "The Astonishment desires areof Being." difficult OrnateHe described White Rouse her appearance dinner a month at an in-preservation but Americans society are conducts proud of visits it and of a dalto satisfy and its without use by raisin his politicalg fears of adver- scan- "Jackie.before. thea little Nov. heavier. 22 1963 dressed assassination: Italian these horrors for an ecstatic public." saries." Alphand said in an entry dated style,beautiful her headback and larg theely hairdoexposed; of a Au"Thisg. 2.1962. will come perhaps one day, for lioness, with a voice soft as that of a dy- ingAlphand's woman." generally favorable cludesassessment some of criticism the Kennedy of U.S. years forei in-gn policy.The envoy portrays Kennedy as young, enthusiastic and intelligent, but so anxious to prove he was tou people wandered whether heg reallyh that would"II he be (Kennedy) Man emerg ency.has taken care to worldmaintain powers his country and assurein the front its atomic row of superiority,ing, in seekin whyg nedoesgotiation he give withthe feel- the Soviets f which is natural), that he would Alphandnot follow wrote. his resolutions to the end?" "It is impossible that (then French sensedPresident these Charles) hesitations De Gaulle and the has risk not theynuclear carry. policy This so explains unpopular the with French the young president of the United States a nd Harvard,"his advisers, the brilliant minds of irreMostgularly of the jotted diary notes contains on siAlphand'sgnificant diplomaticticipated durin eventsg an active in which career he from par- 1939frequently until to 1972record. Butimpressions he digresses of per- sonalitiesAlphanct's be cametenure into in Washington contact with. span- .

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HISTORIA CONTEMPORÁNEA - Programa 2015
1 HISTORIA CONTEMPORÁNEA - Programa 2015 Profesor Adjunto a cargo de la cátedra: Dr. Daniel F. Gaido Profesores Asistentes: Dr. Carlos Mignon y Lic. Jorge Santarrosa PRESENTACIÓN: En el marco del curso se estudiará la historia de Europa en los siglos XIX y XX tomando como eje el desarrollo del capitalismo, centrándose en las luchas de clases que el capitalismo genera y que constituyen la base de su historia política. Por tal motivo se pondrá énfasis en el análisis de los procesos revolucionarios, donde tales luchas, usualmente soterradas, se manifiestan con claridad. El curso abordará temas tales como el ciclo de las revoluciones burguesas, la formación de los estados nacionales, el ascenso de la democracia parlamentaria, el desarrollo del movimiento obrero, las ideologías de izquierda (anarquismo, socialismo y comunismo), el surgimiento del imperialismo moderno, la revolución rusa y el estalinismo, fascismo y nazismo, las dos guerras mundiales, el Holocausto judío, la descolonización de posguerra, el colapso de la Unión Soviética y la formación y crisis de la Unión Europea. OBJETIVOS: Desarrollar una aproximación teórica al proceso de desarrollo capitalista, analizando las transformaciones políticas ocurridas en Europa como resultado de dicho proceso. Investigar los orígenes del imperialismo moderno y sus transformaciones como resultado de los procesos de descolonización después de la segunda guerra mundial. Analizar el origen histórico de las principales corrientes políticas alternativas al capitalismo, como anarquismo, socialismo y comunismo. METODOLOGÍA Y FORMA DE EVALUACIÓN: Clases teóricas: Clases frontales con una exposición sintética de temas centrales mediante el análisis de casos representativos. La asistencia a las clases teóricas no es obligatoria.
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Ike's Rebuff' of De Gaulle in '58 Bared
statement that he could no longer justify delegating Free World defense decisions to the United States, adding: "It would be more realistic at this time to create a tripartite or- ganization to take joint de- cisions on global problems." Ike's Rebuff ' State's memorandum does not mention Germany, but Schoenbrun states what was well known: the Dulles view Of de Gaulle that France was a continental power like Germany and not a world power like the United In '58 Bared States and Britain. This con- k i lL/101 cept de Gaulle then rejected By Chklmers M. Roberts and today still rejects, as indi- Washington Post Mail Writer cated by the current NATO, problem he has created in Wel A bit of history was put on search for a world-wide French the public record yesterday great power role independent but It will probably serve less of the United States. the cause of enlightenment The Eisenhower reply on Oct. 20 reflected the Dulles than further to exacerbate view. The President replied French-American relations. close cooperation at line sum- mit between France, the Unit- that "our present procedures The State Department re- ed Kingdom and the United for organizing the defense of leased to a Senate subcom- States." the Free World clearly require mittee the text of a 1958 De Gaulle on Sept. 17 wrote the willing cooperation of letter from President- Eisen- President Eisenhower "to indi- many other nations, both with- hower that in effect rejected cate that NATO in its present in and outside NATO. We can- President de Gaulle's call for form no longer met the needs not afford to adopt any system an American-French British of French security" and noted which would give to our other directorate to take joint de- that France had world-wide re- allies, or other Free World cisions on global problems.
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CreswellFrance and and the Trachtenberg German Question France and the German Question, 1945–1955 ✣ What role did France play in the Cold War, and how is French policy in that conºict to be understood? For many years the prevailing as- sumption among scholars was that French policy was not very important. France, as the historian John Young points out, was “usually mentioned in Cold War histories only as an aside.” When the country was discussed at all, he notes, it was “often treated as a weak and vacillating power, obsessed with outdated ideas of a German ‘menace.’”1 And indeed scholars often explicitly argued (to quote one typical passage) that during the early Cold War period “the major obsession of French policy was defense against the German threat.” “French awareness of the Russian threat,” on the other hand, was sup- posedly “belated and reluctant.”2 The French government, it was said, was not eager in the immediate postwar period to see a Western bloc come into being to balance Soviet power in Europe; the hope instead was that France could serve as a kind of bridge between East and West.3 The basic French aim, according to this interpretation, was to keep Germany down by preserving the wartime alliance intact. Germany itself would no longer be a centralized state; the territory on the left bank of the Rhine would not even be part of Germany; the Ruhr basin, Germany’s industrial heartland, would be subject to allied control. Those goals, it was commonly assumed, were taken seriously, not just by General Charles de Gaulle, who headed the French provisional government until Jan- uary 1946, but by Georges Bidault, who served as foreign minister almost without in- terruption from 1944 through mid-1948 and was the most important ªgure in French foreign policy in the immediate post–de Gaulle period.
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University of Vermont ScholarWorks @ UVM UVM Honors College Senior Theses Undergraduate Theses 2019 Personalities and Perceptions: Churchill, De Gaulle, and British- Free French Relations 1940-1941 Samantha Sullivan Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/hcoltheses Recommended Citation Sullivan, Samantha, "Personalities and Perceptions: Churchill, De Gaulle, and British-Free French Relations 1940-1941" (2019). UVM Honors College Senior Theses. 324. https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/hcoltheses/324 This Honors College Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Undergraduate Theses at ScholarWorks @ UVM. It has been accepted for inclusion in UVM Honors College Senior Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks @ UVM. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Personalities and Perceptions: Churchill, De Gaulle, and British-Free French Relations 1940-1941 By: Samantha Sullivan Advised by: Drs. Steven Zdatny, Andrew Buchanan, and Meaghan Emery University of Vermont History Department Honors College Thesis April 17, 2019 Acknowledgements: Nearly half of my time at UVM was spent working on this project. Beginning as a seminar paper for Professor Zdatny’s class in Fall 2018, my research on Churchill and De Gaulle slowly grew into the thesis that follows. It was a collaborative effort that allowed me to combine all of my fields of study from my entire university experience. This project took me to London and Cambridge to conduct archival research and made for many late nights on the second floor of the Howe Library. I feel an overwhelming sense of pride and accomplishment for this thesis that is reflective of the work I have done at UVM.
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Charles De Gaulle: a Life of Consequence
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The De Gaulle – Adenauer Couple and Franco-German Economic Relations During Their Time
ȾɉȿɃɓɈɃɅɈȻɇɃɈɈɉȾɀɉɆɉɁɅɃɚɎɈɃȽɀɋɌɃɍɀɍ “ɌȽ. ɃȽȻɈɋɃɆɌɅɃ”, ɍɩɧ 52, Ɍɝ. IV, ɐɮɧɛɨɣɭɛɫɨɣɣɬɭɩɪɛɨɬɥɣɨɛɮɥɣ, 2009 ANNUAL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MINING AND GEOLOGY “ST. IVAN RILSKI”, Vol. 52, Part IV, Humanitarian sciences and Economics, 2009 THE DE GAULLE – ADENAUER COUPLE AND FRANCO-GERMAN ECONOMIC RELATIONS DURING THEIR TIME Ioana Panagoret “Valahia” University of Targoviste, Romania, e-mail: [email protected] ABSTRACT. General de Gaulle’s accession has marked the beginning of a new era in the Franco-German relationships and both de Gaulle and Adenauer wanted to institutionalise the idea of conciliation by means of a treaty which would be the basis of the politics of European integration. Contrary to the impressions the foreign press created, during his first visit to Colombey - les - deux – Eglises, de Gaulle succeeded to convince Adenauer regarding his devotion in reconciling the two nations, the economic union of the Six, as well as in associating England and other states onto the path of integration. The close collaboration between the two, as well as the mutual affinity did not startle since then, de Gaulle and Adenauer having in common a deep humanity, a natural noblesse of thinking and a great ability in surprising the main ideas and following some clear objectives. The relations between France and Germany shall be set forth from now on based on solid grounds and in an atmosphere which their history has never known. The Common Market was a strong stimulus of economical increase for both France and Germany, as well as for the economical cooperation between them. The period between 1958 – 1962 was marked by the doubling of the exchanges of the two countries with the C.E.E.
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Franco-Soviet Relations from De Gaulle to Mitterand
REPORT TO NATIONAL COUNCIL FOR SOVIET AND EAST EUROPEAN RESEARC H TITLE : FRANCO-SOVIET RELATION S FROM DE GAULLE TO MITTERAN D AUTHOR : Angela Stent CONTRACTOR : Harvard Universit y PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATOR : Angela Sten t COUNCIL CONTRACT NUMBER : 802-1 1 DATE : March 198 9 The work leading to this report was supported by funds provided b y the National Council for Soviet and East European Research . Th e analysis and interpretations contained in the report are those o f the author . Soviet ties with France, more than those with any other country in the postwar era , have been influenced by the vision of one individual--General Charles de Gaulle . He established the structure of postwar Franco-Soviet relations, and his approach and successe s became the standard against which subsequent relations would be judged . Of course, the Kremlin has also influenced the development of relations between Moscow and Paris . But France is only one of several West European countries of significance to the USSR, and it ha s by no means always been the most important one. By contrast , the Soviet Union has played a major role in the restoration of French credibility and influence in the world after 1945 . Franco-Soviet relations have always had a pragmatic, instrumental, at times cynica l quality to them. They have lacked the intensity, mutual fear and admiration and occasionall y fiery rhetoric that have characterized the Kremlin's relations with its other major West European interlocutor, the Federal Republic of Germany . The Soviet Union has been mor e detached about France, for quite comprehensible geographic and political reasons .
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General De Gaulle Visits Selfridge (©2008 by Mount Clemens Public Library
Mount Clemens Public Library Local History Sketches General De Gaulle Visits Selfridge (©2008 by Mount Clemens Public Library. All rights reserved.) t the close of World War II, Selfridge Field was honored with a visit from one of the most Aprominent figures of the day, General Charles De Gaulle. General De Gaulle flew into Selfridge Field on August 27, 1945, while in the United States to call on President Harry S. Truman. The purpose of his stop in Macomb County was to review the Free French cadets who had been stationed at Selfridge since March of 1945 to receive bomber training from Army Air Forces personnel. De Gaulle's stop at Selfridge was brief, but it was not without ceremony and flair. The first foreign head of state to stop at the base was given a booming 21-gun salute as he stepped from his C-54 transport. After offering a crisp salute to the assembled American troops standing at attention on the flightline, the general dropped his proper military decorum and gathered his French cadets about him to encourage them much in the manner of a football coach. The famed leader of the Free French offered greetings from home to his troops, then extended thanks to his American hosts: I especially wanted to stop at Selfridge Field, this important American Air base, where the French Cadets receive the finishing touch to their training, to show my interest in there young students and to bring the thanks of France to the American people and their American Air Force for their help they have extended to us during the war, towards the formation of our crews and the rebuilding of our air force.
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Charles De Gaulle at the National Press Club, April 23, 1960
Charles de Gaulle at the National Press Club, April 23, 1960 Charles de Gaulle. Bundesarchiv, B 145 Bild-F015892-0010 / Wegmann, Ludwig / CC-BY-SA, CC BY-SA 3.0 de, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.ph p?curid=6845791 French President Charles de Gaulle (1890-1970) arrived in Washington on Friday, April 22, 1960, for a State visit comprised primarily of talks with President Dwight D. Eisenhower to prepare for the upcoming Big Four summit planned for May in Paris, the first such meeting since World War II of leaders from the U.S., Great Britain, France, and the Soviet Union. General de Gaulle, leader of the Free French Forces resisting both the German occupation of France and the collaborationist Vichy government during the war, drew a warm welcome from Washingtonians that matched an equally enthusiastic embrace the people of Paris had given General Eisenhower, the supreme commander of Allied forces in western Europe during the liberation of France, on his State visit seven months earlier. De Gaulle wrote in his memoir, “All the way from the airport to Blair House I drove beside President Eisenhower to a deafening accompaniment of cheers, sirens and brass bands, amid a forest of banners and flags.” Area police estimated that 200,000 people—many of them government workers given an extended lunch hour—crowded the airport, bridge, and streets. De Gaulle remarked that the greeting, “clearly represented something fundamental.” The next morning, de Gaulle held “a vast press conference at the National Press Club,” he reported, “where most of the questions put to me concerned the 1 projected meeting of the Big Four.” The New York Times described his performance as “relaxed and informal.” On Sunday, de Gaulle flew with Eisenhower to the president’s farm in Gettysburg.
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The 1958 Good Offices Mission and Its Implications for French-American Relations Under the Fourth Republic
Portland State University PDXScholar Dissertations and Theses Dissertations and Theses 1970 The 1958 Good Offices Mission and Its Implications for French-American Relations Under the Fourth Republic Lorin James Anderson Portland State University Follow this and additional works at: https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds Part of the Diplomatic History Commons, European History Commons, and the United States History Commons Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Anderson, Lorin James, "The 1958 Good Offices Mission and Its Implications forr F ench-American Relations Under the Fourth Republic" (1970). Dissertations and Theses. Paper 1468. https://doi.org/10.15760/etd.1467 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations and Theses by an authorized administrator of PDXScholar. Please contact us if we can make this document more accessible: [email protected]. AN ABSTRACT OF THE THBSIS Ol~ Lorin J'ames Anderson for the Master of Arts in History presented November 30, 1970. Title: The 1958 Good Offices Mission and its Implica tions for French-American Relations Under the Fourth Hepublic. APPROVED BY MEHllERS O~' THE THESIS CO.MNITTEE: Bernard Burke In both a general review of Franco-American re lations and in a more specific discussion of the Anglo American good offices mission to France in 1958, this thesis has attempted first, to analyze the foreign policies of France and the Uni.ted sta.tes which devel oped from the impact of the Second World Wa.r and, second, to describe Franco-American discord as primar ily a collision of foreign policy goals--or, even farther, as a basic collision in the national attitudes that shaped those goals--rather than as a result either of Communist harassment or of the clash of personalities.
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