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Nicholas Ibeawuchi Omenka - BETH 10: 21

The Winds of Change: The Church and the Transition to Civil Rule Programmes in

By

Nicholas Ibeawuchi Omenka

Abstract For more than a decade, disengagement from African politics has been at the centre stage ofpolitical debate on the continent. While several African countries have recorded significant successes in this regard, the Nigerian experience has been one of a long succession of disappointments. This paper examines the various transition to civil rule programmes in Nigeria from. the perspective of the Church's reaction to them. It primarily establishes a synthesis of the various communiques and pronouncements of the Church leaders on the transition programmes and situates this within the Church's social teachings and the global insistence on human rights and free choice of governance. A central observation from this study is the fact that the transition programmes have transformed the otherwise politically passive Church leaders to a vocal and active political force. As often happens in totalitarian regimes, where opposition is rarely tolerated, the Church is looked upon as the only group capable of restoring democratic rule. The Nigerian Church, in its opposition to the continuation of military rule, in its insistence on a secular state and in its call for a renewed political witness of its faithful, is providing a leadership that is in line with international human rights efforts.

The Imperatives ofPolitical Witness What the Church needs is not adulators to extol the status quo, but men whose humility and obedience are no less than their passion for truth; men who brave every misunderstanding and attack as they bear witness. (Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger) As the transition to civil rule moves on with a frustrating slow pace, Church leaders in Nigeria are becoming increasingly vocal in their 22 The Winds of Change - the Church and Transition Programmes

criticism. Their courageous outspokenness,is, in itself, a new but exceedingly welcome development in the Church's involvement in the national debate. For many decades, especially during the nationalist struggle, the Church was often accused of political inertia. It does indeed appear that Church leaders needed the challenge oftyranny to awaken to the imperatives of their political witness. Ironically, it is the once most politically inactive group - the Catholic hierarchy - that is now vigorously providing leadership in the struggle for a just and peaceful political order in Nigeria. The wealth of social teachings of the Church undoubtedly underscores this outright demand for a proper political order in Nigeria. In the words of the Catholic Bishops' Conference ofNigeria (CBCN); these teachings form "a special and incomparable contribution of the Spirit-led Church to the search for a free, just and prosperous world community."} Dubbed the magna carta of social Catholicism, the Rerum Novarum of Pope Leo XIII (1891) induced a tremendous leap forward in the political and social consciousness of the masses during the industrial revolution. The moral vision of social ministry is the focus of the Vatican II "Constitution of the Church in the Modem World" (Gaudium et Spes - GS). Here the protection of human dignity and the promotion of human rights are 'defined as essentially ecclesial tasks.i The explication of social roles as theological imperatives is also undertaken in post-conciliar documents. In the introduction to "Justice in the World." the Synod of Bishops in 1971 described any action in defence, of justice ClS "a constitutive dimension of the ,,3 preaching ofthe Gospel, The document goes further to remind the Church that she has "a proper and specific responsibility which is identified with her mission of giving witness before the world of the ,,4 need for love and justice .contained in the Gospel message. More recently, the Pope's exhortation after the African synod, Ecclesia in , says "The lay Christian engaged in democratic struggle according to the spirit of the Gospel is the sign of the Church which participates in the promotion of the rule of law everywhere in Africa.,,5 Thus, in the seemingly unending period oftransition to civil rule in The Winds of Change - the Church and Transition Programmes 23

Nigeria, Church leaders have been under pressure to carry out their prophetic mission as spelt out in the social teachings of the Church. They have faced this challenge with remarkable adroitness. The very first concerted effort in this direction, was the formation of the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) in 1976. As the Obasanjo instigated return to civil rule became imminent, the Christian Churches were literally compelled to come out as a unified body in defence oftheir common interests. Ever since then, CAN has never, if need be, shied away from the politicisation of religion, a trend ,,6 which has been described by some as "a dangerous awakening. But, given the political upheavals of the last two decades and the overt Islamisation of the country, the creation of CAN can be said to have a divine instigation. CAN itself represents a victory of a sort for the Christian Churches themselves. For many decades, the various Christian denominations have formed associations and pressure groups that were designed to act as foils and rivals to one another. In the 1950s, for instance, the Eastern Nigeria Catholic Council (ENCC) was conceived as a counter-balance to the Christian Council of Nigeria (CCN) and its sister organisation, the Convention of Protestant Citizens. The issue then was educational and political rivalry among the Christian Missions. Today the common threat is the military and Islam. This calls for a unified front and CAN has emerged as a force to reckon with in the struggle for a return to civil rule and the establishment of a secular state. As a member of CAN and as a separate body, the CBCN has, since the beginning of the transition programme in the 1970s, remained "fearless in its indictment and constructive in its admonition.'" On the eve of the 1979 transition, the Catholic Bishops issued a joint pastoral letter on the "Civic and Political Responsibility of the Christian." Subsequent titles of almost all the communiques of the CBCN since the 1980s underscore the seriousness and concern with which the bishops follow the transition to civil rule in Nigeria," Even communiques that are not given specific titles are often proceedings of deliberations necessitated by political crises resulting from the transition programme. A good example is the communique at the end 24 The Winds of Change - the Church and Transition Programmes

of an emergency plenary meeting in in July 1993 following the annulment of the elections of June 12. The Church leaders spoke of "a nation adrift," and said that they had a prophetic mission "to

warn...against dangerous trends in the affairs of the nation.?" Defending the Church's right to speak out on political issues, an editorial in The Leader entitled "Church and' Politics," makes the following observations:

...the Church's ministry and mission requires her to relate positively to the political order, not from the safety of sidelines but by active and effective involvement in the political process, since social injustice and the denial of human rights can often be

remedied only through this process....The clergy are the official teachers of the Church entrusted with the responsibility of communicating the content of the Church's moral teachings and illustrating its moral relevance to social and political issues. When they do this, they are not dabbling in politics. They are simply calling attention tothe moral and religious dimensions of secular issues, keeping alive the values of the Gospel as a norm 10 for social and'political life.

The involvement oftlie spiritual leaders in national affairs does not stop at verbal admonitions, but indeed includes some noteworthy practical propositions. In 1985, long before the government stumbled st upon visionary projections for the 21 century, the Church leaders announced a five-point Vision 2000. Termed the "Christian vision for the future," the forward glance stole the show from the secular prophets by virtue of the richness of its content and the practicability of its schemes. The Church's Vision 2000 includes concrete plans for: 1) the attainment of national unity, 2) humanitarian projects for the benefit of the weaker members of society, 3) the installation of a democratic culture, 4) the involvement of the private sector in the economic and . social spheres, and 5) Nigeria's leadership role in Africa.'! While the Church leaders are so sure of their specific role in the national debate, they have always felt the need to remind the The Winds of Change - the Church and Transition Programmes 25

Christians ofthe sacredness ofpolitical involvement. "When you hear the call of God to leadership," they advised in 1989� "answer with humility and generosity of spirit, accepting the risk of political involvement in the name of the Lord Jesus, and for the good of the Nation.,,12 This was in reiteration of a similar call made the previous year and which reads in part as follows:

We remind Catholics and any others, who recognise our religious and moral leadership, that they have not only a right but also a duty to work for and ensure the establishment of a just and moral order in our nation. Good and honest people with God-given inclination and talent for political leadership should not hesitate to offer themselves for the service of the nation. In spite of the high risks of public office in our land, it must be assumed by honest people in the spirit of service and sacred mission, in order to· rescue our land from endemic moral corruption, political 13 instability and unjust socio-economic systems and policies.

The actual cause of the political disinterestedness, which is observed in Catholics, has become a subject of constant debate in recent times. The suggestion has been made that the brand of Christianity introduced in Nigeria by evangelical Protestants and post-Tridentine Catholics, with its strong eschatological emphasis, may have induced in the adherents an element of detachment with regard to politics and other mundane activities.i" As far as politics in Nigeria is concerned, this may be true of the Catholics, but certainly not of the Protestants. Historically, the political ascendancy of the Protestants in Nigeria over their Catholic counterparts is a well­ known fact. Described as numerical giants and political dwarfs, the latter have contended with a position of political inferiority that has come primarily from their educational background. The emphasis, which the Catholic leaders placed on primary education, was a logical corollary to a policy that placed a premium on the school as a means of proselytization. As long as the primary school held good prospects for the realisation of this objective, some other issues that form constituent part of formal education, such as nation building and the 26 The Winds of Change - the Church and Transition Programmes advancement of an indigenous leadership of the Church, were given IS only perfunctory attention. Accordingly, politics rated very lowly in Catholic educational institutions. Within the context of present-day political climate in Nigeria, especially with' regard to the transition programme, the constant demand of Church leaders, both Catholic and Protestant, for active involvement of the laity in politics and governance processes has a two-fold objective - to ensure that the Christian religion attains adequate representation in Nigerian politics, and to sensitise the Christians over their political witness in society." To achieve this goal the Christians must be made aware that there is no dichotomy between their Christian conscience and their political conscience. Christians are, as all the Church leaders emphasise, "the salt of the earth and the light of the world" (Mt. 5,14). If our times are evil, and many will agree they are, then good Christians should redeem it with their good action (Eph. 5,16). Bishop Godwin Elomobor of the New Generation Bible Church tried to put these scriptural truths in his own words. "As Christians," he said in an interview, "we are supposed to be the star of the earth and the light of the world. So, if there is darkness in that place, we bring the light to it.... If very good Christians are involved in politics, there will be a turn around.t''"

On Democratic Governance The military is not democratically constituted. It cannot, therefore, teach Nigerians the rules of Democracy. (General Shehu Musa Yar'Adua)

The military is perhaps the most formidable obstacle to democracy in Nigeria." In the words of the 1994/95 Abacha instituted Constitutional Conference, "there is no conducive and enabling environment for democratic culture to grow in Nigeria because of the frequent intervention of the military in the governance of the nation.,,19 Apart from a brief civilian government in the Second Republic, October 1979 to December 1983, the military has exercised a continuous dominance of political governance in Nigeria since 1966. Though it ended in failure and disappointment, everybody The Winds of Change - the Church and Transition Programmes 27 regarded the general election in August 1983 as a good sign for Africa because it was the first to be organised by a democratically elected government. Ironically, the abuses of that election became one of the excuses given for further military intervention in the country. Almost all the purported transition to civil rule programmes have turned out to be not only wasteful and unrealistic, but also, and above all, deceitful and lacking in credibility. After the Civil War, General Gowon promised a return to civilian rule by 1976, but in 1974 he postponed military disengagement from politics indefinitely. This, among other reasons, led to his overthrow in 1975. Although the new strong man, General Murtala Muhamed, who set 1979 as the date for a return to civil rule, was killed in a coup attempt in 1976, his successor, General , kept the promise. The departure of the military in 1979 gave birth to the Second Republic under a civilian Head of State. The democratic process was again put on hold in December 1983, when General Buhari overthrew the civilian government headed by President Shagari. Among other things, the new military leader accused the politicians of gross mismanagement of the country's economy, endemic corruption andfinancial indiscipline. He indeed set about the difficult task of correcting these ills but was cut short by General who seized power in 1985 with the promise of solving the country's ills better than his predecessor. Dubbed the Maradona ofNigerian political game, Babangida quickly set in motion the longest, the most costly and most dubious transition to civil rule programme the country has ever witnessed. His original plan was to return power to the civilians by October 1990. But he changed that date to October' 1992, only to shift it to January 1993 shortly afterwards. On November 17 1992 he made yet another adjustment in the transition programme with a promise to leav,e in August 1993 after a presidential election scheduled for June 12. Ute rest is now history. As Bishop Onaiyekan prophetically commented in 1992, the latest (and last) shift in Babangida's transition programme was "another recipe for confusion.v'" This confusion began immediately after the presidential election on 12th June 1 �93, which was considered the 28 The Winds of Change - the Church and Transition Programmes fairest and freest in Nigeria's political history. When Babangida annulled it on 26th June, a dangerous political stalemate ensured and the accompanying social unrest forced the dictator to 'step aside.' An Interim National Government (INO) was set up and it. was declared illegitimate and unconstitutional by a federal high court. General capitalised on the political impasse and confusion, declared himself Head of State and began his rule without taking an oath of office." He inaugurated the Constitutional Conference on 27 June, 1994 with the mandate "to examine all aspects of the Nigerian state and make recommendations that would put the nation back on course through an enduring democratic polity.,,22 Many wondered then, and are still wondering now, whether a government that has no respect for the rule of law and democratic principles can institute an effective and lasting democracy. Meanwhile during all the political upheavals generated and sustained by continued military rule, political freedom and democratic choice have been ruthlessly suppressed. Using its monopoly of the instruments of coercion, the military has consistently waged war on mass associations and opposition groups, with these either proscribed or their leaders detained without trial. This has led to a demoralising apathy that has alienated millions of Nigerians from the political process. What is left of the political class is a group of sycophants that are bent on using state power for the acquisition of personal wealth. As often happens in totalitarian systems where opposition is not tolerated, the Church becomes the only voice capable of speaking out in favour of democratic governance without fear of incarceration. One notable opposition leader in this regard is the Archbishop of , Dr. Anthony Okogie, who has been described by some as a "reluctant ,,23 politician, Since the beginning of the transition process in the late 1970s, he and the Nigerian Catholic Bishops have demonstrated remarkable courage in their demand for a speedy disengagement of the military from politics. This bold stance has been brought to bear even on the regime of General Sani Abacha, who apparently has succeeded in suppressing almost all opposition to his rule. In September 1994 the Church leaders wrote a memo to the General in response to the heightened The Winds of Change - the Church and Transition Programmes 29 political atmosphere at the time. In a radical departure from their usual practice of simply publishing their memos and communiques, the bishops sent a delegation to deliver the memo personally to Abacha at to make sure that he got the message. Among other things, they urged the Head of State to salvage the sinking nation, to stop polarising it, to check corruption at high places, to release political prisoners, to guarantee freedom of the press, to respect human rights, and to abide by the rule oflaw.24 To underline the fact that their visit was not a "solidarity visit," the Church leaders went bluntly to the point:

The present climate of mutual suspicion and fears, of inhibitions and prohibitions tends to render ineffective any moves and

programmes aimed at installing a lasting and true democracy.... We have had occasion to express our fears about the utility and prospects of [the Constitutional Conference] on which your administration seems to have hinged all its future plans for the nation. We hope that government will insist that the Conference finishes its assignment with utmost despatch, so that the nation can once again resume its determined march towards a democratic good government. We fully endorse your oft-repeated commitment to end military rule. It is time to declare a time frame that will convince Nigerians that the Conference is no ruse for a prolongation of military rule.25

The political events in Nigeria today, more than three years after the bishops' memo have proved that the fears of the Church leaders were not unfounded. The Constitutional Conference was compelled to leave the setting of a time frame for military disengagement to the Abacha government. The true intentions of the military government of General Sani Abacha remained a matter of speculation. Although the military government had agreed to hand over power in 1998, it vehemently insisted on a transition on its terms, where it alone set all the rules. Not only did Abacha not release political prisoners; opposition leaders were excluded from participation in the transition programmes. All the parties critical of the government were not 30 The Winds of Change - the Church and TransitionProgrammes registered. Chief , a notable opposition leader, aptly described the five political parties approved by the Abacha government as the five fmgers of a leprous hand. This is because they were all pro-government and were already calling on Abacha to succeed himself as a civilian president. In the face of all these uncertainties about the political future of the country, the Nigerian Bishops issued more communiques on pressing national issues. These official announcements at the end of their plenary and emergency meetings are apparently the only means open to, them to address the ethical issues involved in politics and governance. So far the military has not given heed to the numerous communiques of the Church leaders. However, there are strong indications that the opposition coming from the Church is increasingly irritating the government and its functionaries. This became evident after the Catholic Bishops Conference issued a much­ publicised communique after its second plenary meeting at Uyo, the Akwa-Ibom State Capital, from 9th to 12th September 1997. In the public statement entitled "Redeeming our Age," the Bishops noted with some degree of consternation that Nigeria is championing the cause of democracy in and Sierra Leone while at home it is sustaining a . Having in mind the principle that charity begins at home, the Church leaders urged the government ''to institute a consistent, sincere, and credible process of democratization in our country.,,26 Taking a bold stance on Abacha's alleged ambition to succeed himself as the next civilian president, the communique went on to say: It is against natural justice and therefore unethical for a military government to take upon itself the role of an independent arbiter and be at the same time a contestant in the same electoral process. Such an action does not provide a climate that is conducive to free and fair elections. We, therefore, urge the government to stop those who indulge in activities that undermine its sincerity and neutrality in the on-going transition process. We condemn the activities of those who are actively campaigning for the leadership of the present military administration to succeed itself in 1998. The Winds of Change - the Church and Transition Programmes 31

st When this communique was read at St. Joseph's Church on 1 October, 1997, as was done in all Churches to mark the 37th anniversary ofNigeria's Independence, the Military Administrator of , CoL , was said to have been so infuriated that he interrupted the reading to deliver a verbal attack on Church leaders whom he advised to "preach the Good News and not to indulge in ,,27 politics. This extremely unusual action in a church service generated a nation-wide outcry and condemnation, and prompted an editorial in The Leader, a church-owned weekly, to wonder if the military was better equipped for politics than the clergy. The single most significant factor in the September 1997 Communique of the Catholic Bishops, and the one that generated all the furore and interest, is the frontal opposition to the alleged ambition of Abacha to succeed himself at the end of the transition programme. By September 1997, not a single candidate had showed interest in running for the presidency, a thing which Walter Carrington, the former US Ambassador to Nigeria, described as a "strange situation in one of the most politically dynamic countries in ,,28 Africa.... The absence of a veritable political opposition instantly conferred on the controversial communique a messianic importance. Amidst the feeling of helplessness and demoralised apathy,. the oppressed masses ofNigeria suddenly heard a respected voice, with shared experiences and visions, speaking on behalf of the people. It is no wonder that the Church leaders have chosen the passage quoted above as their central policy statement on the on-going transition programme. Accordingly, they reproduced it in another communique 29 widely distributed during the Pope's visit to Nigeria in March, Following the bold opposition of the Catholic bishops to Abacha's self-succession bid, other' religious groups have come out with communiques and statements that are strikingly similar in tone and in content. In March 1998, the Christian Association ofNigeria issued a communique that likened Abacha's role in the transition programme to a midwife that suddenly becomes the new born baby. Stressing that such a situation would be "fraudulent and odd", the association went further to urge other members of the present regime not to remain in office beyond October 1.30 Similarly, The Methodist Church of 32 The Winds of Change - the Church and Transition Programmes

Nigeria, Lagos' Diocese, after its 36th annual synod in March condemned the orchestrated campaign to induce Abacha to succeed himself. It described the present transition as "undemocratic ab initio.t" Perhaps, the most formidable voice of dissent heard outside the Church has come from a group of eighteen Northern politicians known as Friends and Compatriots. In a letter to the Head of State in February 1998, they reminded him of the consequences and implications of self-succession. Among other things, they called his attention to his speech on 27 June 1994 while inaugurating the constitutional conference. Part of the speech reads as follows: "We in the present government in Nigeria are committed to ensuring that there is speedy and uninterrupted transition to civil democratic rule in which we shall not be participants.r'f

Preferring Pacifist Means to Effect Change So far Church leaders have carefully avoided utterances that could stir the masses to revolution. In Latin America, where for many decades military dictatorships held the entire continent hostage, the local clergy came up with a "Liberation Theology," which gave the possibility of a doctrine ofviolent revolution a serious consideration. Historically, such a consideration has some antecedents in Christian thought. Faced with the reality of an officially Christian Roman Empire, St. Augustine considered it expedient to formulate the theology of the 'just war." He divided law into two categories: just laws and unjust laws, and maintained that unjust laws are no laws at all. This had very serious implications with regard to the rule of tyrants. But even then, the early Christian communities remained largely pacifist and violence was generally considered a state prerogative. The thinking of Thomas Aquinas in the 13th Century that revolutions against tyrants could be justified did not change this position. For centuries, while secular and artti-clerical revolutions swept Europe, the established churches almost always acted as a conservative force. Only in recent years have radical theologians begun to reconsider the moral implications of revolution, not merely as a choice but indeed as an imperative. The Winds of Change - the Church and Transition Programmes 33

The million-dollar question is whether such a theology can be Christian. Jesus was an extremist and a revolutionary on a morally positive note. The upsetting principle of his new revolution was: "Love your enemies, do good to those who hate you, bless those who curse you, pray for those who treat you badly" (Lk. 6: 27-28). His opposition to violence was made abundantly clear when He said that those who live by the sword will perish by the sword (Mt. 26:51). His most unsettling words on the subject - '''1 have not come to bring peace but the sword" (Mt. 10:34) - has been traditionally interpreted as merely a metaphor of the divisions and conflicts which His teachings would inevitably bring. But a good number of theologians and biblical scholars now do consider a sword-bringing Jesus entirely logical, since Jesus was in fact involved in active resistance to the establishment of his day. These theologians of revolution take their cue mainly from Dietrich Bonhoeffer, the pacifist Lutheran Pastor who finally joined the plot to assassinate Hitler and was executed by the Nazis in 1945. For Bonhoeffer, violent resistance was justifiable only when the government denied its divine commission and by so doing forfeited its claim to obedience. Such a moment, in his opinion, is an extraordinary and apocalyptic one when every act of obedience to the government becomes disobedience to God. In his ethical works, Bonhoeffer maintains that non-violence is the rule for normal times. More often than not, radical Bonhoeffer heirs are not as discriminating as the Lutheran Pastor who became entangled in a collision of conscience with the state. Thankfully, Church leaders in Nigeria sincerely believe that the country has not yet arrived at that extraordinary and apocalyptic moment talked about by Bonhoeffer. Even where they have urged Nigerians to stand firmly in defence oftheir constitution against any subversion by any group, they have always had in mind a Gandhi-like non-violent resistance and a correct and effective use of the ballot box. In 1992, for instance, they reminded the masses of the need to empower themselves:

Your vote is your power and your insurance.... Whatever may be the limitations of our democratic institutions, it is imperative that 34 The Winds of Change - the Church and Transition Programmes

we defend them at all costs. We believe that though our structures may be deficient now, it is only time and sacrifice that can trigger the in-built self-correcting mechanism in these

institutions.... We must decide to start now to have confidence in ourselves to build a lasting and viable democracy. A people's determination cannot be conquered. It is invincible even against guns and tanks, as recent dramatic events elsewhere in the world have clearly shown."

A similar call was made in 1995, when the bishops strongly warned the military administration against an unduly prolonged transition programme. They argued that "a year is long enough for Nigerians to arrive at successful elections, if there is an honest commitment on the part of the present regime.t'" They called on Nigerians to henceforth resist the military's ambition to rule, adding ''the experience of other nations has proved that it is possible to do so, even against tanks and gunS.,,35 The pacifist nature of the above statements, and indeed of subsequent ones, is hardly in doubt. Since the Church leaders see their prophetic mission primarily in pricking the conscience of society, they have managed, albeit reluctantly, to put on a conciliatory tone in dealing with the military government. Their appeal to anxious Nigerians after the annulment of the June 12th elections and at the height of what is perhaps the worst political crisis experienced in Nigeria since the civil war, was for them to "continue to exercise patience while efforts are made to sort things out and restore normalcy." They were confident that the "Lord of history may intervene to change hearts and make the seemingly impossible possible.r'" In the same vein they urged the international community to replace its policy of confrontation with one of "constructive 37 dialogue" with the military government. When the Pope visited Nigeria in March 1998, he endorsed this policy of non-confrontation. "The members of the particular Churches entrusted to your care," he told the Catholic bishops, "are citizens of a nation which must now meet several serious challenges as it attempts to implement political and social change, In this context, ever-greater significance accrues The Winds of Change - the Church and Transition Programmes 35

to your role as leaders ...who recognise the desirability and need for constructive dialogue with all sectors ofsociety regarding the just and solid bases of life in society.,,38 The Holy Father however insisted that such a dialogue should not prevent one from "presenting openly and respectfully the Church's convictions, especially regarding such important matters asjustice and impartialityfor all citizens, respect for human rights, religious freedom and the objective moral truth ,,39 which ought to be reflected in civil legislation. The talk of "constructive dialogue" reminds one of the infamous policy of "constructive engagement" adopted by the Western governments, especially'those of America and Britain, in dealing with the apartheid regime in South Africa. The arguments in favour ofboth cases are strikingly similar, and this suggests that the Church leaders intend by "constructive dialogue" to draw parallels with the case of South Africa. They maintain that sanctions and isolation hurt the ordinary citizens, a claim that was passionately and repeatedly made by the Western governments in the case of the apartheid regime in South Africa. As it were, they do not understand why the same international community chooses to treat Nigeria differently. The irony, however, is that it was sanctions and isolation, and not "constructive engagement," that brought emancipation and democratic freedom to South Africans in the end. As soon as was out of prison, he fervently urged the international community to apply sanctions on his country. His argument was that the oppressed people of South Africa had seen enough suffering already that one last sacrifice that promises. abiding relief is worth making. When the world finally complied, he was proved right.

Towards a-Secular State The religious background of people does not matter to us in the SDP, what

matters is merit.... Let religious leaders look after souls...and the government the body. (ChiefM.K.O. Abiola) One regular feature that has characterised the transition to civil rule programmes in Nigeria is the re-writing of the nation's constitution by the military. India, the world's largest democracy, has had only one constitution since her independence in 1947. This admirable 36 The Winds of Change - the Church and Transition Programmes

record has been possible largely because the military in that country has managed to steer clear of politics in spite of India's endemic political crisis.. Ifthe Draft Constitution of General Abacha is adopted Nigeria shall have had, in addition to previous colonial and republican constitutions, one constitution every ten years since 1979. The proper place ofreligion in the constitution has always generated heated debate between Muslims and Christians in the Constituent Assemblies. The contentious issue has always been the unrelenting effort of Muslims to make Islam the state religion and Shari'a law of the land.40 The 1979 constitution, the one most Nigerians make reference to, leaves no doubts as to the secular nature of the state when it states that "No government shall overtly or covertly give ,,41 preferential treatment to any particularreligion, Yet, it is precisely the preferential treatment given to Islam and the undemocratic alteration ofthis section ofthe constitution that have generated angry reactions from the Christians. With obvious reference to the 1979 Constitution, President Ibrahim Babangida, in a closing message to the CBCN during its plenary meeting in February, 1989, said: "I declare and still stand by this declaration that this Administration will neither adopt any religion as a state religion, nor show favouritism ,,42 towards any religion or religious organisation. Replying on behalf of the Church leaders, Archbishop Anthony Okogie was "deeply grateful" for this "timely assurance.t'" Given the fact that the Constituent Assembly, which was inaugurated in 1988, was ordered to regard the secular nature of the nation as one ofthe "no-go areas" in its deliberations, the religious leaders had good reason to receive Babangida's assurance with gratitude. However, when the 1989 constitution was finally presented to the dictator on 3 May 1989, what the nation got with regard to the secular nature of the state was not what the 540 elected, and 27 appointed, members of the Constituent Assembly had proposed. The clause of the Draft Constitution, which corresponded with Section 10 ofthe 1979 Constitution quoted above, was amended by the 19-member Armed Forces Ruling Council to read: "The government ofthe federation or ofthe state shall not adopt any religion as state religion.v'" This rendering did not rule out the possibility of favouritism and was intended to give some The Winds of Change - the Church and Transition Programmes 37

constitutional backing to the preferential treatment which Islam had hitherto been enjoying. It is the use of the transition agenda to undemocratically modify the content ofthe constitution, especially with regard to the secular nature of the state, that is particularly worrying to the Church leaders. During the review of the constitution in 1988, the Catholic bishops found it necessary to issue the following statement:

We are watching with keen interest the on-going process for the review of our constitution. We consider ourselves competent to give valid advice especially in the constitutional provisions which govern the place ofreligion in our nation. We believe that one of the greatest lessons of the recent past is that religion is a powerful factor in our national life. Its powerful influence can and will be harnessed in a positive direction only if the new constitution leaves no room for doubt and ambiguity as regards the neutrality of government, Federal and State, in matters religious. It should be made clear once and for all that no religion in Nigeria shall any longer enjoy any form of establishment status, either through state recognition, administration and enforcement of its laws, or direct government involvement in its religious functions and observances, or state membership of any of its international religious bodies.f

The statement is a terse reference to the religious polarisation that had gone on in Nigeria since the Second Republic. The provisions of the constitution notwithstanding, the civilian and military governments that have come into being since the first and only successful transition programme in 1979 have shown undisguised tendency to champion the affairs of the Islamic religion. Under President Shagari, a Presidential Advisory Board on Islamic affairs was established. While the Shari'a debate was going on in the late 1970's, the Muslim Student Society ofNigeria (MSS) issued a press release .in which they urged all Muslims, among other things, "to reject any form of compromise which involved limiting the powers ofthe Shari'a Court of Appeal to personal tesev" A Federal Shari'a Court of Appeal 38 The Winds of Change - the Church and Transition Programmes

never materialised, but by Decree 26 of 1987, the Babangida Administration amended the constitution and the word "personal" was removed from the phrase "personal Islamic law," an obvious acquiescence to popular Islamic demand. Archbishop Anthony Okogie was quick to denounce the decree as a ploy to impose Shari'a law on all Nigerians. Furthermore, the appointment of Muslims to key positions in the country and the promulgation of Decree 6 of 1989 creating the Nigerian Pilgrims Commission, which was to cater for the interest of Muslims only, without provision for Christians who also go on pilgrimages, are just a few instances where the government has flouted the constitutional arrangement in favour of a particular religious group. Perhaps, the greatest and most controversial move of the government against the secular nature of the state is the secret registration of Nigeria as a member of the Organisation of Islamic Conference (OIC) in 1986 by the Babangida Administration. In spite of fierce protests from Christians all over the federation, there are no indications that the government has heeded popular demands to rescind Nigeria's membership to OIC. On the contrary, recent events have unmistakably shown that Nigeria is treated as a de facto Islamic country. In May 1997, fu� instance, the Libyan leader, Muammar Ghaddafi, visited Nigeria ostensibly for the commissioning of the Kofar Mata Central Mosque in . In the face of international denunciation of the visit, 's Permanent Representative to the UN, Abuzed Omar Dorda, said that "The visit was a response to an invitation to the leader from African Islamic leaders, who are members ofthe World People's Islamic Leadership, and which is led by Muammar Ghaddafi.?" In Nigeria itself, the event was almost unnoticed by the majority of the Nigerian Christians. Times were when the controversial visit of the Libyan leader would have caused a stair in Nigeria. That no such thing happened is a reflection of the prevailing religious reality in the nation. Prior to the Ghaddafi saga, Nigeria joined seven other Islamic nations in a meeting in Istanbul, Turkey, in January 1997 to form the Developing Eight (D-8). According to the then Turkish Prime Minister, Dr. Nicmettin Erbakan, the architect ofthe organisation, the The Winds of Change - the Church and Transition Programmes 39

D-8 is not a religious group, but rather a body whose raison d'etre is "to develop economic co-operation in the areas of banking, investments and technology between and among the major developing countries of the Third World.,,48 Church leaders were concerned and termed the action "another move to Islamize Nigeria.?" They wondered why frontline developing countries like Brazil, Argentina and Chile were not invited, why Nigeria was represented by Lt. General Mohammed Balarabe, Minister for Industries and a hard-line Muslim, and not by the Foreign Minister, (a Christian), as required by the organisation and complied by the other members.i" Above all, they expressed concern that the issue ofNigeriajoining the D-8 was not discussed by the Provisional Ruling Council. This, they argued, undermined the spirit of democratic governance, ran counter to the secular nature of the Nigerian state, and, most importantly, was capable of derailing the transition programme. It is noteworthy that whereas the military in Turkey goes resolutely and unrelentingly against the intentions of that country's politicians to Islamize the nation, the military in Nigeria is championing, against the wishes of a reasonable cross-section of the citizenry, the cause of Islam. The controversy over the secular nature of the state stems largely from fundamental differences in the understanding of the word "secularism". The Christians have always insisted that given the multi-religious nature of the nation, the state should, to say the least, be neutral or impartial in dealing with the different religious groups. In other words, it should maintain a disposition that allows for "equal ,,51 deal for all religious groups. They do not imply by "secularism" that there should be a "godless" or an "irreligious" state. The Moslems, on the other hand, have tended to interpret secularism in terms of godlessness. To drive this point home, Lateef Adegbite grabbed at the Shorter Oxford Dictionary definition of "secularism" as a doctrine which holds that morality should be based solely on ''the well-being of mankind in this present life to the exclusion of all considerations drawn from belief in God or in a future state.,,52 He argued, therefore, that since Islam is "a religion as well as a system 40 The Winds of Change - the Church and Transition Programmes

of life and government," secularism cannot have a place in Islam.53 Generally, Islamic scholars have always exhibited this tendency to represent Islam both as a religion and as a state. This is at the root of the frequent demand by Muslim fundamentalists in Nigeria for the creation of an Islamic state and accounts for their displeasure over the present constitutional arrangement. The question that must be asked is whether it is possible for theocracy and democracy to coexist in a multi-religious society like Nigeria. Is it democracy when people are treated on the basis of their religious affiliation rather than their human rights? The prevailing conditions in some fundamentalist Islamic states like Afghanistan and Iran invalidate any answer in the affirmative. Those clamouring for an Islamic state in Nigeria have no clear idea of how religious freedom, as guaranteed in the constitution, can be realised in such a state. Some, like Alhaji Gummi, have come up with the naive idea that individuals may practice any religion of their choice provided that they accept "the existence of certain universal but immutable tenets of religion practised by the majority particularly in the Islamic ,,54 faith. Such a .position makes nonsense of religious freedom and lends credence to the Church's insistence on a separation of state and religion. This is because, in the words of Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger, ,,55 "where there is no dualism, there is totalitarianism. So far no Kulturkampf, or any move comparable to Bismarck's efforts to destroy the Church's political and social influence in Germany in the 1870s, has officially taken place in Nigeria. Yet, the rather frequent alterations of the constitution with regard to the secular nature of the state, and the overt Islamisation of the nation portend grave danger for religious freedom in Nigeria. It is obvious that the Muslims have never been comfortable with what they regard as a Christian and western oriented national constitution. Some accounts suggest that their fundamentalist groups are promising the emirs that "they would have those powers restored to them under.an Islamic constitution which they have lost both under the western system of government and under the present constitution.t''" Such a move, if successful, could adversely alter the religious status quo. Church leaders are certainly not oblivious of this danger. Every The Winds of Change - the Church and Transition Programmes 41

transition programme since 1976 has been preceded by a constitutional review, and the present one is no exception. Whatever lies in store in the Draft Constitution for the secular nature of the state, the bishops have long made it sufficiently clear that they would "resist any attempt from whatever source and by whatever means to impede the fundamental rights of Nigerians to freely choose, ,,57 proclaim, practice and propagate the Christian faith.

Conclusion In the work of evangelisation the Church faces many obstacles, yet she does not give in to discouragement. Rather, she continues to bear eloquent witness to her Lord, not only through the spiritual.care which she provides to her own children, but also through her commitment to serving Nigerian society as a whole. (Pope John Paul II)

By all account, the greatest achievement of the on-going transition to civil rule programme in Nigeria is the transformation ofthe Church from a passive participant in the national debate to a vocal and most active player. Irrespective of how the transition programme ends, it is now obvious that the political arena will never be the same again. Never in the history of the nation have Church leaders been so courageous and forceful in defending the rights of the citizens. For this they have recently received a most remarkable and dramatic support from the Holy Father, who interspersed his words of encouragement with a biblical verse: "God did not give us a spirit of timidity but a spirit of power and love and self-control" (2 Tim 1 :7). "My Brothers," he said, "your own ministry - individually to the faithful of your particular Churches and collectively to the nation as a whole - already shows the mark of this spirit, and I wish to confirm your courage and steadfastness so that these may ever remain the hallmarks of your proclamation of the salvation offered in Jesus ,,58 Christ. A comprehensive document on human rights has not yet emerged from the Church's political crusade. However, at a time when the universal Church has accepted blame for its failure to speak out against the horrors of World War Two; at a time when the people of Latin America are castigating their Church for not combating the 42 The Winds of Change - the Church and Transition Programmes

abuses ofmilitary dictatorship in that continent; at a time when the world is still wondering why the Nigerian bishops did not, as a unified body, rise up in protest when atrocities that bordered on genocide were wilfully committed against a section of the Nigerian population during the Civil War, Church leaders in Nigeria have certainly, by their efforts so far, ensured that history does not repeat itselfhere. According to Abraham Joshua Heschel, "what is important in mystical acts is that something happens, what is important in prophetic acts is that something is ,,59 said. True to their prophetic mission, the Church leaders have, in many respects, dictated the tone in the many instances of vocal opposition to the aspects of the transition programme that do not conform to the wishes and aspirations of the masses. However, knowing that human history has never really offered solutions, the Church leaders are looking forward to a conversion, a creation of a new human in a new society. Whether they are advocating for a self-denying leadership, or calling for a committed service in truth, justice and peace, it is this spirit-led renewal that is uppermost in their minds. "The problems," they insist, "are mainly ,,60 spiritual. Spiritual methods are necessary to tackle them. In their last communique aptly entitled "A Call to Holiness and Reconciliation," the Church leaders call on all Nigerians "to pray for our country at this critical time".61 Nothing could be more rewarding to this resolve than the crowning visit of the Holy Father in the last year of the transition programme. But it was not to be: General Sani Abacha suddenly died of heart attack on 8th June 1998, four months to the hand-over date. While the nation was still waiting for the dust raised by the unexpected demise of the dictator to clear, M.K.O. Abiola, the imprisoned president elect, also died suddenly of heart attack a month later. These dramatic events put the transition to civil rule programmes in disarray. While Abiola was still alive, opposition groups were calling for the establishment of a transition government to be headed by him. The Church leaders, on their part, seemed to favour a fresh start, which would involve the creation of new parties and the The Winds of Change - the Church and Transition Programmes 43

holding of fresh elections. Speaking in Austrian television at the beginning of July, Archbishop Albert Obiefuna, the President of the Nigerian Bishops' Conference, said that this could be done in six months if the military so desired. That turned out to be a prophetic utterance. The new Nigerian military leader, General Abubakar, discarded all the transition programmes of the late dictator and announced a new one that will end by May 1999. For the first time in many decades, the Church and the military seem to be speaking with the same voice, and it is left to be seen what this will bring in the end.

1 eBCN, "Communique after its First Plenary Meeting," Lagos, 26 February 1988. 2 OS, 76. 3 Justice in the World, 1971. 4 Ibid. 5 Ecclesia in Africa, 112. 6 See Ibeanyi M. Enwerem, A Dangerous Awakening: The Politicization ofReligion in Nigeria (lbadan: IFRA, 1995). 7 Die katholische Missionen, 6 (1995), p. 204. 8 Some of these titles include: "The Nigeria we want," Sept. 1989; "The Winds of Change in Nigeria," March 1990; "The Church and Political Transition in Nigeria: The March ofa Nation," Oct. 1990: "Authentic National Pride," Feb. 1991: "Save the Nation," Sept. 1991. 9 CBCN: "Communique after an Emergency Plenary Meeting," Enugu, 27 July 1993. 10 The Leader, Sunday, October 26, 1997. 11 For the full text of the Christian Vision of the Future, see "Listen, the Church Speaks: Joint Pastoral Letter of Catholic Bishops of Nigeria," Lagos, 1 October 1985. 12 CBCN: "The Nigeria we want," A Communique at the end ofa Conference in Abuja, 15 September 1989. 13 CBCN: "A Communique at the End of it's First Plenary Meeting," Lagos, 26 February 1988. This reminder has been made since. 1979 and the emphasis placed on the word "duty" is noteworthy. 14 See Elizabeth Isichei, "Seven Varieties of Ambiguity: Some Patterns of Igbo Response to Christian Missions," Journal ofReligion in Africa, III (1970), p. 210. 15 This is clearly brought out by the belatedness with which post-primary education was pursued by the Catholic authorities. For more information on Catholic education policy, see Nicholas Ibeawuchi Omenka, The School in the Service of 44 The Winds of Change - the Church and Transition Programmes

Evangelization: The Catholic Educational Impact in Eastern Nigeria 1886-1950 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1989). 16 See Chris I. Ejizu, "Ethics of Politics in Nigeria: The Christian Perspective," The Nigerian Journal ofTheology, vol. 1, no.4 (1988), p. 36. 17 Quoted in Sunday punch, 6 April 1997. 18 For a fuller account of the adverse effect of military rule on the democratic process, see Pita Ogaba Agbese, "The Military as an Obstacle to the Democratization Enterprise: Towards an Agenda for Permanent Military Disengagement from Politics in Nigeria," Journal ofAsian andAfrican Studies, 31 (June 1996),82-98; Julius Ihonvbere, "Are Things Falling Apart? The Military and the Crisis ofDemocratisation in Nigeria," Journal ofModern African Studies, 34,2 (1996), 193-225; Pita Ogaba Agbese and George Klay Kieh, "Military Disengagement from African Politics: The Nigerian Experience," Afrika Spectrum, 27,1 (1992), 5-23. 19 Quoted in Pita Ogaba Agbese, "The Military as an Obstacle...," p. 88. 20 Quoted in The Leader, December 6, 1992. 21 See Julius Ihonvbere, op. cit. p. 207. 22 Quoted in The Leader, 12 March, 1995. 23 See Omoluyi Ogbeide, Reluctant Politician: Most Reverend Anthony Olubunmi Okogie (Ede: Provincial Pastoral Institute Publications, 1996). 24 CBCN, "Memo to General Sani Abacha," Abuja, 26 September, 1994. 2S Ibid 26 CBCN, "Redeeming Our Age," Communique after the Second Plenary Meeting, UFO, 12 September, 1997. 27 Quoted in The Leader, Sunday, 26 October, 1997. 28 Exclusive Interview in Tell, September 22, 1997, p. 21. 29 See CBCN, "A Call to Holiness and Reconciliation," A Communique issued at the end of its First Plenary Meeting in Onitsha, 3 - 6th March 1998. 30 See The Punch, Friday, March 13, 1998,32. 31 The Punch, Wednesday, April B, 1998, p. 32. 32 Quoted in Newswatch, April 13, 1998, p. 9. 33 CBCN: "The Truth shall make us Free," Communique after a Plenary Meeting, Jos, 11th September, 1992. The reference to "dramatic events elsewhere" is undoubtedly to the popular revolts in the Philippines, Haiti, Iran and South Africa. 34 Quoted in The Leader, 8 October, 1995. 3S Ibid 36 "Public Statement of the Catholic Bishops of Nigeria on the Present Political Crisis," Lagos, 28 June 1993. 37 CBCN, "Redeeming our Age," Communique after its Second Plenary Meeting at Uyo (9th to 12th September 1997). 38 Pope John Paul II, "Address to the Catholic Ordinaries," Abuja, 23 March 1998. The emphasis is not mine. The Winds of Change - the Church and Transition Programmes 45

39 Ibid 40 For details on the Shari'a debate in Nigeria, see Joseph Kenny, "Shari'a and Christianity in Nigeria: Islam and a 'Secular State'," Journal ofReligion in Africa, XXVI (1996), 338 - 364. 41 See Section 10 of the 1979 Constitution. 42 "General Ibrahim B. Babangida to the CBCN," Lagos, 16 February 1989. 43 "Okogie to Babangida," Lagos, 26 February, 1989. 44 This was in'fact the original rendering in the 1976/77 Draft Constitution and which the ruling junta now saw as being more accommodative ofthe position on the ground. 45 CBCN, "Communique at the End of its First Plenary Meeting," Lagos, 26 February 1988. 46 Quoted in Peter B. Clarke / Ian Linden, Islam in Modern Nigeria: A Study ofa Muslim Community in a Post-Independence State, 1960 - 1983 (Meinz: Grunewald, 1984), 167 47 Quoted in The Punch, Wednesday, 21 May, 1997, p. 2 48 Quoted in The Leader, January �6, 1997. 49 Ibid 50 A meeting of OIC took place in Teheran on 6 December 1997. As usual, foreign ministers represented the participating Islamic countries. The Nigerian delegation included not the ForeignMinister, but the Sultan of Sokoto and other selected Muslim dignitaries and officials. 51 W. I. Ofonagoro, ed., The Great Debate: Nigerian Viewpoints on the Draft Constitution 1976177, Lagos, 1978. Quoted in Peter B. Clarke / Ian Linden, op. cit. p.86. 52 Lateef Adegbite, "The Role of Muslim Leaders in the Government ofNigeria" (Paper presented at the twelfth religious studies conference held at the University of Ibadan, from 4 - 7th April, 1978). 53 Ibid 54 Quoted in Peter B. Clarke / Ian Linden, op. cit. p. 81. 55 Quoted in J. 'J. White, "Secularity; Secularism, and the Modem State," The Nigerian Journal of Theology, vol. 1,4 (December 1988), p. 48. 56 Quoted in Peter B. Clarke / Ian Linden, op. cit. p. 79. 57 CBCN? "Peace Through Justice and Love,"· Communique after a Plenary Meeting, Lagos, 18 February, 1989. 58 Pope John Paul II, "Address to the Catholic Ordinaries," Abuja, 23 March 1998. 59 Quoted in Jaroslav Pelikan, Jesus Through the Centuries: His Place in the History ofCulture (New York: Harper & Row, 1987), p. 123. 60 CBCN, "A Communique at the End ora Meeting at C.I.W.A.", , 15 September 1984. 61 CBCN, "A Call to Holiness and Reconciliation," A Communique at the End of its First Plenary Meeting, Onitsha, 6th March 1998.