The Little Door to Hell - Torture and the Ticking Bomb Argument

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Little Door to Hell - Torture and the Ticking Bomb Argument Page | 1 The Little Door to Hell - Torture and the Ticking Bomb Argument by Filip Spagnoli (draft - please do not use without permission) Brussels, March 26, 2009, revision: August 22, 2011 The Little Door to Hell - Torture and the Ticking Bomb Argument | Filip Spagnoli Electronic copy available at: http://ssrn.com/abstract=1407517 Page | 2 Table of Contents 0. Introduction 1. What is torture? 2. What is the ticking bomb argument? 3. Assumptions of the ticking bomb argument 3.1. Assumption 1: A real-life case 3.2. Assumption 2: Knowledge and knowledge about knowledge 3.3. Assumption 3: It works 3.4. Assumption 4: No alternative 3.5. Assumption 5: Exceptional 3.6. Assumption 6: The Greater Good 4. Conclusion References The Little Door to Hell - Torture and the Ticking Bomb Argument | Filip Spagnoli Electronic copy available at: http://ssrn.com/abstract=1407517 "We cannot torture because of who we are". 1 Page | 3 Michael Ignatieff "If torture is the only means of obtaining the informa- tion necessary to prevent the detonation of a nuclear bomb in Times Square, torture should be used - and will be used - to obtain the information. ... no one who doubts that this is the case should be in a position of responsibility." Richard Posner 2 "During numerous public appearances since Septem- ber 11, 2001, I have asked audiences for a show of hands as to how many would support the use of nonle- thal torture in a ticking-bomb case. Virtually every hand is raised." Alan Dershowitz 3 0. Introduction The most astonishing by-product of the events of 9-11 is undoubtedly the renewed legitimacy, in the eyes of many, of some forms of torture. Since many centuries, the most brutal dictators have felt the need to lie and deceive about their torture prac- tices, and now we have political and intellectual leaders of the free world openly arguing in favor of the use of torture in certain cases. The most commonly cited of these cases is the one described in the so-called "ticking bomb argument" (hence- forth TBA). The kind of torture that is supposedly justified by this argument can be characte- rized as benevolent torture, well-intentioned torture, or even moral torture because it is different from torture as it is commonly used by certain oppressive or authori- tarian governments. "Ticking bomb torture" is not a method of terrorizing and sub- jugating a population, and neither is it a form of criminal punishment or a means of establishing innocence or guilt. On the contrary, its declared purpose is to protect the population and to avoid a terrorist attack on civilian targets. It is benevolent tor- 1 In Rebecca Evans (2007), The Ethics of Torture, in Human Rights & Human Welfare, Vol. 7. 2 In The New Republic, September 2002. 3 Alan Dershowitz (2002), Why Terrorism Works, Yale University Press, New Haven & London. The Little Door to Hell - Torture and the Ticking Bomb Argument | Filip Spagnoli ture because its objective is not fear or punishment, but safety and security. It is moral torture because reluctance to engage in it would endanger the lives of inno- cent civilians, and would therefore be immoral. "A society that elects to favor the interests of wrongdoers over those of the innocent, when a choice must be made be- tween the two, is in need of serious ethical rewiring".4 Page | 4 Proponents of the TBA readily agree that they discuss an exceptional case which is unrepresentative of torture in general - most real cases of torture have absolutely nothing to do with the example given in the TBA or fail to conform to the hypo- theses present in the TBA - and which in no way justifies torture that has other, and less benevolent purposes. Yet they believe that this exceptional nature of the case does not render it insignificant or irrelevant. In the setting of a "war on terrorism", it can be extremely important to agree on the soundness of the TBA because no matter how exceptional the case may be, when it occurs it has important conse- quences. A clear agreement on the TBA is necessary in order to save many lives in exceptional cases. I will argue in this paper that the TBA is fundamentally flawed because it is based on a number of untenable assumptions. Moreover, I argue that the TBA, when thought through until its logical conclusions, ends up condoning torture of a much less exceptional and benevolent nature than the torture it started with. In other words, the TBA proves too much. It would not only put us on a "slippery slope" towards ever increasing levels of torture, but also destroy our democracy and free- dom. It is, in the words of the title of this paper, the little door to hell. The TBA tries to force a small opening into an area of human activity that is shielded by a very strong, and perhaps even absolute moral5 and legal6 taboo, and then finds that it has allowed this activity to take over civilization. 1. What is torture? I'll first present a short, operational definition of torture.7 Torture is x The intentional and non-accidental infliction of severe physical - and in some cases mental - pain or suffering8 by one person on another, non- 4 Mirko Bagaric, in The Age, May 17, 2005, http://www.theage.com.au/news/Opinion/A-case-for- torture/2005/05/16/1116095904947.html. 5 Jeremy Waldron, What Are Moral Absolutes Like, Lecture presented at the Annual Lecture for the Harvard Philosophy Club, Cambridge, Massachusetts, April 2011, http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1906850 6 See the United Nations Convention Against Torture: "No exceptional circumstances whatsoever, whether a state of war or a threat of war, internal political in stability or any other public emergency, may be invoked as a justification of torture", (article 2), http://www2.ohchr.org/english/law/cat.htm. 7 Based loosely on the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy lemma on torture, http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/torture/. The Little Door to Hell - Torture and the Ticking Bomb Argument | Filip Spagnoli consenting and defenseless person who may or may not be guilty of a crime. x While assuming complete control over the victim's body and autonomy. x With the purpose of x extracting information (forward-looking) or a confession (back- Page | 5 ward-looking)9 x and/or punishing or degrading the victim x and/or coercing the victim to act in a certain way or believe cer- tain things x and/or terrorizing, intimidating, pacifying or oppressing the vic- tim and/or the wider society. This definition is compatible with, although somewhat wider than, the definition offered in the United Nations Convention Against Torture: "Torture is any act by which severe pain or suffering, whether physical or mental, is intentionally inflicted on a male or female person for such pur- poses as obtaining from him, or a third person, information or a confession, punishing him for an act he or a third person has committed or is suspected of having committed, or intimidating or coercing him or a third person, or for any reason based on discrimination of any kind, when such pain or suf- fering is inflicted by or at the instigation of or with the consent or acquies- cence of a public official or other person acting in an official capacity. It does not include pain or suffering arising only from, inherent in, or inciden- tal to, lawful sanctions".10 These definitions exclude, at first sight, acts of self-defense, masochism or other types of consensual violence, violent acts between combatants in the course of war, "collateral damage" or accidental injuries to civilians in the course of war, some forms of atomic warfare, some forms of corporal punishment and possible other ac- tions as well. Although these actions are not, according to the definitions given above, cases of torture, they may be morally wrong, and perhaps even more so than torture. However, none of this is uncontroversial, and I accept that the definition of torture as described here can be criticized. Nevertheless, I would ask the reader to accept this definition on face value and temporarily, for the duration of my argu- ment. The purpose here is simply to offer a workable definition, not to enter into a philosophical argument on the nature of torture. Such an argument is obviously ne- cessary - especially given the recent attempts, for instance by the Bush Administra- tion, to narrow down the concept of torture in such a way that many acts normally considered to be torture, would become admissible11 - but I consciously sidestep it here because it would distract from the main objective of this paper. 8 An example of mental suffering is a mock execution. 9 See David Luban (2005), Liberalism, Torture, and the Ticking Bomb, in Virginia Law Review, Vol. 91, p. 1436, http://www.virginialawreview.org/content/pdfs/91/1425.pdf. 10 http://www2.ohchr.org/english/law/cat.htm. 11 Take for instance John Yoo's and the Justice Department's infamous definition of torture: "Physical pain amounting to torture must be equivalent in intensity to the pain accompanying serious physical injury, such The Little Door to Hell - Torture and the Ticking Bomb Argument | Filip Spagnoli 2. What is the ticking bomb argument? 12 Page | 6 The TBA has been put forward and defended by many writers and politicians, hence there are many versions. However, they all start with a description of a very particular type of terrorist attack: a ticking bomb has been hidden in a densely po- pulated area and will soon kill thousands or millions if not disarmed, and the au- thorities have captured a terrorist who has either hidden the bomb himself or knows where it has been hidden.
Recommended publications
  • Terrorism - the Efinitd Ional Problem Alex Schmid
    Case Western Reserve Journal of International Law Volume 36 | Issue 2 2004 Terrorism - The efinitD ional Problem Alex Schmid Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/jil Part of the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Alex Schmid, Terrorism - The Definitional Problem, 36 Case W. Res. J. Int'l L. 375 (2004) Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/jil/vol36/iss2/8 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Journals at Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Case Western Reserve Journal of International Law by an authorized administrator of Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. TERRORISM - THE DEFINITIONAL PROBLEM* Alex Schmidt "Increasingly, questions are being raised about the problem of the definition of a terrorist. Let us be wise and focused about this: terrorism is terrorism.. What looks, smells and kills like terrorism is terrorism." - Sir Jeremy Greenstock, British Ambassador to the UnitedNations, in post September 11, 2001 speech' "It is not enough to declare war on what one deems terrorism without giving a precise and exact definition." - PresidentEmile Lahoud,Lebanon (2004)2 "An objective definition of terrorism is not only possible; it is also indispensable to any serious attempt to combat terrorism." - Boaz Ganor,Director of the InternationalPolicy Institutefor Counter- Terrorism3 * Presented at the War Crimes Research Symposium: "Terrorism on Trial" at Case Western Reserve University School of Law, sponsored by the Frederick K. Cox International Law Center, on Friday, Oct. 8, 2004. t The views and opinions expressed in this paper are solely those of the author and do not represent official positions of the United Nations which has not yet reached a consensus on the definition of terrorism.
    [Show full text]
  • Entire Issue (PDF)
    E PL UR UM IB N U U S Congressional Record United States th of America PROCEEDINGS AND DEBATES OF THE 112 CONGRESS, FIRST SESSION Vol. 157 WASHINGTON, WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 9, 2011 No. 20 Senate The Senate was not in session today. Its next meeting will be held on Thursday, February 10, 2011, at 4 p.m. House of Representatives WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 9, 2011 The House met at 10 a.m. and was to our kids and our grandkids and sidies in the agriculture bill for five called to order by the Speaker pro tem- won’t be paid off over 30 years. Some of crops grown in eight States that are in pore (Mr. WEBSTER). this debt will weigh upon the country. surplus and paying people not to grow f But the question is, how do we get things. That’s off-limits. That’s man- there? The deficit this year will be $1.5 datory spending. That can’t be consid- DESIGNATION OF SPEAKER PRO trillion, an unimaginable amount of ered for cuts, paying people to not TEMPORE money, borrowed, a lot of it from grow things. We can’t do away with The SPEAKER pro tempore laid be- China, and that is just virtually that. We’re going to borrow the money fore the House the following commu- unfathomable. so they can get paid to not grow nication from the Speaker: Now, they’re going to dink around es- things. sentially and pretend they’re doing WASHINGTON, DC, All right. Well, how about the oil February 9, 2011.
    [Show full text]
  • Constitution Betrayed: Free Expression, the Cold War, and the End of American Democracy
    - 1 - Constitution Betrayed: Free Expression, the Cold War, and the End of American Democracy Stephen M. Feldman, Housel/Arnold Distinguished Professor of Law and Adjunct Professor of Political Science, University of Wyoming I. Republican Democracy and Free Expression A. An Emphasis on Balance B. Changing Conceptions of Virtue and the Common Good: Corporations and Laissez Faire II. Pluralist Democracy Saves the United States and Invigorates Free Expression A. American Democracy Transforms: Reconciling the Public and Private B. Pluralist Democratic Theory: Free Expression Becomes a Constitutional Lodestar III. Pluralist Democracy Evolves: Free Expression, Judicial Conservatism, and the Cold War A. The Early-Cold War, Free Expression, and Moral Clarity B. The Flip Side of the Cold War: Liberty and Equality in an Emerging Consumers’ Democracy 1. Civil Rights and Democracy 2. Capitalism and Democracy IV. Democracy, Inc., and the End of the Cold War A. The Rise of Democracy, Inc.: An Attack on Government B. The Roberts Court in Democracy, Inc. V. Constitution Betrayed VI. Conclusion: Should We Praise or Blame the Framers? Constitution Betrayed: Free Expression, the Cold War, and the End of American Democracy This is a story of the Cold War and the betrayal of the American democratic-capitalist system.1 But the perpetrators of this iniquity are not Communists. Rather, they are the conservative justices of the Roberts Court. Their names are John Roberts, Antonin Scalia, Clarence Thomas, Samuel Alito, and Anthony Kennedy. ______________________________ 1Many sources focus on the Cold War. Some helpful ones include the following: H.W. Brands, The Devil We Knew: Americans and the Cold War (1993); Greg Castillo, Cold War on the Home Front (2010); Richard B.
    [Show full text]
  • THE PRESIDENT WHO TORE DOWN THAT WALL by William Inboden I
    THE PRESIDENT WHO TORE DOWN THAT WALL By William Inboden I. The most famous four words of the Cold War almost went unsaid. When President Ronald Reagan stood at the Brandenburg Gate and demanded “Mr. Gorbachev, Tear down this Wall!,” he did so over the fierce resistance of his own Chief of Staff, the State Department, and National Security Council staff. For weeks leading up to the speech, Secretary of State George Shultz, Deputy National Security Advisor Colin Powell, and their respective staffs had expunged the offending words from multiple versions of the speech. Only to have Reagan himself, with the support of his speechwriters Tony Dolan and Peter Robinson, reinsert it each time. The comments from State Department and NSC staff on early speech drafts give a flavor of the criticism of the imprecation against the Wall—and of other strong words Reagan planned to say. This “won’t fly with Germ[ans]. Not sentimental people.” “Seems silly as edited.” “This must come out. West Germans do not want to see East Germans insulted.” “Weak.” Needs “concrete ideas to sentimental fluff.” Too much “emphasis on good guys/bad guys.”1 These objections were more than aesthetic. Behind them lay the substantive concerns of many foreign policy experts, not entirely without warrant, that Reagan should not challenge Gorbachev too directly and thus risk alienating or weakening the Soviet leader. And that the speech could damage relations with allies, especially West Germany; that it could raise false hopes and thus hurt America’s credibility; even that it could destabilize the delicate new reform equilibrium emerging in the Cold War.
    [Show full text]
  • George W. Bush: Policy, Politics, and Personality James P
    4157Long_Edwards_ch09p161-181 10/24/03 1:57 PM Page 161 CHAPTER 9 George W. Bush: Policy, Politics, and Personality NNN James P. Pfiffner The School of Public Policy George Mason University During his time in office, President George W. Bush demonstrated impressive lead- ership skills.1 He was able to overcome the lack of a mandate in the 2000 election and convince Congress to pass a large tax cut. He continued to press his policy agenda when the terrorist attacks of 9-11 transformed his presidency and reoriented its focus. The war on terrorism in Afghanistan was prosecuted effectively, with the Taliban being overthrown and Al Qaeda driven out of the country. The broader success of the war was mixed, however; as of the summer of 2003 Osama Bin Laden was not captured, the terrorist threat of Al Qaeda was not eliminated, and Afghan- istan remained unstable. In an impressive display of political leadership in 2002 President Bush was able to overcome the skepticism of the professional military in the United States, the op- position of much of the world, and the lack of support from the UN Security Council and take the United States to war with Iraq in order to depose Saddam Hussein. The war ended within three weeks, though the attempt to install a legitimate successor government was to take much longer. Over this period, President Bush has exhibited several patterns of behavior that provide some insight into his policy choices. He has shown a preference for moral certainty over strategic calculation; a tendency for vis- ceral reaction rather than reflection; a preference for clarity rather than complexity; a bias toward action rather than deliberation; and a preference for the personal over the structural or procedural.2 Bush exuded confidence and moral certainty and ex- hibited no evidence of self doubt or ambivalence about major decisions.
    [Show full text]
  • The Meaning of the Global War on Terror in Post-9/11 U.S. Presidential Discourse
    University of Tennessee, Knoxville TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange Doctoral Dissertations Graduate School 12-2017 Never Forget: The Meaning of the Global War on Terror in Post-9/ 11 U.S. Presidential Discourse Landon Shane Bevier University of Tennessee, Knoxville, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_graddiss Part of the Criminology Commons Recommended Citation Bevier, Landon Shane, "Never Forget: The Meaning of the Global War on Terror in Post-9/11 U.S. Presidential Discourse. " PhD diss., University of Tennessee, 2017. https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_graddiss/4734 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. It has been accepted for inclusion in Doctoral Dissertations by an authorized administrator of TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. For more information, please contact [email protected]. To the Graduate Council: I am submitting herewith a dissertation written by Landon Shane Bevier entitled "Never Forget: The Meaning of the Global War on Terror in Post-9/11 U.S. Presidential Discourse." I have examined the final electronic copy of this dissertation for form and content and recommend that it be accepted in partial fulfillment of the equirr ements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, with a major in Sociology. Michelle Brown, Major Professor We have read this dissertation and recommend its acceptance: Lois Presser, Harry Dahms, Patrick Grzanka, Roger Murphy Accepted for the Council: Dixie L. Thompson Vice Provost and Dean of the Graduate School (Original signatures are on file with official studentecor r ds.) Never Forget: The Meaning of the Global War on Terror in Post-9/11 U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Congressional Record—Senate S11262
    S11262 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — SENATE November 9, 2009 COLLAPSE OF THE BERLIN WALL of the 1979 takeover of the U.S. Em- I think of Ed and Marybeth Mr. KYL. Mr. President, on this 20th bassy in Tehran. Still, the White House Edmondson, whose son Eric was the anniversary of the Berlin Wall’s col- failed to use the opportunity to make victim of a traumatic brain injury in lapse, I would like to say a few words the moral case for freedom over totali- Iraq. Ed quit his job, his wife gave hers about the Cold War and the lessons we tarian oppression. In a message to the up, and they moved in the house to should take from it. White House, demonstrators could be take care of Eric and his wife and little It is often said that President Ronald heard chanting: ‘‘Either you’re with baby. That is their life, their commit- Reagan won the Cold War without fir- them, or you’re with us.’’ ment to them. ing a shot, and that is true. Unfortu- The President’s decision on how to I tell you these stories this week as nately, the current administration respond should be easy: the administra- we celebrate Veterans Day because I seems to have forgotten the over- tion should stand with democracy and believe these caregivers deserve some- use this opportunity to underline the arching lesson of President Reagan’s thing special from us, from the Amer- moral failings of Iran’s dictatorship. legacy. ican people, and from our government. Anthony Dolan, chief speechwriter Reagan’s predecessor had urged That is why I picked up a bill intro- for President Reagan, wrote in the Americans to abandon their inordinate duced by Senator Hillary Clinton that Wall Street Journal today: fear of communism, but Reagan was provides a helping hand for caregivers Reagan spoke formally and repeatedly of such as those I have just described.
    [Show full text]
  • And Our Political Leaders – Don't Know About the Middle East
    Foreign Policy Research Institute FOOTNOTES Vol. 16, No. 11 The Newsletter of FPRI’s Wachman Center December 2011 WHAT OUR STUDENTS – AND OUR POLITICAL LEADERS – DON’T KNOW ABOUT THE MIDDLE EAST By Adam Garfinkle Adam Garfinkle is Editor of The American Interest magazine and a member of FPRI’s Board of Advisors. This essay is based on his talk to FPRI’s History Institute for Teachers on “Teaching the Middle East: Between Authoritarianism and Reform,” held October 15-16, 2011. Videofiles from the conference can be accessed here: http://www.fpri.org/education/1110middleeast/ My topic tonight is how we should teach our children, here in the United States, about the Middle East. I was asked to give this little talk in part because I wrote two pieces for FPRI in the wake of September 11, 2001. The first, written just a few days after the event, was a kind of summation of what had just happened that focused on President Bush's plea for moral clarity, which featured in the President's first major address after the attacks. I had to point out that achieving moral clarity, at least so far as policy was concerned, was not going to be easy because at least two and probably three countries with which the United States was technically allied––namely Saudi Arabia, Pakistan and Egypt––were the countries whose policies were most responsible for what happened on September 11. Yet of course we had to go to war not with any of them, but with Afghanistan, or rather the Taliban regime in Afghanistan, because that was the prudent thing to do at the time.
    [Show full text]
  • The End of American Exceptionalism by Andrew J. Bacevich
    153 BOOK REVIEW Geoffrey P. MacDonald The Limits of Power: The End of American Exceptionalism. by Andrew J. Bacevich New York: Metropolitan Books, 2008. Andrew Bacevich is angry. He has tirelessly criticized a war that has raged on longer than World War II. As a self-proclaimed conservative and Vietnam veteran, his anti-Iraq War activism is uniquely cogent. On the campus of Boston University, where he teaches International Relations, Bacevich is a folk hero, lending his unimpeachable credentials to the left-leaning inclinations of his students. But his activism has not stopped the war. It didn’t stop his son, Army First Lieutenant Andrew Bacevich, Jr., from being deployed to Iraq. And it didn’t stop 27-year-old Andrew from being killed-in-action in May of 2007. Andrew Bacevich is angry. As he well should be. The Limits of Power: The End of American Exceptionalism is written at the nexus of Bacevich’s conservative principles and his untempered rage at the Bush Administration’s reckless militancy. Dedicated to the memory of his son, this iconoclastic text leaves few unscathed: Congress is occu- pied by “narcissistic hacks;” Former Secretary of State Madeline Albright is “obtuse;” and Bacevich approvingly quotes General Tommy Franks’ description of former Bush defense aide Douglas Feith as “the stupidest fucking guy on the planet.” Even Ronald Reagan – sacred cow of the modern conservative movement – is termed the “prophet of profligacy.” At a slim 180 pages, The Limits of Power is a provocative and lucid call for a return to conservatism in American foreign policy.
    [Show full text]
  • The End of the Cold War: Can American Constitutionalism Survive Victory?
    University of Wyoming College of Law Law Archive of Wyoming Scholarship Faculty Articles UW College of Law Faculty Scholarship 8-13-2015 The End of the Cold War: Can American Constitutionalism Survive Victory? Stephen Matthew Feldman University of Wyoming College of Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.uwyo.edu/faculty_articles Recommended Citation Feldman, Stephen Matthew, "The End of the Cold War: Can American Constitutionalism Survive Victory?" (2015). Faculty Articles. 128. https://scholarship.law.uwyo.edu/faculty_articles/128 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the UW College of Law Faculty Scholarship at Law Archive of Wyoming Scholarship. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Articles by an authorized administrator of Law Archive of Wyoming Scholarship. The End of the Cold War: Can American Constitutionalism Survive Victory? STEPHEN M. FELDMAN* TABLE OF CONTENTS I. Introduction................ ........ 262 II. Pluralist Democracy Evolves: Free Expression, Judicial Conservatism, and the Cold War.......... ............ 268 A. The Early Cold War, Free Expression, and Moral Clarity......268 B. The Flip Side of the Cold War: Liberty and Equality in an Emerging Consumers' Democracy........... ........ 275 1. Civil Rights and Democracy.......... .......... 275 2. Capitalism and Democracy......... ......... 282 III. Democracy, Inc., and the End of the Cold War.......................297 A. The Rise of Democracy, Inc.: An Attack on Government......300 B. The Roberts Court in Democracy, Inc............ ....... 314 IV. Why We Should Worry About Democracy, Inc.....................324 V. Conclusion.....................................337 Jerry W. Housel/Carl F. Arnold Distinguished Professor of Law and Adjunct Professor of Political Science, University of Wyoming.
    [Show full text]
  • A PERSISTENT FIRE the Strategic Ethical Impact of World War I
    A PERSISTENT A PERSISTENT FIRE The Strategic Ethical Impact of World War I The Strategic Ethical Impact of World War I World Ethical of Strategic The Impact FIon the GlobalR Profession of EArms on the Global Profession of Arms of the Profession Global on Edited by Timothy S. Mallard and Nathan H. White A PERSISTENT FIRE A PERSISTENT The Strategic Ethical Impact of World War I FIon the GlobalR Profession of EArms Edited by Timothy S. Mallard and Nathan H. White National Defense University Press Washington, D.C. 2019 Published in the United States by National Defense University Press. Portions of this book may be quoted or reprinted without permission, provided that a standard source credit line is included. NDU Press would appreciate a courtesy copy of reprints or reviews. Opinions, conclusions, and recommendations expressed or implied within are solely those of the contributors and do not necessarily represent the views of the Department of Defense or any other agency of the Federal Government. Cleared for public release; distribution unlimited. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: International Military Ethics Symposium (2018 : Washington, D.C.), author. | Mallard, Timothy S., editor. | White, Nathan H., editor. | National Defense University Press, issuing body. Title: A persistent fire : the strategic ethical impact of World War I on the global profession of arms / edited by Timothy S. Mallard and Nathan H. White. Other titles: Strategic ethical impact of World War I on the global profession of arms Description: Washington, D.C. : National Defense University Press, [2020] | "The International Military Ethics Symposium occurred from July 30 through August 1, 2018 ..
    [Show full text]
  • Moral Clarity in a Time of War George Weigel
    Moral Clarity in a Time of War George Weigel George Weigel is Senior Fellow of the Ethics and Public Policy Center in Washington, D.C. This essay is adapted from the Center’s William E. Simon Lecture and the Pope John XXIII Lecture at the Catholic University of America Law School. In Book Three of Tolstoy’s epic, War and Peace, the hero, Pierre Bezukhov, arrives at the battlefield of Borodino to find that the fog of war has descended, obscuring everything he had expected to be clear. There is no order, there are no familiar patterns of action, all is contingency. He could not, Count Bezukhov admits, “even distinguish our troops from the enemy’s.” And the worst is yet to come, for once the real fighting begins, chaos takes over in full. From the Iliad to Tolstoy and beyond, that familiar trope, “the fog of war,” has been used to evoke the millennia–old experience of the radical uncertainty of combat. The gut–wrenching opening scenes of Saving Private Ryan brought this ancient truth home to a new generation of Americans: in even the most brilliantly planned military campaign, such as the Allied invasion of Normandy, contingency is soon king, and overcoming it draws on a man’s deepest reserves of courage and wit. Some analysts, however, take the trope of “the fog of war” a philosophical step further and suggest that warfare takes place beyond the reach of moral reason, in a realm of interest and necessity where moral argument is a pious diversion at best and, at worst, a lethal distraction from the deadly serious business at hand.
    [Show full text]