The Little Door to Hell - Torture and the Ticking Bomb Argument
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Terrorism - the Efinitd Ional Problem Alex Schmid
Case Western Reserve Journal of International Law Volume 36 | Issue 2 2004 Terrorism - The efinitD ional Problem Alex Schmid Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/jil Part of the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Alex Schmid, Terrorism - The Definitional Problem, 36 Case W. Res. J. Int'l L. 375 (2004) Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/jil/vol36/iss2/8 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Journals at Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Case Western Reserve Journal of International Law by an authorized administrator of Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. TERRORISM - THE DEFINITIONAL PROBLEM* Alex Schmidt "Increasingly, questions are being raised about the problem of the definition of a terrorist. Let us be wise and focused about this: terrorism is terrorism.. What looks, smells and kills like terrorism is terrorism." - Sir Jeremy Greenstock, British Ambassador to the UnitedNations, in post September 11, 2001 speech' "It is not enough to declare war on what one deems terrorism without giving a precise and exact definition." - PresidentEmile Lahoud,Lebanon (2004)2 "An objective definition of terrorism is not only possible; it is also indispensable to any serious attempt to combat terrorism." - Boaz Ganor,Director of the InternationalPolicy Institutefor Counter- Terrorism3 * Presented at the War Crimes Research Symposium: "Terrorism on Trial" at Case Western Reserve University School of Law, sponsored by the Frederick K. Cox International Law Center, on Friday, Oct. 8, 2004. t The views and opinions expressed in this paper are solely those of the author and do not represent official positions of the United Nations which has not yet reached a consensus on the definition of terrorism. -
Entire Issue (PDF)
E PL UR UM IB N U U S Congressional Record United States th of America PROCEEDINGS AND DEBATES OF THE 112 CONGRESS, FIRST SESSION Vol. 157 WASHINGTON, WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 9, 2011 No. 20 Senate The Senate was not in session today. Its next meeting will be held on Thursday, February 10, 2011, at 4 p.m. House of Representatives WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 9, 2011 The House met at 10 a.m. and was to our kids and our grandkids and sidies in the agriculture bill for five called to order by the Speaker pro tem- won’t be paid off over 30 years. Some of crops grown in eight States that are in pore (Mr. WEBSTER). this debt will weigh upon the country. surplus and paying people not to grow f But the question is, how do we get things. That’s off-limits. That’s man- there? The deficit this year will be $1.5 datory spending. That can’t be consid- DESIGNATION OF SPEAKER PRO trillion, an unimaginable amount of ered for cuts, paying people to not TEMPORE money, borrowed, a lot of it from grow things. We can’t do away with The SPEAKER pro tempore laid be- China, and that is just virtually that. We’re going to borrow the money fore the House the following commu- unfathomable. so they can get paid to not grow nication from the Speaker: Now, they’re going to dink around es- things. sentially and pretend they’re doing WASHINGTON, DC, All right. Well, how about the oil February 9, 2011. -
Constitution Betrayed: Free Expression, the Cold War, and the End of American Democracy
- 1 - Constitution Betrayed: Free Expression, the Cold War, and the End of American Democracy Stephen M. Feldman, Housel/Arnold Distinguished Professor of Law and Adjunct Professor of Political Science, University of Wyoming I. Republican Democracy and Free Expression A. An Emphasis on Balance B. Changing Conceptions of Virtue and the Common Good: Corporations and Laissez Faire II. Pluralist Democracy Saves the United States and Invigorates Free Expression A. American Democracy Transforms: Reconciling the Public and Private B. Pluralist Democratic Theory: Free Expression Becomes a Constitutional Lodestar III. Pluralist Democracy Evolves: Free Expression, Judicial Conservatism, and the Cold War A. The Early-Cold War, Free Expression, and Moral Clarity B. The Flip Side of the Cold War: Liberty and Equality in an Emerging Consumers’ Democracy 1. Civil Rights and Democracy 2. Capitalism and Democracy IV. Democracy, Inc., and the End of the Cold War A. The Rise of Democracy, Inc.: An Attack on Government B. The Roberts Court in Democracy, Inc. V. Constitution Betrayed VI. Conclusion: Should We Praise or Blame the Framers? Constitution Betrayed: Free Expression, the Cold War, and the End of American Democracy This is a story of the Cold War and the betrayal of the American democratic-capitalist system.1 But the perpetrators of this iniquity are not Communists. Rather, they are the conservative justices of the Roberts Court. Their names are John Roberts, Antonin Scalia, Clarence Thomas, Samuel Alito, and Anthony Kennedy. ______________________________ 1Many sources focus on the Cold War. Some helpful ones include the following: H.W. Brands, The Devil We Knew: Americans and the Cold War (1993); Greg Castillo, Cold War on the Home Front (2010); Richard B. -
THE PRESIDENT WHO TORE DOWN THAT WALL by William Inboden I
THE PRESIDENT WHO TORE DOWN THAT WALL By William Inboden I. The most famous four words of the Cold War almost went unsaid. When President Ronald Reagan stood at the Brandenburg Gate and demanded “Mr. Gorbachev, Tear down this Wall!,” he did so over the fierce resistance of his own Chief of Staff, the State Department, and National Security Council staff. For weeks leading up to the speech, Secretary of State George Shultz, Deputy National Security Advisor Colin Powell, and their respective staffs had expunged the offending words from multiple versions of the speech. Only to have Reagan himself, with the support of his speechwriters Tony Dolan and Peter Robinson, reinsert it each time. The comments from State Department and NSC staff on early speech drafts give a flavor of the criticism of the imprecation against the Wall—and of other strong words Reagan planned to say. This “won’t fly with Germ[ans]. Not sentimental people.” “Seems silly as edited.” “This must come out. West Germans do not want to see East Germans insulted.” “Weak.” Needs “concrete ideas to sentimental fluff.” Too much “emphasis on good guys/bad guys.”1 These objections were more than aesthetic. Behind them lay the substantive concerns of many foreign policy experts, not entirely without warrant, that Reagan should not challenge Gorbachev too directly and thus risk alienating or weakening the Soviet leader. And that the speech could damage relations with allies, especially West Germany; that it could raise false hopes and thus hurt America’s credibility; even that it could destabilize the delicate new reform equilibrium emerging in the Cold War. -