The Bishop in the Latin West 600–1100
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This is a repository copy of The bishop in the Latin West 600–1100. White Rose Research Online URL for this paper: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/94465/ Version: Accepted Version Proceedings Paper: Barrow, J (2018) The bishop in the Latin West 600–1100. In: Höfert, A, Mesley, M and Tolino, S, (eds.) Celibate and Childless Men in Power: Ruling Eunuchs and Bishops in the Pre-Modern World. The Gender of Authority. Celibate and Childless Men in Power: Ruling Bishops and Ruling Eunuchs, 400-1800, 28-30 Aug 2013, Zurich, Switzerland. Routledge , pp. 43-64. ISBN 9781472453402 © 2018 the Author. This is an Accepted Manuscript of a book chapter published by Routledge in Celibate and Childless Men in Power: Ruling Eunuchs and Bishops in the Pre-Modern World on 15 August 2017, available online: http://www.routledge.com/9781472453402. Uploaded in accordance with the publisher's self-archiving policy. Reuse Items deposited in White Rose Research Online are protected by copyright, with all rights reserved unless indicated otherwise. They may be downloaded and/or printed for private study, or other acts as permitted by national copyright laws. The publisher or other rights holders may allow further reproduction and re-use of the full text version. This is indicated by the licence information on the White Rose Research Online record for the item. Takedown If you consider content in White Rose Research Online to be in breach of UK law, please notify us by emailing [email protected] including the URL of the record and the reason for the withdrawal request. [email protected] https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/ Julia Barrow The Bishop in the Latin West 600-11001 At first sight there might seem little in common between medieval bishops and the eunuchs who played such prominent roles in Arab, Indian, Chinese and Ottoman courts. Church law was cautious about admitting castrated men to ordination: from the Council of Nicaea (325) onwards those who had had themselves castrated in order to live lives of greater asceticism were rejected for ordination, and while those who had been castrated against their will were not prevented from being ordained, in practice it was relatively unusual for castrated men to be ordained in either the Western or the Eastern church.2 Furthermore, unlike many of the court eunuchs featuring in other chapters in this volume, very few bishops spent any time as slaves. Instead, they were almost always freeborn, and indeed were often of noble birth;3 furthermore, they were usually not exiles, though some had left their homelands as a form of voluntary asceticism (peregrinatio).4 These important differences apart, however, there were ways in which bishops in the medieval west did resemble court eunuchs further to the east in the Eurasian land-mass. First of all, from the end of the fourth century onwards, bishops were supposed to renounce sexual relations within marriage on being elevated to the episcopate, and by the end of the sixth century it was becoming usual for the clergy (including future bishops) to be recruited in boyhood, making it easier for their superiors to discourage them from marriage.5 There were exceptions to this: in Ireland and England, for example, clerical dynasties were a common feature of society down to the twelfth century. However, in most of western 1 Many of the quoted sources have been edited in various series of the Monumenta Germaniae Historica (abbreviated as MGH). In this chapter, the full (but sometimes confusing) titles of the MGH-editions are quoted for non-specialists while the abbreviated version is added. These abbreviations are the best way in order to identify a quoted volume. They can be found online at www.dmgh.de, together with the digitalised editions (open access). 2 Robert Muth, “Kastration,” in Reallexikon für Antike und Christentum, ed. Franz-Joseph Dölger, Theodor Klauser et al. (Stuttgart: Hiersemann, 2004) 20: 285-342, esp. 325-6. 3 From early on, canon law was opposed to the ordination of slaves, but ordaining slaves freed by their masters was permitted: Robert Godding, Prêtres en Gaule mérovingienne (Brussels: Société des. Bollandistes, 2001), 85- 90. On the noble origins of many bishops, see footnote 22 below. 4 Cf. James T. Palmer, Anglo-Saxons in a Frankish World, 690-900 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2009), 59-76, and Rachel Stone, “Spiritual heirs and families: episcopal relatives in early medieval Francia,” in this volume. 5 Godding, Prêtres en Gaule mérovingienne, 110-54; see also Stone, this volume. 50 Europe for most of the period 600-1100 (and beyond) it was relatively unusual for bishops to have legitimate offspring. Episcopal celibacy was also a requirement in the Eastern Church, which unlike the Western Church did not reject marriage for priests. Like eunuchs, bishops often drew on their family relationships to create surrogate father-son bonds, and the relatives most likely to be drawn into these surrogate bonds were their nephews. The Role of the Bishop in the Medieval West Before embarking on an examination of how medieval bishops built up uncle-nephew relationships, it would be useful to supply some background information about the activities, functions and the raison d’être of bishops in the medieval west.6 Their roles were varied, spanning politics, law, cultural patronage and the supervision of education as well as their principal role, the spiritual oversight of the Christian faithful in the territories (dioceses) for which they were responsible.7 Bishops in the Western Church in the middle ages were part of a much longer tradition. Much of their role is only explicable in terms of the history of the Church over the longue durée, though some of it was conditioned by the political and social circumstances of their time and place: we can start with the longer-term characteristics and then turn to the features specific to the 600-1100 period. 6 For modern re-examination of these roles, see especially Timothy Reuter, “Ein Europa der Bischöfe: Das Zeitalter Burchards von Worms,” in Bischof Burchard von Worms 1000-1025, ed. Wilfried Hartmann, Quellen und Abhandlungen zur mittelrheinische Geschichte 100 (Mainz: Gesellschaft für mittelrheinische Kirchengeschichte, 2000), 1–28. This article has been translated into English as “A Europe of bishops: the age of Wulfstan of York and Burchard of Worms,” in Patterns of Episcopal Power: Bishops in Tenth and Eleventh Century Western Europe, ed. Ludger Körntgen and Dominik Waßenhoven, Prinz-Albert-Forschungen 6 (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2011), 17-38. See also Stephan Patzold, Episcopus: Wissen über Bischöfe im Frankenreich des späten 8. bis frühen 10. Jahrhunderts, Mittelalter-Forschungen 25 (Ostfildern: Thorbecke, 2008); John S. Ott and Anna Trumbore Jones, eds., The Bishop Reformed: Studies in Episcopal Power and Culture in the Central Middle Ages, (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2007); Maureen C. Miller, Clothing the Clergy: Virtue and Power in Medieval Europe, c. 800-1200 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2014). 7 On dioceses as territorial spaces in the Middle Ages, see Florian Mazel, L’espace du diocèse: Genèse d’un territoire dans l’Occident médiéval (Ve-XIIIe siècle) (Rennes: Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2008). 51 Bishops trace their origins to the apostles, Christ’s disciples after the Crucifixion.8 As the spiritual successors to the apostles, chosen by members of the church, at least in theory, and consecrated by the laying on of hands, they have overall responsibility for the spiritual health of Christian believers; the term “bishop”, which derives from the Greek episkopos or overseer, conveys a sense of this duty. From early on, bishops were based in individual cities, each responsible for a single community;9 since each city within the Roman Empire (where most though not all of the early church was situated) exercised political authority over a fixed territory, this pattern came to be replicated in ecclesiastical organisation, and by the later fourth century the term dioikesis, which originated as a term in civil administration, had begun to be used to mean an ecclesiastical territory, a diocese.10 Bishops were supposed to respect each other’s territories and not intervene unless invited by the local diocesan or unless commanded to do so by a group of bishops acting as a council. Certain cities, notably Rome, had a particular seniority as patriarchates and their bishops had especial authority; since Rome was the only patriarchate in the western church the pattern of ecclesiastical authority in the west became more monarchical than in the east, though this took some time to evolve fully.11 Bishops had disciplinary authority over all the clergy of their diocese, who were theoretically supposed to remain within the diocese in which they had been ordained unless they received written permission to travel from their diocesan.12 Their authority over laypeople was more limited, since with respect to the laity the law of the church (canon law) chiefly concerned sexual behaviour and questions 8 The emergence of the episkopos as the leading figure in each local church largely occurred in the second century: Wayne A. Meeks, “Social and ecclesial life of the earliest Christians,” in Origins to Constantine, vol. 1 of The Cambridge History of Christianity, ed. Margaret M. Mitchell and Frances M. Young (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 145-73, and particularly 153-4; Stuart George Hall, “Institutions in the pre-Constantinian ecclesia,” ibid., 415-33, especially 417-21. In general see Claudia Rapp, Holy Bishops in Late Antiquity: the Nature of Christian Leadership in an Age of Transition (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005). 9 Raymond van Dam, “Bishops and society,” in Constantine to c. 600, vol. 2 of The Cambridge History of Christianity, ed. Augustine Casiday and Frederick W. Norris (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 343-66, especially 344-57.