WF Massey Through the Lens of Environmental History
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Bromley Cemetery Guide
Bromley Cemetery Tour Compiled by Richard L. N. Greenaway June 2007 Block 1A Row C No. 33 Hurd Born at Hinton, England, Frank James Hurd emigrated with his parents. He worked as a contractor and, in 1896, in Wellington, married Lizzie Coker. The bride, 70, claimed to be 51 while the groom, 40, gave his age as 47. Lizzie had emigrated on the Regina in 1859 with her cousin, James Gapes (later Mayor of Christchurch) and his family and had already been twice-wed. Indeed, the property she had inherited from her first husband, George Allen, had enabled her second spouse, John Etherden Coker, to build the Manchester Street hotel which bears his name. Lizzie and Frank were able to make trips to England and to Canada where there dwelt Lizzie’s brother, once a member of the Horse Guards. Lizzie died in 1910 and, two years later, Hurd married again. He and his wife lived at 630 Barbadoes Street. Hurd was a big man who, in old age he had a white moustache, cap and walking stick. He died, at 85, on 1 April 1942. Provisions of Lizzie’s will meant that a sum of money now came to the descendants of James Gapes. They were now so numerous that the women of the tribe could spend their inheritance on a new hat and have nothing left over. Block 2 Row B No. 406 Brodrick Thomas Noel Brodrick – known as Noel - was born in London on 25 December 1855. In 1860 the Brodricks emigrated on the Nimrod. As assistant to Canterbury’s chief surveyor, J. -
From Legislative Machine to Representative Forum? Procedural Change in the New Zealand Parliament in the Twentieth Century
From legislative machine to representative forum? Procedural change in the New Zealand parliament in the twentieth century John E Martin* This article analyses procedural developments in the New Zealand parliament in the twentieth century to assess the shifting balance between government and parliament. A previous article in this journal documented how the government began to move to centre stage by the late nineteenth century. 1 This shift was consolidated in the first half of the twentieth century. A similar transition was evident in the British House of Commons and in other parliaments as the powers of the central state were extended: ‘A traditionally obstructive [legislative] procedure ... was transformed into a procedure which facilitated constructive criticism of the financial and legislative proposals of politically responsible governments, whilst severely restricting the opportunities of private Members to legislate.’2 This change was associated with a diminishing role for backbench private members and a strengthening of political party organisation in parliament. In New Zealand this came about at the turn of the twentieth century as the decayed factional system of politics was replaced by that of parties. (Previously political leaders assembled loose groups of supporters — factions — which gave them majorities in the House of Representatives. This form of politics broke down during the depression of the 1880s.) Associated with this change there was a gradual tacit recognition that the nature of obstruction of business should change as both governing and opposition parties considered that their work in parliament was orientated more towards the business of governing (and winning elections) than to demonstrating parliamentary independence. -
Antitrust Policy in New Zealand: the Beginning of a New Era
Antitrust Policy In New Zealand: The Beginning of a New Era by Rex J. Ahdart The Commerce Act of 1986 marked the beginning of a new era in New Zealand antitrustpolicy. Earlier in the twentieth century, the legislature had attempted to solve the problems of monopoly with piecemeal legislationL The election of the Labour Party Government and the signing of the Closer Eco- nomic Relations Treaty with Australia in the early 1980s provided the impetus for the adoption of the Commerce Act of 1986. The Act represents New Zea- land's most comprehensive antitrust regime yet. The author first provides a brief history of New Zealand antitrust law before 1986. He discusses the policy debates behind the enactment of the Com- merce Act of 1986 and its reform in the Commerce Amendment Act of 1990. The author then outlines the scope of the Act and discusses its principalprohibi- tions. The author analyzes the New Zealandcourts' construction of the Act in light of the policy issues that prompted its enactment and reform, and discusses the resulting implicationsfor the future of antitrustin New Zealand. Finally, the authorprovides in depth illustrationsof the New Zealand courts' reasoning in two cases in which the courts construed major provisions of the Act. I. INTRODUCTION ............................................ 330 A. The Early Years ....................................... 331 B. "The Dark Ages" ...................................... 333 II. THE MODERN ERA: THE COMMERCE ACT OF 1986 .......... 335 A. R ationale .............................................. 335 B. R eform ............................................... 336 C Enforcement ........................................... 338 1. Public Enforcement: The Commerce Commission ..... 338 2. Private Enforcement ................................ 340 D. The Significance of Competition Law Today .............. 341 III. -
Treaty and Method’ by Bernard Cadogan
‘Treaty and Method’ by Bernard Cadogan This seminar is entitled “Treaty and Method” by way of demonstrating two things. Firstly where New Zealand is with the Treaty compared with other indigenous rights polities; secondly to argue that the question is not so much who and what interprets the Treaty but how it is interpreted. The wisest judges and historians, the most experienced statespersons and officials are only as good as their procedures are, for working with the Treaty. And by how I refer to the means used to interpret, not the conclusions. I give fair warning however‐ I am going to use three words from ancient Greek, used in Law‐writing, constitutionalism and political philosophy. I am sorry for that, but it can’t be helped. I would rather make you party to what I am thinking by owning up to what I am borrowing from current discourse, than hide behind synonyms. These terms are:‐ Autochthony Hermeneutics Phronesis Autochthony and Indigeneity The first term is autochthony or autochthonous. It means sprung or derived from the soil of a country. 1It is used to speak of a state or government (or people) originally introduced to a country by colonization. It does not mean indigenous. I accept the Canadian definitions of indigeneity, that Chief Justice Antonio Lamer made, 2which the Metis leader Louis Chartrand affirms, 3that indigeneity is the state of affairs when the state or Crown assumes effective sovereignty over a territory and people in it, thereby crystallizing native title. A settler successor state is never indigenous then. Some modern states in what became OECD post‐British polities did exist that were indigenous in origin, usually from the alliance of unifying warlords and chieftains with traders and missionaries. -
(2017) Perceptively Noted in This Book, While the Gallipoli Campaign
136 New Zealand Journal of History, 51, 2 (2017) perceptively noted in this book, while the Gallipoli campaign holds a special place in the collective memory of Turkey, Australia and New Zealand, ‘this history is neither a single nor a simple one’ (p.34). NOTES 1 Peter Stanley, Quinn’s Post, Anzac, Gallipoli, Allen & Unwin, Sydney, 2005, p.xix. The historian who made the comment about the research grants was Robin Prior. 2 For a detailed report on the May 2015 conference see Peter Stanley, ‘Headphones, genocide and Fanta: Reflections on the Canakkale Gallipoli conference, Honest History, 4 August 2015, http://honesthistory.net.au/wp/canakkale-gallipoli-conference-reflections-2015/ GLYN HARPER Massey University The Broken Decade: Prosperity, Depression and Recovery in New Zealand 1928–39. By Malcolm McKinnon. Otago University Press, Dunedin, 2016. 556pp. NZ price: $49.95. ISBN: 9781927322260. THE BROKEN DECADE is a comprehensive history of the period between 1928 and 1939 and will likely become the standard account of the era. Whereas popular (as distinct from scholarly) memories of the era tend to see it as a ‘slump’ beginning in 1929 which was only rectified when Labour rescued and rebuilt New Zealand after being elected in 1935 (echoing, in popular memory at least, the Liberals who revived New Zealand after the ‘Long Depression’), McKinnon is much more nuanced in his analysis. His book is structured around four key phases: an ‘Indian Summer’ between 1928 and 1930 when high export prices and public works spending made for a relatively buoyant economy; a slump in export earnings and a crisis of rising unemployment between 1930 and 1933, accompanied by cuts to wages, public works and, perhaps most controversially, a devaluation of the currency; a partial recovery between 1933 and 1935; and, finally, a fuller recovery under the Labour government, albeit one followed by a financial crisis in 1938 which was only averted by the outbreak of World War Two. -
A Shifting Balance: Parliament, the Executive and the Evolution of Politics in New Zealand *
A Shifting Balance: Parliament, the executive * and the evolution of politics in New Zealand John E. Martin ** Abstract The reforms to the New Zealand Parliament of the 1980s and 1990s shifted the balance between executive and legislature away from the former. Through much of the twentieth century the executive had dominated. This article looks at an earlier period when the balance between the executive and legislature was strikingly different. It describes the shift towards greater executive dominance in three respects important to the functioning of Parliament — parliamentary expenditure, the impact of political parties and electoral politics, and increased government control over business in the House of Representatives. Introduction In a modern society in which government assumes a central place it is easy to take it for granted that Parliament provides the jousting ground for ‘continuous election campaigns’ that allow governments to demonstrate their prowess and Oppositions to put forward an alternative and to examine and criticise current policy. The recent adoption of mixed-member proportional representation (MMP) as New Zealand’s electoral system has broadened this combative atmosphere between contending groups so that a range of parties touts their wares, but it has not deflected the long- term trend towards the electorate and away from the arena of the chamber in which the country’s representatives are gathered. Instead, the continuous election campaign orientation has spread beyond the chamber and into select committees. MMP has undermined the sense of assurance of governments that an unproblematic majority would emerge out of elections and that this would be sustained through a full parliamentary term. -
Confidential: for Review Only
BMJ Confidential: For Review Only Does the stress of politics kill? An observational study comparing premature mortality of elected leaders to runner-ups in national elections of 8 countries Journal: BMJ Manuscript ID BMJ.2015.029691 Article Type: Christmas BMJ Journal: BMJ Date Submitted by the Author: 02-Oct-2015 Complete List of Authors: Abola, Matthew; Case Western Reserve University School of Medicine, Olenski, Andrew; Harvard Medical School, Health Care Policy Jena, Anupam; Harvard Medical School, Health Care Policy Keywords: premature mortality, politics https://mc.manuscriptcentral.com/bmj Page 1 of 46 BMJ 1 2 3 Does the stress of politics kill? An observational study comparing accelerated 4 5 6 mortality of elected leaders to runners-up in national elections of 17 countries 7 8 Confidential: For Review Only 9 10 1 2 3 11 Andrew R. Olenski, B.A., Matthew V. Abola, B.A., , Anupam B. Jena, M.D, Ph.D. 12 13 14 15 1 Research assistant, Department of Health Care Policy, Harvard Medical School, 180 16 Longwood Avenue, Boston, MA 02115. Email: [email protected] . 17 18 2 19 Medical student, Case Western Reserve University School of Medicine, 2109 Adelbert 20 Rd., Cleveland, OH 44106. Phone: 216-286-4923; Email: [email protected]. 21 22 3 Associate Professor, Department of Health Care Policy, Harvard Medical School, 180 23 24 Longwood Avenue, Boston, MA 02115; Tel: 617-432-8322; Department of Medicine, 25 Massachusetts General Hospital, Boston, MA; and National Bureau of Economic 26 Research, Cambridge, MA. Email: [email protected]. 27 28 29 30 31 Corresponding author from which reprints should be requested: 32 33 Anupam Jena, M.D., Ph.D. -
No 90, 6 December 1935, 3629
Jumb. 90. 3629 THE NEW ZEALAND GAZETTE EXTRAORDINARY. WELLINGTON, FRIDAY, DEOEMBER 6, 1935. Resignation of Member8 of the Executive Council and of Members of Executive C011,ncil appointed. Ministers. Executive Council Chambers, Wellington, 6th December, 1935. IS Excellency the Governor-General has been pleased to> H appoint- Official Secretary's Office, The Honourable MICHAEL JOSEPH SAVAGE; Government House, The Honourable PETER FRASER; Wellington, 6th December, 1935. The Honourable WALTER NASH; The Honourable DANIEL GILES SULLIVAN; IS Excellency the Governor-General has been pleased to The Honourable HENR,Y GREATHEAD REX MASON; accept the resignation of- H The Honourable HUBERT THOMAS ARMSTRONG; The Right Honourable GEORGE WILLIAM FORBES, hold The Honourable ROBERT SEMPLE; ing a seat in the Executive Council, and the offices of The Honourable WILLIAM EDWARD PARRY; Prime Minister, Minister of Railways, Native Minister, The Honourable PATRICK CHARLES WEBB; Minister of External Affairs, Minister for the Cook The Honourable FREDERICK JONES; Islands, and Attorney-General; The Honourable WILLIAM LEE MARTIN; The Honourable FRANK LANGSTONE; and The Right Honourable JOSEPH GORDON COATES, M.C., The Honourable MAR,K FAGAN; holding a seat in the Executive Council, and the offices to be members of the Executive Council of the Dominion of of Minister of Finance, Minister of Customs, Minister New Zealand; and the above-named gentlemen have taken of Stamp Duties, and Minister of Transport; the oath of office accordingly. C. A. JEFFERY, The Honourable Sir ETHELBERT ALFRED RANSOM, Clerk of the Executive Council. K.C.M.G., holding a seat in the Executive Council, and the offices of Minister of Lands, and Commissioner JJIinisters appointed. -
Government in New Zealand, 1940–511
4 An Age of the Mandarins? Government in New Zealand, 1940–511 John R . Martin The passage of more than half a century allows us to view the period following the end of the Second World War until the 1950s genuinely as history. Research materials, principally in archives, are supplemented by official histories, and biographies, with a few interviews enriching the story. I have been struck by the number of leading public servants of the period who were still in office during the 1950s and 1960s and who influenced the public service in which I spent 35 years. I was privileged to have known a number of them. In this chapter, after sketching the political and economic situation in New Zealand in 1945, I identify two principal challenges – managing the economy and national development – facing the Labour Government led by Peter Fraser. I also examine changes in organising government business made after the National Government came to office late in 1949. I then describe briefly the state of the public service as New Zealand emerged from the war. I consider the role played by several prominent public servants – a team to set against the Seven Dwarfs – and reflect on what we know about their working relationships with ministers. In essence, the picture is, first, of a group of outstanding and long-serving public servants who worked very closely with Prime Minister Fraser and his deputy, Walter Nash, the minister of finance, through the war and afterwards. With the change of government in 1949, the close, personal and somewhat haphazard methods of working under Labour were succeeded by a more conventional (in the Westminster model) relationship between ministers and officials, conducted within a more formal machinery for the handling of Cabinet business – a change sought unsuccessfully by officials when the Labour Government was in office.2 1 In writing this chapter I have benefited greatly from discussions with Dr Brian Easton, Professor Gary Hawke, Sir Frank Holmes and Mr Noel Lough. -
Correspondence
Correspondence CLASS IN NEW ZEALAND* I ACCEPT Mr Campbell's correction, in 'The Working Class and the Liberal Party in 1890', that all of the 'radical Liberals' elected in that year did not join the Liberals (Fish and Fisher threw in their fortunes with the Opposition and both suffered defeat in 1893). I also agree that skilled working men could and did often become masters but did not discuss this question in my article because it bore no relation to Professor Oliver's osmotic trilogy, although I made a brief and general comment on the matter (p. 52, n. 33). Apart from these two points Mr Campbell appears to have deployed his knowledge of the politics of this period to no great end: first, he adds little to the debate (and much of that is suspect); second, he attributes to me views and statements that I never advanced (partly by confusing me with Sam Lister); and third, he advances points made by me in a manner which implies correction. Anybody interested can read my earlier article and keep Mr Campbell's by their side (and, for that matter, Professor Oliver's essay and his rejoinder to me). Although Mr Campbell did not read carefully my remarks about the land issue in the nineteenth century his item of evidence, Sir Joseph Ward's table, can only persuade those anxious for persuasion. There happen to be statistical methods for sampling and while historians must often make do with unsatis- factory evidence little weight can be placed on a sample 'taken promiscuously from the records'. -
The Business of Parliament in History.Pdf
The business of Parliament in history June 2010 In the past 150 years the way in which Parliament has conducted its business has changed greatly. The length of time Parliament sits, the hours it sits for, and the ways it deals with business are very different now from in the past. This is the result of the changing role of Parliament and its MPs. An MP from the 1850s who stepped into the twenty-first century chamber would find it a very unfamiliar place indeed. (This paper looks at the House of Representatives although much of the discussion applies equally to the upper house of the Legislative Council which existed from 1854 until 1950.) 1. Sessions and sittings Today Parliament works all-year-round. In the past Parliament was usually summoned mid-year to approve the following year’s money. Sessions were annual in those days. They would last two or three months over the winter. This was the slack time for farms and businesses and 1 suited many MPs. By the end of the nineteenth century sessions extended into December as parliamentary business expanded. For much of the twentieth century the traditional mid-year opening remained. With business increasing, daily sittings became long and arduous and there was a tremendous rush of business at the end of the session. Many less important bills had to be dumped at the last minute. From 1984 the traditional sessional pattern was abandoned as a result of pressure to start earlier and for the session to have periodic adjournments to cater better for family life. -
Crimes of Torture Amendment Bill
A shifting balance: Parliament, the executive and the evolution of politics in New Zealand John E. Martin This paper is reproduced with permission as published in the Australasian Parliamentary Review, vol 21, no 2, Spring 2006 Abstract: The reforms to the New Zealand Parliament of the 1980s and 1990s shifted the balance between executive and legislature away from the former. Through much of the twentieth century the executive had dominated. This article looks at an earlier period when the balance between the executive and legislature was strikingly different. It describes the shift towards greater executive dominance in three respects important to the functioning of Parliament — parliamentary expenditure, the impact of political parties and electoral politics, and increased government control over business in the House of Representatives. Introduction In a modern society in which government assumes a central place it is easy to take it for granted that Parliament provides the jousting ground for ‘continuous election campaigns’ that allow governments to demonstrate their prowess and Oppositions to put forward an alternative and to examine and criticise current policy. The recent adoption of mixed-member proportional representation (MMP) as New Zealand’s electoral system has broadened this combative atmosphere between contending groups so that a range of parties touts their wares, but it has not deflected the long-term trend towards the electorate and away from the arena of the chamber in which the country’s representatives are gathered. Instead, the continuous election campaign orientation has spread beyond the chamber and into select committees. MMP has undermined the sense of assurance of governments that an unproblematic majority would emerge out of elections and that this would be sustained through a full parliamentary term.