Refusal of Assent – a Hidden Element of Constitutional History in New Zealand
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Bromley Cemetery Guide
Bromley Cemetery Tour Compiled by Richard L. N. Greenaway June 2007 Block 1A Row C No. 33 Hurd Born at Hinton, England, Frank James Hurd emigrated with his parents. He worked as a contractor and, in 1896, in Wellington, married Lizzie Coker. The bride, 70, claimed to be 51 while the groom, 40, gave his age as 47. Lizzie had emigrated on the Regina in 1859 with her cousin, James Gapes (later Mayor of Christchurch) and his family and had already been twice-wed. Indeed, the property she had inherited from her first husband, George Allen, had enabled her second spouse, John Etherden Coker, to build the Manchester Street hotel which bears his name. Lizzie and Frank were able to make trips to England and to Canada where there dwelt Lizzie’s brother, once a member of the Horse Guards. Lizzie died in 1910 and, two years later, Hurd married again. He and his wife lived at 630 Barbadoes Street. Hurd was a big man who, in old age he had a white moustache, cap and walking stick. He died, at 85, on 1 April 1942. Provisions of Lizzie’s will meant that a sum of money now came to the descendants of James Gapes. They were now so numerous that the women of the tribe could spend their inheritance on a new hat and have nothing left over. Block 2 Row B No. 406 Brodrick Thomas Noel Brodrick – known as Noel - was born in London on 25 December 1855. In 1860 the Brodricks emigrated on the Nimrod. As assistant to Canterbury’s chief surveyor, J. -
From Legislative Machine to Representative Forum? Procedural Change in the New Zealand Parliament in the Twentieth Century
From legislative machine to representative forum? Procedural change in the New Zealand parliament in the twentieth century John E Martin* This article analyses procedural developments in the New Zealand parliament in the twentieth century to assess the shifting balance between government and parliament. A previous article in this journal documented how the government began to move to centre stage by the late nineteenth century. 1 This shift was consolidated in the first half of the twentieth century. A similar transition was evident in the British House of Commons and in other parliaments as the powers of the central state were extended: ‘A traditionally obstructive [legislative] procedure ... was transformed into a procedure which facilitated constructive criticism of the financial and legislative proposals of politically responsible governments, whilst severely restricting the opportunities of private Members to legislate.’2 This change was associated with a diminishing role for backbench private members and a strengthening of political party organisation in parliament. In New Zealand this came about at the turn of the twentieth century as the decayed factional system of politics was replaced by that of parties. (Previously political leaders assembled loose groups of supporters — factions — which gave them majorities in the House of Representatives. This form of politics broke down during the depression of the 1880s.) Associated with this change there was a gradual tacit recognition that the nature of obstruction of business should change as both governing and opposition parties considered that their work in parliament was orientated more towards the business of governing (and winning elections) than to demonstrating parliamentary independence. -
The Comparative Politics of E-Cigarette Regulation in Australia, Canada and New Zealand by Alex C
Formulating a Regulatory Stance: The Comparative Politics of E-Cigarette Regulation in Australia, Canada and New Zealand by Alex C. Liber A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Health Services Organizations and Policy) in The University of Michigan 2020 Doctoral Committee: Professor Scott Greer, Co-Chair Assistant Professor Holly Jarman, Co-Chair Professor Daniel Béland, McGill University Professor Paula Lantz Alex C. Liber [email protected] ORCID iD: 0000-0001-7863-3906 © Alex C. Liber 2020 Dedication For Lindsey and Sophia. I love you both to the ends of the earth and am eternally grateful for your tolerance of this project. ii Acknowledgments To my family – Lindsey, you made the greatest sacrifices that allowed this project to come to fruition. You moved away from your family to Michigan. You allowed me to conduct two months of fieldwork when you were pregnant with our daughter. You helped drafts come together and were a constant sounding board and confidant throughout the long process of writing. This would not have been possible without you. Sophia, Poe, and Jo served as motivation for this project and a distraction from it when each was necessary. Mom, Dad, Chad, Max, Julian, and Olivia, as well as Papa Ernie and Grandma Audrey all, helped build the road that I was able to safely walk down in the pursuit of this doctorate. You served as role models, supports, and friends that I could lean on as I grew into my career and adulthood. Lisa, Tony, and Jessica Suarez stepped up to aid Lindsey and me with childcare amid a move, a career transition, and a pandemic. -
Politician Overboard: Jumping the Party Ship
INFORMATION, ANALYSIS AND ADVICE FOR THE PARLIAMENT INFORMATION AND RESEARCH SERVICES Research Paper No. 4 2002–03 Politician Overboard: Jumping the Party Ship DEPARTMENT OF THE PARLIAMENTARY LIBRARY ISSN 1328-7478 Copyright Commonwealth of Australia 2003 Except to the extent of the uses permitted under the Copyright Act 1968, no part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means including information storage and retrieval systems, without the prior written consent of the Department of the Parliamentary Library, other than by Senators and Members of the Australian Parliament in the course of their official duties. This paper has been prepared for general distribution to Senators and Members of the Australian Parliament. While great care is taken to ensure that the paper is accurate and balanced, the paper is written using information publicly available at the time of production. The views expressed are those of the author and should not be attributed to the Information and Research Services (IRS). Advice on legislation or legal policy issues contained in this paper is provided for use in parliamentary debate and for related parliamentary purposes. This paper is not professional legal opinion. Readers are reminded that the paper is not an official parliamentary or Australian government document. IRS staff are available to discuss the paper's contents with Senators and Members and their staff but not with members of the public. Published by the Department of the Parliamentary Library, 2003 I NFORMATION AND R ESEARCH S ERVICES Research Paper No. 4 2002–03 Politician Overboard: Jumping the Party Ship Sarah Miskin Politics and Public Administration Group 24 March 2003 Acknowledgments I would like to thank Martin Lumb and Janet Wilson for their help with the research into party defections in Australia and Cathy Madden, Scott Bennett, David Farrell and Ben Miskin for reading and commenting on early drafts. -
Bathgate Was Born on 10 August 1809 at Edinburgh, Scotland, the Son of Frances Hamilton Macdowall and Her Husband, Alexander Bathgate
John Bathgate was born on 10 August 1809 at Edinburgh, Scotland, the son of Frances Hamilton Macdowall and her husband, Alexander Bathgate. His father had been a skinner, but rose to become a teacher in the day school at Peebles. Because John's mother had died when he was five, he was raised by his father and his second wife, Janet Campbell. After education at the Royal High School and the University of Edinburgh, Bathgate joined his father at Peebles as the assistant teacher. He then taught himself land surveying, worked in an estate office and, after a token apprenticeship and footing the bill for a sumptuous supper for his examiners, was admitted as a writer (solicitor) in 1835. Over the next 28 years Bathgate took every opportunity that came his way. From his first professional task – administering a poor fund – he never declined a post, no matter how onerous the duties or how poor the remuneration. Alongside such roles as secretary of the Peeblesshire Prison Board, procurator fiscal and town clerk, he founded a newspaper, the Peeblesshire Monthly Advertiser and Tweedshire Journal, pioneered a private railroad from Edinburgh to Peebles, founded the Peeblesshire Savings Investment Society, and managed the Peebles branch of the Union Bank of Scotland. Bathgate conducted his diverse affairs to the detriment of his health and the neglect of his family. On 6 April 1842 he had married Anne Cairns Anderson at Edinburgh; they had two daughters and two sons before Anne Bathgate died in 1851 shortly after the premature birth of a son, who survived only briefly. -
Tokelau the Last Colony?
Tokelau The last colony? TONY ANGELO (Taupulega) is, and long has been, the governing body. The chairman (Faipule) of the council and a village head ITUATED WELL NORTH OF NEW ZEALAND and (Pulenuku) are elected by universal suffrage in the village SWestern Samoa and close to the equator, the small every three years. The three councils send representatives atolls of Tokelau, with their combined population of about to form the General Fono which is the Tokelau national 1600 people, may well be the last colony of New Zealand. authority; it originally met only once or twice a year and Whether, when and in what way that colonial status of advised the New Zealand Government of Tokelau's Tokelau will end, is a mat- wishes. ter of considerable specula- The General Fono fre- lion. quently repeated advice, r - Kirlb•ll ·::- (Gifb•rr I•) The recently passed lbn•b'a ' ......... both to the New Zealand (Oc: ..n I} Tokelau Amendment Act . :_.. PMtnb 11 Government and to the UN 1996- it received the royal Committee on Decoloni • •• roltfl•u assent on 10 June 1996, and 0/tlh.g• sation, that Tokelau did not 1- •, Aotum•- Uu.t (Sw•ln•J · came into force on 1 August 1 f .. • Tllloplol ~~~~~ !•J.. ·-~~~oa wish to change its status ~ ~ 1996 - is but one piece in ' \, vis-a-vis New Zealand. the colourful mosaic of •l . However, in an unexpected Tokelau's constitutional de change of position (stimu- velopment. lated no doubt by external The colonialism that factors such as the UN pro Tokelau has known has posal to complete its been the British version, and decolonisation business by it has lasted so far for little the year 2000), the Ulu of over a century. -
Stakeholder Engagement Strategies for Designating New Zealand Marine Reserves
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by ResearchArchive at Victoria University of Wellington Stakeholder engagement strategies for designating New Zealand marine reserves: A case study of the designation of the Auckland Islands (Motu Maha) Marine Reserve and marine reserves designated under the Fiordland (Te Moana o Atawhenua) Marine Management Act 2005 Thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Development Studies at Victoria University of Wellington By James Mize Victoria University of Wellington 2007 "The use of sea and air is common to all; neither can a title to the ocean belong to any people or private persons, forasmuch as neither nature nor public use and custom permit any possession thereof." -Elizabeth I of England (1533-1603) "It is a curious situation that the sea, from which life first arose should now be threatened by the activities of one form of that life. But the sea, though changed in a sinister way, will continue to exist; the threat is rather to life itself." - Rachel Carson , (1907-1964) The Sea Around Us , 1951 ii Abstract In recent years, marine reserves (areas of the sea where no fishing is allowed) have enjoyed increased popularity with scientists and agencies charged with management of ocean and coastal resources. Much scientific literature documents the ecological and biological rationale for marine reserves, but scholars note the most important consideration for successful establishment reserves is adequate involvement of the relevant stakeholders in their designation. Current guidance for proponents of marine reserves suggests that to be successful, reserves should be designated using “bottom-up” processes favouring cooperative management by resource-dependent stakeholders, as opposed to “top-down” approaches led by management agencies and international conservation organizations. -
Pastoralist and Maoris, Frederick Weld
Pastoralist and Maoris FREDERICK WELD AT WHAREKAKA TRAVELLERS motoring into present-day Martinborough and taking time to observe the countryside traversed by the main road may pause to read an Historic Places Trust sign some ten kilometres south of the township. The placard marks the site of Wharekaka, the first sheep station to be established in the Wairarapa valley and the first of three properties belong- ing to one of the most successful pastoral partnerships in early New Zealand history. This article seeks to examine one of the least well docu- mented aspects of early pastoralism in the Wairarapa, the nature of rela- tions between the squatters and the local Maori people, the Ngati Kahungungu. by focussing in some detail on Frederick Weld's experiences and reactions during his first year in the valley. The study is important, first, for the insight it gives into a relatively neglected area of cultural contact in early New Zealand history. Second, the experiences and atti- tudes formulated during the first year in the valley help to explain the native policy pursued by Weld when minister of native affairs and premier, and the origin of the 'self-reliant' defence policy which marked his premiership in 1864-65. Weld was a most unlikely pioneer. Born into a prominent West Country Catholic family, twenty-year-old Frederick had arrived in Port Nicholson on St George's Day 1844 with a modest sum of gold sovereigns, and New Zealand Company land orders for one town and one hundred country acres in the settlement. In outward appearance this genteel and devout 'handsome blue-eyed aristocrat',1 with his long brown curling hair, slim build and history of delicate health, seemed singularly ill-fitted for the rigours of any kind of rough pioneering life. -
Māori Land and Land Tenure in New Zealand: 150 Years of the Māori Land Court
77 MĀORI LAND AND LAND TENURE IN NEW ZEALAND: 150 YEARS OF THE MĀORI LAND COURT R P Boast* This is a general historical survey of New Zealand's Native/Māori Land Court written for those without a specialist background in Māori land law or New Zealand legal history. The Court was established in its present form in 1865, and is still in operation today as the Māori Land Court. This Court is one of the most important judicial institutions in New Zealand and is the subject of an extensive literature, nearly all of it very critical. There have been many changes to Māori land law in New Zealand since 1865, but the Māori Land Court, responsible for investigating titles, partitioning land blocks, and various other functions (some of which have later been transferred to other bodies) has always been a central part of the Māori land system. The article assesses the extent to which shifts in ideologies relating to land tenure, indigenous cultures, and customary law affected the development of the law in New Zealand. The article concludes with a brief discussion of the current Māori Land Bill, which had as one of its main goals a significant reduction of the powers of the Māori Land Court. Recent political developments in New Zealand, to some extent caused by the government's and the New Zealand Māori Party's support for the 2017 Bill, have meant that the Bill will not be enacted in its 2017 form. Current developments show once again the importance of Māori land issues in New Zealand political life. -
Immigration During the Crown Colony Period, 1840-1852
1 2: Immigration during the Crown Colony period, 1840-1852 Context In 1840 New Zealand became, formally, a part of the British Empire. The small and irregular inflow of British immigrants from the Australian Colonies – the ‘Old New Zealanders’ of the mission stations, whaling stations, timber depots, trader settlements, and small pastoral and agricultural outposts, mostly scattered along the coasts - abruptly gave way to the first of a number of waves of immigrants which flowed in from 1840.1 At least three streams arrived during the period 1840-1852, although ‘Old New Zealanders’ continued to arrive in small numbers during the 1840s. The first consisted of the government officials, merchants, pastoralists, and other independent arrivals, the second of the ‘colonists’ (or land purchasers) and the ‘emigrants’ (or assisted arrivals) of the New Zealand Company and its affiliates, and the third of the imperial soldiers (and some sailors) who began arriving in 1845. New Zealand’s European population grew rapidly, marked by the establishment of urban communities, the colonial capital of Auckland (1840), and the Company settlements of Wellington (1840), Petre (Wanganui, 1840), New Plymouth (1841), Nelson (1842), Otago (1848), and Canterbury (1850). Into Auckland flowed most of the independent and military streams, and into the company settlements those arriving directly from the United Kingdom. Thus A.S.Thomson observed that ‘The northern [Auckland] settlers were chiefly derived from Australia; those in the south from Great Britain. The former,’ he added, ‘were distinguished for colonial wisdom; the latter for education and good home connections …’2 Annexation occurred at a time when emigration from the United Kingdom was rising. -
THE Mackillop PROVOCATION
THE MacKILLOP PROVOCATION HE CANONISATION of Mary often was in earlier days, an expression of sec- MacKillop is a powerful and very pub- tarianism—opposition to one Church from Tlic assertion of Christian faith and other Churches. The ecumenical movement Catholic beliefs. It is a big event for Christi- has instilled mutual respect among the anity in Australia. Predictably, it is provoking Churches in Australia. a deal of heated criticism. We Catholics seem Anti-Catholicism now finds its source deep to have a special knack for stirring the cul- within the general Australian culture. What we tural pot. How good or bad is that, I wonder? Catholics are so publicly banging on about Possibly a bit of both. contradicts much of what passes for Mary MacKillop was a person who lived commonsense and wisdom in Australia today. by very Australian values. She was a woman Hence the canonisation of Mary MacKillop who supported the poor and underprivileged, and all that the event encapsulates is a provo- one of the common people, a woman who dis- cation, an in-your-face celebration of beliefs played great fortitude in face of ill-treatment that do not fit comfortably in contemporary by authority. She is a person that all Austral- Australia, and which seriously annoy many ians can appreciate. people. One has only to keep an eye on the But it is a very Catholic thing to have her columns and comments in The Sydney Morn- canonised and that does not go down well with ing Herald to see ample evidence of the fact. -
New Zealand Experience: the Twaty of Waitangi
New Zealand Experience: The Twaty Of Waitangi Alan Ward The main point The main point I wish to advance in this paper is that no matter how finely worded a treaty might be, it will not be effective unless there is a broad political consensus to make it effective. Professor Brij La1 has shown in his paper that despite the meticulous care and widespread consulta- tion that underlay the making of the 1997 Fijian constitution, it was abro- gated by force by sections of Fijian society who were not fundamentally in sympathy with it. Much the same can be argued in respect of the Treaty of Waitangi in New Zealand. When proposals for a treaty with the Aboriginal people began to be mooted in the 1970s it was commonly argued in Australia (as indeed it still is) that the situation of Maori in New Zealand was markedly better than that of Aborigines in Australia, because Maori had the benefit of a treaty their chiefs signed with the British in 1840, the Treaty of Waitangi. In contrast, many New Zealanders, including many Maori, were quite cynical, in the light of their experience, about what a treaty might achieve for Aborigines. As recently as 1983, the New Zealand Maori Council, the senior Maori representative body, established (like ATSIC) under an act of parliament, stated as follows: "In the treatment and handling of Maori claims the Treaty of Waitangi has been sadly denigrated. Unlike many other countries where treaties and the facts of prior occupation have been regarded by the Courts as proper sources of domestic law resulting in a body of court laws on treaty and indigenous rights, the New Zealand courts have consistently denied that the Treaty fo Waitangi forms part of our domestic law or that such sources of law could exist.