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The-Economic-Structure-Of-Intellectual-Property-Law.Pdf The Economic Structure of Intellectual Property Law The Economic Structure of Intellectual Property Law William M. Landes Richard A. Posner The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press Cambridge, Massachusetts, and London, England 2003 Copyright © 2003 by the President and Fellows of Harvard College All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Landes, William M. The economic structure of intellectual property law / William M. Landes, Richard A. Posner. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-674-01204-6 1. Intellectual property—United States. 2. Intellectual property—Economic aspects. I. Posner, Richard A. II. Title. KF2979.L36 2003 346.7304′8—dc21 2003050882 Contents Introduction 1 1 The Economic Theory of Property 11 2 How to Think about Copyright 37 3 A Formal Model of Copyright 71 4 Basic Copyright Doctrines 85 5 Copyright in Unpublished Works 124 6 Fair Use, Parody, and Burlesque 147 7 The Economics of Trademark Law 166 8 The Optimal Duration of Copyrights and Trademarks 210 9 The Legal Protection of Postmodern Art 254 10 Moral Rights and the Visual Artists Rights Act 270 11 The Economics of Patent Law 294 12 The Patent Court: A Statistical Evaluation 334 13 The Economics of Trade Secrecy Law 354 14 Antitrust and Intellectual Property 372 15 The Political Economy of Intellectual Property Law 403 vi Contents Conclusion 420 Acknowledgments 425 Case Index 427 Author Index 430 Subject Index 435 Introduction Awareness that intellectual property raises distinctive economic issues long predates the modern law and economics movement. By “intellectual prop- erty” we mean ideas, inventions, discoveries, symbols, images, expressive works (verbal, visual, musical, theatrical), or in short any potentially valu- able human product (broadly, “information”) that has an existence separable from a unique physical embodiment, whether or not the product has actually been “propertized,” that is, brought under a legal regime of property rights. Intellectual property as we are defining it is ancient in origin; trademarks in their approximate modern sense, as indicators of the source of traded goods, were in common use in ancient Rome.1 Even the “modern” idea that proper- tizing intellectual property may be necessary if there are to be adequate in- centives to create it dates back to the Middle Ages. The landmarks in its history include the Venetian Patent Act of 1474, the English Statute of Mo- nopolies of 1624, the petition of the English Stationers’ Company to Parlia- ment in 1643,2 the Statute of Anne (the English Copyright Act of 1710),3 the patent and copyright clause of the U.S. Constitution of 1787,4 the U.S. patent and copyright statutes of 1790, and the French Patent Act of 1791. Economic analysis of intellectual property can be dated to brief discussions by Smith, Bentham, Mill, and other classical economists and by early twenti- eth-century economists such as Pigou, Taussig—and perhaps most notably 1. See Abraham S. Greenberg, “The Ancient Lineage of Trade-Marks,” 33 Journal of the Pat- ent Office Society 876, 879–880 (1951). 2. See Arnold Plant, “The Economic Aspects of Copyright in Books,” in Plant, Selected Eco- nomic Essays and Addresses 57, 65–67 (1974 [1934]). 3. 1709 according to the calendar then in use; 1710 according to the modern calendar. See Lyman Ray Patterson, Copyright in Historical Perspective 3 (1968). 4. Authorizing Congress to “promote the Progress of Science and Useful Arts, by securing for limited Times to Authors and Inventors the exclusive Right to their respective Writings and Discoveries.” U.S. Const., art. I, § 8, cl. 8. 1 2 The Economic Structure of Intellectual Property Law Arnold Plant, who published pathbreaking articles on patents and copyrights in the 1930s.5 But it was not until the 1970s that sustained publication of economic anal- yses of the various forms of intellectual property began. Since then the litera- ture has ballooned.6 This is a reflection of the growth of economic analysis of law generally, the growing importance of intellectual property in the national and world economy, and a powerful movement, again both national and in- ternational, for expanded rights over such property; this movement has re- sulted in a number of legislative, executive, and judicial initiatives discussed in this book. Throughout the 1970s and well into the 1980s (and in some quar- ters into the 1990s),7 there was a widespread belief in the United States that the nation was in decline, that it was being outcompeted by other nations, particularly Japan, and that the decline could be halted only by a renewed emphasis on technological innovation as a stimulus to economic growth. An era of rapid legal change began in 1976 with a major overhaul of the copy- right law by Congress. Of particular significance for judicial policy was the creation in 1982 of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Federal Circuit, which was given a monopoly of appeals in patent cases. Here are some of the fruits of the new emphasis on technological innova- tion and the growing enthusiasm for intellectual property rights generally. Between 1985 and 2001 the annual number of patents issued by the U.S. Patent and Trademark Office increased from 111,000 to 269,000.8 Over the same period the percentage of federal civil cases involving disputes over intel- lectual property doubled.9 Between 1980 and 2001 membership in the Intel- lectual Property Section of the American Bar Association grew from 5,526 to 21,670—and the growth in just the last five years of that period was 39 per- cent, exceeding all categories other than the closely related “Science and 5. See Plant, note 2 above, and Plant, “The Economic Theory concerning Patents for Inven- tions,” in id. at 35. See generally Gillian K. Hadfield, “The Economics of Copyright: An Histori- cal Perspective,” 38 Copyright Law Symposium 1 (1992). 6. For a useful survey, see Peter S. Menell, “Intellectual Property: General Theories,” in Ency- clopedia of Law and Economics, vol. 2: Civil Law and Economics 129, 130–156 (Boudewijn Bouckaert and Gerrit De Geest eds. 2000). 7. See, for example, Lester Thurow, Head to Head: The Coming Economic Battle among Ja- pan, Europe, and America (1992). 8. See U.S. Patent and Trademark Office, “U.S. Patent Activity 1790–Present,” http://www. uspto.gov/web/offices/ac/ido/oeip/taf/reports.htm (utility patents only, granted to U.S. residents only). The rate of growth in the number of trademarks and copyrights is similar. For more de- tailed patent statistics (also limited, however, to utility patents issued to U.S. residents), see Ta- ble 12.2 in Chapter 12, and for copyright statistics, see Figure 8.2 in Chapter 8. 9. “United States District Courts—National Judicial Caseload Profile,” in Administrative Office of the U.S. Courts, Federal Court Management Statistics (1974–2000). Introduction3 Technology.” The number of law journals specializing in intellectual prop- erty, technology, and art has risen from two in 1980 to twenty-six today, and while in 1981 the University of Chicago Law School offered seven courses or seminars in tax and one in intellectual property, the ratio is now five to five.10 Economic journals published five articles in 1982 whose titles contained terms indicating intellectual property and 235 in 2000.11 Between 1980 and 2000 the average annual growth rate of scientific and engineering employ- ment in the United States was 4.9 percent, more than four times the overall annual growth rate in employment,12 while between 1983 and 2000 the number of persons employed as authors rose at an annual rate of 8.7 percent and as designers at an annual rate of 9.2 percent.13 And between 1987 and 1999, a period of only twelve years, annual U.S. receipts from foreign trade in intellectual property rose from $10 billion to $36.5 billion, versus U.S. payments to foreign owners of intellectual property in 1999 of only $13 bil- lion.14 The figure of $36.5 billion may seem meager in light of frequent claims that intellectual property is America’s biggest export. U.S. exports of high- technology products such as computers and electronic equipment amounted in 1998 to $190 billion out of total exports of $690 billion15 (28 percent) and exports of copyright-based industries including films and computer soft- ware were $89 billion in 2001.16 But of course these figures include a great deal of hardware (such as computers and CDs) as well as the intellectual property that is embodied in or sold with the hardware. Nevertheless it is ap- parent that intellectual property is a large and growing part of the U.S. econ- omy in general and of U.S. foreign trade in particular. Our own collaborative work on intellectual property began in the mid- 1980s, with articles on the economics of trademark law and copyright law, at 10. University of Chicago Law School, Announcements (1981–2001). 11. Computed from OCLC FirstSearch: Advanced Search for “Intellectual Property,” “Copyright,” “Patent,” and “Trademark,” in EconLit., http://newfirstsearch.oclc.org (visited Aug. 12, 2002). 12. See National Science Foundation, “Science and Engineering Workforce: Profile of the U.S. S&E Workforce,” http://www.nsf.gov/sbe/srs/seind02/c3/c3s1.htm. 13. U.S. Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States: 2000, at 416, tab. 669. 14. National Science Foundation, “Science and Engineering Indicators: 2002,” tab. 6.1, http://www.nsf.gov/sbe/srs/seind02/append/c6/at06-01.xls; National Science Foundation, “In- dustry, Technology and the Global Marketplace: U.S. Technology in the Marketplace,” tab.
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