Just War Tradition and NATO's Libya Campaign: Western Imperialism Or the Moral High Ground?
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The Crisis in Libya
APRIL 2011 ISSUE BRIEF # 28 THE CRISIS IN LIBYA Ajish P Joy Introduction Libya, in the throes of a civil war, now represents the ugly facet of the much-hyped Arab Spring. The country, located in North Africa, shares its borders with the two leading Arab-Spring states, Egypt and Tunisia, along with Sudan, Tunisia, Chad, Niger and Algeria. It is also not too far from Europe. Italy lies to its north just across the Mediterranean. With an area of 1.8 million sq km, Libya is the fourth largest country in Africa, yet its population is only about 6.4 million, one of the lowest in the continent. Libya has nearly 42 billion barrels of oil in proven reserves, the ninth largest in the world. With a reasonably good per capita income of $14000, Libya also has the highest HDI (Human Development Index) in the African continent. However, Libya’s unemployment rate is high at 30 percent, taking some sheen off its economic credentials. Libya, a Roman colony for several centuries, was conquered by the Arab forces in AD 647 during the Caliphate of Utman bin Affan. Following this, Libya was ruled by the Abbasids and the Shite Fatimids till the Ottoman Empire asserted its control in 1551. Ottoman rule lasted for nearly four centuries ending with the Ottoman defeat in the Italian-Ottoman war. Consequently, Italy assumed control of Libya under the Treaty of 1 Lausanne (1912). The Italians ruled till their defeat in the Second World War. The Libyan constitution was enacted in 1949 and two years later under Mohammed Idris (who declared himself as Libya’s first King), Libya became an independent state. -
Discussion Paper: Libya and R2P and Regime Change
Thinking About Libya, the Responsibility to Protect and Regime Change: A “Lessons Learned” Discussion Paper Robin Collins October, 2011 This discussion paper on the application of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine in Libya is intended to stimulate dialogue among members of the World Federalist Movement – Canada (WFMC) and other R2P advocates. We begin with the assumption that there was a real need for the international community to respond to the threats and behaviour of the Libyan government of Moammar Gaddafi. In the circumstances, the UN Security Council resolutions that followed Gaddafi‘s actions, resolutions 1970 and 1973, and then resolution 2009 which recognized the National Transitional Council after the fall of Gaddafi, were appropriate responses to the crisis. There was explicit reference to a responsibility to protect civilians and civilian areas. The International Criminal Court was referenced (in resolutions 1970, 1973 and 2009). There was demand for a ceasefire, to diplomatic channels being opened, to dialogue towards political reform (resolution1973), and to an arms embargo and freezing of assets. In resolution 1973 “all necessary measures” were authorized, as was a no-fly zone to protect Libyan civilians, including those in Benghazi. However, there were many rough edges and a fair amount of (intended?) ambiguity. These topics are important to explore so that we are clear about where mandates were followed, or violated. Our goal is to strengthen the R2P doctrine so that it becomes a reliable new normative framework for future international diplomacy and protection of civilians. The experience of application in Libya will impact future efforts by the United Nations to invoke R2P. -
“Seams” During Operations Odyssey Dawn and Unified Protector
Logistics Support “Seams” U.S. Air Force (Marc I. Lane) (Marc U.S. Air Force During Operations Odyssey Dawn and Unified Protector By W.A. BROWN and BRENT CORYELL Here’s the complexity of this operation—you have kinetic effects in one Geographic Combatant Command (GCC), generated out of another GCC, partnered with a coalition, with resources from a third GCC, then NATO reinforced by interna- tional partners [that are] not a part of NATO. —USEUCOM Chief of Staff, April 12, 2011 Rear Admiral W.A. Brown, SC, USN, served as the Director of the Logistics Directorate (J4), U.S. European Command (USEUCOM), during U.S. and North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) Libya operations. U.S. Airmen prepare B-1B Lancer in Lieutenant Colonel Brent Coryell, LG, USA, served as the Executive Officer of the Logistics Directorate (J4), support of Operation Odyssey Dawn USEUCOM, during U.S. and NATO Libya operations. ndupress.ndu.edu issue 68, 1 st quarter 2013 / JFQ 73 COMMENTARY | Logistics Support “Seams” he collective and collabora- and USAFRICOM operation centers carefully implications, leverage information-sharing tive efforts of U.S. European monitored events as international pressure technology with a broad array of organiza- Command (USEUCOM), U.S. mounted for action in support of the Libyan tions, and facilitate collaboration and full T Africa Command (USAF- insurgency. The decision to engage kinetically situational awareness of the activities of RICOM), and the North Atlantic Treaty took a relatively short time in political terms, logistics planners. One simple but key tool Organization (NATO) to support Operations particularly considering the complex political for efficient coordination among support Odyssey Dawn and Unified Protector from equities involved as well as the daunting oper- organizations was the use of Defense Connect March to October 2011 represented a remark- ational considerations. -
Moral Authority to Change Governments?
Moral Authority to Change Governments? O. Shawn Cupp, Ph.D., Kansas State University Professor William L. Knight, Jr., MBA, Baker University Assistant Professor US Army Command and General Staff College ATTN: Department of Logistics and Resource Operations (DLRO) Room 2173B 100 Stimson Avenue Fort Leavenworth, KS 66027 Voice: 913.684.2983 Fax: 913.684.2927 [email protected] [email protected] Authors’ Financial Disclosure – We have no conflict of interest, including direct or indirect financial interest that is included in the materials contained or related to the subject matter of this manuscript. Disclaimer: The views and conclusions expressed in the context of this document are those of the author developed in the freedom of expression, academic environment of the US Army Command and General Staff College. They do not reflect the official position of the US Government, Department of Defense, United States Department of the Army, or the US Army Command and General Staff College. ABSTRACT Moral Authority to Change Governments? by O. Shawn Cupp, Ph.D., (LTC, retired, US Army) and William L. Knight, Jr. (LTC, retired, US Army) There are numerous reasons in past conflicts for nations to engage in combat operations. Some reasons are tied to treaty responsibilities while others result in allied forces actions without formal written obligations. Some past conflicts were based upon unprovoked attacks like Pearl Harbor between Japan and the United States while conflicts that are more recent resulted in an intergovernmental organization stepping in such as the United Nations through the United Nations Security Council (UNSC). -
Libya: Unrest and U.S. Policy
Libya: Unrest and U.S. Policy Christopher M. Blanchard Acting Section Research Manager June 6, 2011 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL33142 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Libya: Unrest and U.S. Policy Summary Over 40 years ago, Muammar al Qadhafi led a revolt against the Libyan monarchy in the name of nationalism, self-determination, and popular sovereignty. Opposition groups citing the same principles are now revolting against Qadhafi to bring an end to the authoritarian political system he has controlled in Libya for the last four decades. The Libyan government’s use of force against civilians and opposition forces seeking Qadhafi’s overthrow sparked an international outcry and led the United Nations Security Council to adopt Resolution 1973, which authorizes “all necessary measures” to protect Libyan civilians. The United States military is participating in Operation Unified Protector, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) military operation to enforce the resolution. Qatar, the United Arab Emirates, Jordan and other partner governments also are participating. Qadhafi and his supporters have described the uprising as a foreign and Islamist conspiracy and are attempting to outlast their opponents. Qadhafi remains defiant amid coalition air strikes and defections. His forces continue to attack opposition-held areas. Some opposition figures have formed an Interim Transitional National Council (TNC), which claims to represent all areas of the country. They seek foreign political recognition and material support. Resolution 1973 calls for an immediate cease-fire and dialogue, declares a no-fly zone in Libyan airspace, and authorizes robust enforcement measures for the arms embargo on Libya established by Resolution 1970 of February 26. -
Libya's Other Battle | the Washington Institute
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 2295 Libya's Other Battle by Andrew Engel, Ayman Grada Jul 28, 2014 ABOUT THE AUTHORS Andrew Engel Andrew Engel, a former research assistant at The Washington Institute, recently received his master's degree in security studies at Georgetown University and currently works as an Africa analyst. Ayman Grada Ayman Grada is an independent political analyst and cofounder of Libyan Youth Voices. Brief Analysis The escalation in and around Tripoli holds troubling parallels with the tribal divisions that precipitated Libya's bloody 1936 civil war. ibya is a fractured country whose long-simmering violence is threatening to boil over. Internecine fighting L once mostly limited to Benghazi -- where Maj. Gen. Khalifa Haftar launched "Operation Dignity" against U.S.- designated terrorist group Ansar al-Sharia and other armed Islamists -- has now spread to Tripoli. The U.S. embassy was hurriedly evacuated on July 26, and foreign governments have urged their nationals to flee the country. The Tripoli fighting erupted on July 12, pitting largely Islamist militias from the Muslim Brotherhood stronghold of Misratah and their northwestern allies against well-equipped and trained nationalist brigades from Zintan. The latter factions -- the Qaaqaa, Sawaiq, and Madani Brigades -- are tribal and back the more secular-leaning political alliance, the National Forces Alliance (NFA), but ostensibly belong to the Libyan army. The Misratan and Islamist militias have since bombarded Tripoli International Airport, which has been held by Zintani forces since the revolution ended. This battle -- in which 90 percent of aircraft on the ground were destroyed, costing over $1.5 billion -- marks a dark turn for Libya, increasing the likelihood of the country repeating its brutal 1936 intertribal civil war. -
Violent Extremism and Insurgency in Libya: a Risk Assessment
VIOLENT EXTREMISM AND INSURGENCY IN LIBYA: A RISK ASSESSMENT JULY 1, 2013 This publication was produced for review by the United States Agency for International Development. It was prepared by Guilain Denoeux, Management Systems International. VIOLENT EXTREMISM AND INSURGENCY IN LIBYA: A RISK ASSESSMENT Contracted under AID-OAA-TO-11-00051 Democracy and Governance and Peace and Security in the Asia and Middle East This paper was written by Dr. Guilain Denoeux, Professor of Government at Colby College and Senior Associate at Management Systems International. Dr. Denoeux is an expert on the comparative politics of the Middle East, democratization and violent extremism, and co-authored (with Dr. Lynn Carter) the USAID Guide to the Drivers of Violent Extremism (2009). DISCLAIMER The author’s views expressed in this publication do not necessarily reflect the views of the United States Agency for International Development or the United States Government. CONTENTS Acronyms .................................................................................................................................... i Map ........................................................................................................................................... iii Executive Summary....................................................................................................................1 INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................... 4 Spring 2012-Spring 2013 VE Highlights -
Command and Control in Africa: Three Case Studies Before and After
Views Command and Control in Africa Three Case Studies before and after Tactical C2 Maj Damon Matlock, USAF Maj Jonathan Gaustad, USAF Maj Jason Scott, Georgia ANG Capt Danielle J. Bales, USAF frica provides a unique context to study the role of the United States in coalition command and control (C2) systems. The Air Force’s tactical C2 is not well understood outside the platforms Athat supply the capability despite its importance to mission success. This article highlights modern-day tactical C2 of airpower by using three recent examples in US Africa Command (AFRICOM). The Joint Surveillance Target Attack Radar System (JSTARS) was the common tactical C2 thread throughout the operations and thus offers a good lens through which to study AFRICOM’s C2 writ large. In particular, these operations in Africa have gone largely undocu- mented since 2011, and properly employed C2 is often treated as an af- terthought or a given. The study of examples from Africa is ideal for demonstrating the value of C2 in a wide spectrum of operations. Libya provides conventional C2 battle employment. Additional examples em- phasize flexibility and utility of C2 in nontraditional means. These case studies prove the critical nature of tactical C2. Libya Operations: Odyssey Dawn and Unified Protector Arguably the most decisive factor in modern airpower is the ability to move rapidly and efficiently to any locale in the world and conduct effective operations. When we do so, we use portable C2 platforms as Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed or implied in the Journal are those of the authors and should not be construed as carry- ing the official sanction of the Department of Defense, Air Force, Air Education and Training Command, Air University, or other agencies or departments of the US government. -
The Italian Approach to Libya
Études de l’Ifri "PLAYING WITH MOLECULES" The Italian Approach to Libya Aldo LIGA April 2018 Turkey/Middle East Program The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental, non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. ISBN: 978-2-36567-861-2 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2018 Cover: “A scratched map of Libya hanging on the walls inside a reception centre for unaccompanied and separated migrant and refugee minors in Western Sicily”. © Aldo Liga. How to quote this document: Aldo Liga, “‘Playing with Molecules’: The Italian Approach to Libya”, Études de l’Ifri, Ifri, April 2018. Ifri 27 rue de la Procession 75740 Paris Cedex 15 – FRANCE Tel.: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00 – Fax: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Email: [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Author Aldo Liga is a freelance analyst on Middle East and North Africa issues and energy. He works for a Swiss-NGO which implements assessment, monitoring & evaluation and organisational capacity-building programmes. He holds a MA in International Security from Sciences Po Paris and a BA in Political Science from the “Cesare Alfieri” School of Political Sciences of Florence. -
Operation Odyssey Dawn (Libya): Background and Issues for Congress
Operation Odyssey Dawn (Libya): Background and Issues for Congress Jeremiah Gertler, Coordinator Specialist in Military Aviation March 30, 2011 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R41725 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Operation Odyssey Dawn (Libya): Background and Issues for Congress Summary This report provides an overview of military operations in Libya under U.S. command from March 19 to March 29, 2011, and the most recent developments with respect to the transfer of command of military operations from the United States to NATO on March 30. The ongoing uprising in Libya against the government of Muammar al Qadhafi has been the subject of evolving domestic and international debate about potential international military intervention, including the proposed establishment of a no-fly zone over Libya. On March 17, 2011, the United Nations Security Council adopted Resolution 1973, establishing a no-fly zone in Libyan airspace, authorizing robust enforcement measures for the arms embargo established by Resolution 1970, and authorizing member states “to take all necessary measures … to protect civilians and civilian populated areas under threat of attack in the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, including Benghazi, while excluding a foreign occupation force of any form on any part of Libyan territory.” In response, the United States established Operation Odyssey Dawn, the U.S. contribution to a multilateral military effort to enforce a no-fly zone and protect civilians in Libya. Military operations under Odyssey Dawn commenced on March 19, 2011. U.S. and coalition forces quickly established command of the air over Libya’s major cities, destroying portions of the Libyan air defense network and attacking pro-Qadhafi forces deemed to pose a threat to civilian populations. -
Libya: Unrest and U.S
Libya: Unrest and U.S. Policy Christopher M. Blanchard Analyst in Middle Eastern Affairs September 9, 2011 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL33142 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Libya: Unrest and U.S. Policy Summary Muammar al Qadhafi’s 40 years of authoritarian rule in Libya have effectively come to an end. The armed uprising that began in February 2011 has reached a turning point, and opposition forces now control the capital city, Tripoli, in addition to the eastern and western areas of the country. Most observers doubt the rebel gains are reversible. However, the coastal city of Sirte and some parts of central and southern Libya remain contested, and, isolated groups of pro- Qadhafi forces remain capable of armed resistance. The U.S. military continues to participate in Operation Unified Protector, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) military operation to enforce United Nations Security Council Resolution 1973, which authorizes “all necessary measures” to protect Libyan civilians. As of September 9, Muammar al Qadhafi had not been located or detained, and opposition Transitional National Council (TNC) leaders are urging their forces to exercise restraint and caution so that Qadhafi, his family members, and key regime officials may be captured alive, formally charged, and put to trial. The Libyan people, their interim Transitional National Council, and the international community are shifting their attention from the immediate struggle with the remnants of Qadhafi’s regime to the longer-term challenges of establishing and maintaining security, preventing criminality and reprisals, restarting Libya’s economy, and beginning a political transition. -
China's Engagement in the Libyan Civil War As A
ISSN 2057-1461 LSE Global South Unit When the outcome of the civil war became foreseeable, Beijing nevertheless maintained an ambiguous stance on the NTC’s legitimacy. Even after Russia had recognized the NTC as the WORKING PAPER SERIES sole legitimate authority in Libya following the US, UK and France, Beijing asseverated that China’s recognition of the legitimacy of the rebel government in Tripoli should only be forthcoming after conditions had matured. China did not recognise the NTC’s legitimacy until 12 September, once conditions suciently mature in Beijing’s eyes had been forthcoming. In the communication that informed the NTC of China’s decision to recognise its legitimacy, Beijing declared that China respects the choice of the Libyan people, highly values NTC’s important position and role (in Libya), and wishes to maintain contact with it. It also conrmed that China hopes the new regime will continue to honour the contracts China signed with Gadda and will actually put them into practice. As the last member of the UN Security Council to recognise their legitimacy, of course the heads of the NTC were glad to hear of China’s decision and welcomed its participation in Libya’s reconstruction (Chinese Foreign Aairs Ministry, 2011). e rebels broadcast mixed signals, however, on China’s role in Libya in the post-civil war period. Abdul Haz Ghoga, then vice-president of the NTC, said he hoped China would play a role in Libya’s reconstruction and praised China-Libya cooperation. After the 42-year rule of Gadda, Libya needs China more than ever, Ghoga added (Li Zhi, 2011).